NEWSLETTER, FERNAND BRAUDEL CENTER No. 16 Activities, 1991-92 August, 1992 I. Post-Doctoral Training and Research Program: The Fernand Braudel Center announces the launching in September 1993 of a new post-doctoral training and research program whose focus will be "The Historical Social Sciences--Beyond Multidisciplinarity Towards Unidisciplinarity." We describe first the intellectual assumptions behind the program and then the structure of the actual program. (a) The Intellectual Problem What we today consider the various "disciplines" in the historical social sciences were all created, or at least institutionalized, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Indeed, the very idea that there was a subject matter "social sciences" that was somehow and somewhere "in-between" the hard (or natural) sciences on the one hand and philosophy, literature, and the arts (the humanities) on the other hand was itself an invention of nineteenth-century thought. In a sense, the development of history and the social sciences since circa 1850 was one long effort to distinguish this area of knowledge from the sciences and from the humanities. On the one hand, the distinction from the humanities lay in the assertion that the human sciences were not an activity of the imagination or of pure reason, however insightful or correct that might be, but rather a description of the empirically real. This is captured in the famous motto of Ranke, that the historian should write history "wie es eigentlich gewesen ist" ("as it really happened"). Thus, vis-…-vis the humanities, this was an assertion that social reality could be objectively and accurately described and analyzed. On the other hand, there was the continuing attempt to establish the distinctiveness of the human from the natural on the argument that human beings are self-conscious and therefore not subject, or less subject, to objective determination. The researcher- subject was himself part of the social object being studied, and hence "involved" in the object. The human sciences could not be "cold," in the manner of physics. Obviously, in the attempt of social sciences to situate itself between two "extremes," it was possible for particular social scientists to place themselves at different points of a continuum. This was the basis of the so-called great epistemological debate within the historical social sciences, the Methodenstreit, which was between the "nomothetists" and the "idiographers." The nomothetists were those closer to the natural scientists. They argued that the only difference between the natural sciences and the social sciences was the "backwardness" of the techniques of the latter. The social sciences needed simply to catch up to and emulate the natural sciences. The idiographers were those nearest to the humanities. While they were describing the real and not the imagined, it was nonetheless the case that everything that was real was also unique, therefore subject to no generalized rules. All the scholar could do in describing the real was to evoke it empathetically. This nomothetic-idiographic tension within the historical social sciences, as the historical social sciences tried to situate themselves between the natural sciences and the humanities, was reflected in the organizational structure of the social sciences as it came into being. But it was not the only element that determined this organizational structure. There was one other, which derived from the dominant liberal ideology of the nineteenth-century world-system. This was the prescriptive, and therefore descriptive, division of the world into three assertedly autonomous arenas of action: the economic, the political, and the socio-cultural. The economic was thought to be centered around the market and the political around the State. The socio-cultural, consequently, included everything that did not fall under the one or the other rubric, and was in this sense a residual category. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there took form in the university systems of Europe and North America three separate "disciplines" representing these three arenas--economics, political science, and sociology. Each eventually proclaimed itself a nomothetic discipline, therefore universalizing in its efforts. But precisely because these disciplines sought to be scientific and universalizing, they could afford to and were simultaneously obliged to concentrate their research on where the "hardest" data could be obtained, that is, on the contemporary situation in the core countries of the world-system. History developed in contrast as the study of the idiographic, and the particular. But since it was supposed to be not literature nor even philosophy but the description of reality, it needed solid data as well, which it found, at least at first, in archival sources (primary documents). This meant that geographically history, too, concentrated on core countries (where archives were most likely to exist) but on the past, and not on the contemporary, since archives were available only for the past. Furthermore, the researcher was though to be more psychically neutral (less biased) concerning the past as opposed to the present. This neat division of labor worked well but applied only to the core countries. For the rest of the world, two further disciplines emerged. The nineteenth century was also the period of extensive colonization in which European peoples found themselves in contact with, and in authority over, so-called primitive peoples, "peoples without history." These peoples affected strange customs, spoke strange languages, and certainly possessed no archives. The four disciplines noted above had no way of approaching their study. Anthropology came into existence to do this. Since the peoples were "primitive," it was considered that they had not yet divided their action into the three arenas. The anthropologist thus sought to be holistic and study everything about his people (ethnography). Since these people "had no history," they could be studied and described in the contemporary mode (the famous "ethnographic present"), but they had to be studied in their particularity. Anthropology as a discipline has wavered between a majority of idiographers and a minority of nomothetists (who, at least until about 1945, tended to restrict their efforts to the analysis of the successive stages of human existence in the manner of the philosophy of history). There was finally a third geographic zone in the world--neither the (extended) European core, nor "peoples without history," but the zone of high (but non-European) cultures: China, India, Persia, the Arab-Muslim world, Mesopotamia, ancient Egypt, etc. For this zone, Orientalism came into existence. Orientalists did not study peoples without history, but peoples whose history was somehow frozen and who had never reached "modernity." There were few archives but many "texts," which could be deciphered philologically. This required a very long and intensive linguistic training and a style of work that was very close to that of the traditional humanistic scholar. The institutionalization of these six principal disciplines of the historical social sciences took these principal forms in the period 1850-1960: (a) the creation of university chairs, departments, and separate diplomas for the students; (b) the creation of inter- university disciplinary structures: specialized reviews, and national (and later international) scholarly associations; (c) specialized libraries, library collections, and library classifications. This was a steady process that took a century to put in place and was not finally in place worldwide until perhaps circa 1960, although it was already in place in Europe and North America by 1914. There were from the beginning dissident currents who were uncomfortable with this increasingly entrenched hardening of the separate "disciplines" that were collectively the domain of "social science." In Germany, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, there was a strong attempt to resist this atomization in the concept of Staatswissenschaft, which ultimately came apart after 1918. In France, there were attempts to create a renewed synthesis of the subject matter: Henri Berr, Simiand, and most notably the Annales. In the United States, there was "institutional economics." After the Second World War, there began to be further unease with the institutionalized separation of the social science "disciplines." There were two significant developments that sought to rectify the situation. One was the call for "multidisciplinarity." Multidisciplinarity was the concept that concrete intellectual problems could best be resolved by bringing to bear the combined work of multiple scholars, each approaching the problem from the perspective of a different discipline. This idea has come to be more and more in vogue. The second concept was invented in the United States. It was "area studies." Area studies was an updating, combining, and significant revision of the holistic approaches of anthropology and Orientalism to the study of non-Western zones. Area studies involved the multidisciplinary study of a "region" of the world, with an emphasis on linguistic knowledge (but of contemporary languages). Unlike traditional ethnography and Orientalism, area studies presumed that these areas had a living history and were amenable to nomothetic analysis. But like anthropology and Orientalism, area studies presumed the need for immersion by a Western scholar in a "strange" culture as well as for repeated "fieldwork." Area studies sought in addition to be simultaneously the study of the present and the past. In the wake of the social turmoil of the 1960's, an idea analogous to "area studies" emerged to study "forgotten" aspects of life even in the core countries. This included women's studies, which has now become a major rubric in many universities, what may be called generically ethnic studies (Black studies, Judaic studies, etc.) and, as the most recent intellectual expansion, the study of other kinds of minorities (e.g., gay and lesbian studies). Obviously, all these post-1945 developments have had the effect of questioning the sharp compartmentalization of the social sciences that seemed a solid reality in 1945. But they have done it under the rubric of "multi"-disciplinarity, and this rubric, while synthesizing in spirit, also reinforced in fact the so- called disciplines. For if one is called upon to bring together many disciplines, one is led to believe that each discipline has something different to say. Multidisciplinarity in fact relegitimized the disciplinary distinctions. There are two other developments which one can date only from the 1970's which has been more corrosive of the disciplinary organization. One is the spread of the theme of post-modernism and deconstruction. This has taken many forms, but the heart of the argument is a criticism of universalism as applied to the historical social sciences. The criticism has not only attacked the theory and methodology of the past 125 years, but has also attacked the very form of the historical social sciences, in effect reappropriating forms utilized in literature and the arts. In this way, post-modernism and deconstruction have sought to break down the barrier, constructed only in the nineteenth century, between the social science and the humanities. As if this were not enough, a revolution in the natural sciences and mathematics (the so-called "new science") is promising to break down the barrier between the natural and the social sciences. Now, of course the nomothetic social scientists had always wanted to break down this barrier, but by having social sciences emulate the natural sciences. What the new science argues is precisely the opposite. It is arguing in effect that natural science is like social science. The new science has taken many forms --the study of non-linear processes resulting in bifurcations and "chaos," the concepts of fractals in mathematics,, neo-connectionism in biology, etc. The heart of the newness is in four ways of questioning traditional Baconian-Newtonian-Cartesian science (the model of the nomothetist): (1) prediction is intrinsically impossible; (2) precision is an unrealizable goal; (3) the object of science is not to simplify but to explain complexity; (4) there is an arrow of time which transforms all matter and is uneliminable from analysis. The intellectual developments of the period 1960- 1990 have severely, possibly fatally, undermined the logic of the construction of social science and its division into specified "disciplines" that was erected in the period 1850-1960. Whereas, in 1960, those who were skeptical of the epistemological foundations of social science were a marginal group on the world scene, they now number a substantial proportion of scholars in the field. There no longer exists a basic consensus. It is not that there are no defenders of the old schema. They are there, and are even quite vigorous in its defense. But they no longer command an automatic dominance of the intellectual world. Indeed, they are by and large on the defensive. Having said this, it must equally be said that the critics of the old schema have been more effective in their negation than in proposing a viable alternative epistemology and organigram for a reorganized and reunified single discipline which we may tentatively call the "historical social sciences." Nor have they really faced up to the issue of whether such a reunified social science can continue to present itself as a "third" branch of knowledge "in between" the natural sciences and the humanities. It is to the absence of a developed, positive construction of an alternative epistemology and organigram that this program is addressed, and this under the rubric of "unidisciplinarity." That is, the basic assumption is that what is needed now is somehow to create, intellectually and eventually organizationally over the next century, a unidisciplinary construct, to which we shall provisionally give the awkward designation of "historical social sciences," one that will include and expand the problematics and methodologies of the multiple existing separate disciplines. Obviously, such a reunification will in turn necessitate establishing a new internal division of labor whose details are hard to anticipate at this time. (b) The Training and Research Program The program is sponsored jointly by the Fernand Braudel Center and the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme. It will initially be for three years, with a new cohort each year. We formally invite applicants as of now for the 1993-94 program. The conditions are as follows: Qualifications: There will be between 3 and 10 participants in each cohort. Applicants must have a completed Ph.D. or doctorat nouveau r‚gime (or equivalent) before the commencement of the program. The degree may be in any of the historical social sciences, broadly defined. Age 25-40. Linguistic skills: at least reading knowledge of English and French; further languages a plus. There will be a great effort to ensure a geographical mix of the participants in any given year-- some from OECD countries (North America, western Europe, Japan) and some from the rest of the world (Latin America, Africa, Asia, east-central Europe and C.I.S.). All applicants should send a letter to the Fernand Braudel Center arriving by December 1, 1992. The letter should contain a curriculum vitae plus a statement of intellectual interests, specifically addressing why the applicant feels qualified to participate in this particular program. At least one piece of writing should be submitted (preferably one relevant to the program). The application may be in English or French. Program: Fellows will be expected to be in Binghamton from late August to late December 1993, and then in Paris from January to May/June 1994. Fellows will devote themselves entirely to the Training and Research Program during its course. They will be expected to participate in two principal activities: (i) A weekly seminar, with structured discussion based on common readings and invited speakers focusing on the historical evolution and organizational structure of the historical social sciences. (ii) A collective research program, focusing on a particular topic of large epistemological and organizational import. The topic for 1993-94 will be: "Nomothetic vs. Idiographic Disciplines: A False Dilemma?" This research program will require a second weekly meeting, and it is expected that the Fellows will produce an integrated book by the end of the program. Financial arrangements. Fellowships will be $25,000 per annum. Fellows will be expected to pay for their transportation, although in cases of hardship there may be a small supplement. A flyer is enclosed with this Bulletin. Kindly post it in an appropriate place for potential applicants. II. Research Working Groups (a) Comparative Hegemonies RWG The work of this group is meant to parallel and complement the work of the Trajectory RWG (see section b). We are trying, one, to identify analogies between the current and previous hegemonic transitions and to suggest what is anomalous in the current transition in comparison with previous transitions; and, two, to frame the implications for the future of the world-system over the next 50 years or so of the analogies/anomalies we can identify. The design of our research is in part derived from the definition of "world hegemony" as the leadership/governance, exercised by a particular group/community/organization (historically by the ruling groups of one [or more] particular state[s]) of a system of sovereign states. In all instances of world hegemony, this leadership/governance has been exercised through some control over: one, the use of violence in the interstate system; two, the supply of accepted means of payment to the governmental and business institutions of the world-economy; and, three, the principles, norms and rules that regulate the behavior of governments in their mutual relations and in their relations to subjects. When all three kinds of control are present to some degree and strengthen one another, we speak of a rising or stable state of hegemony. In contrast, when control in one or more of these spheres weakens (there are persistent competitors) and this weakening undermines control in the other spheres, we speak of a declining state of hegemony, which, given our conception of the capitalist world-economy, means a crisis of hegemony (i.e., of the system). Hegemonic transitions are defined as the "conjunction" of a rising and of a declining hegemony. They are periods of dualism/pluralism of power in the world-system. THe rising power of the would-be hegemon(s) tends to further undermine the already declining relational capabilities of the former hegemonic state to enforce established principles, norms and rules of (inter)governmental behavior, and "anarchy" in the interstate system (absence of a hegemonic center) tends to turn into "systemic chaos" (total and apparently irremediable lack of organization). The transition is completed when a new hegemon has acquired the strategic, financial and ideological capabilities necessary to establish and enforce a new set of principles, norms and rules of (inter)governmental behavior ("world order"). The processes through which a declining hegemony is undermined by the rise of new powers and a new state of hegemony is established by a new center after a more or less long period of systemic chaos, constitute the common subject-matter. What differentiates the individual activities from one another is not the object of analysis but the particular angle of vision from which the same processes of hegemonic transition(s) are examined. The research considers finance, trade and production, reproduction of everyday life, social conflict/cohesion, and incorporation and its limits. All the individual investigations have to ask the same four questions. 1. How was the world-system of accumulation and rule instituted at the beginning of the transition, as seen from the angle of geopolitics, high finance, etc.? This is the same as asking how world hegemony was operating before being challenged and disrupted. It is of course possible that in some particular sphere no leadership/governance was being exercised. If properly documented, this would in itself be an important point. 2. How did competing structures/regimes of accumulation and rule emerge within the hegemonic system? This question concerns the development of credible challenges to the established hegemony. There may be, and normally there have been, more than one credible challenger developing more or less simultaneously (historically speaking) in each hegemonic crisis/transition: at least France, besides England, in challenging Dutch centrality; at least Germany, besides the U.S., in challenging Britain's preminence. The bearer of a challenge in one sphere (e.g., geopolitics) may not be the bearer of a challenge in another sphere (e.g., trade and production). 3. How did the emergence of competing structures/regimes of rule and accumulation deepen the contradictions of the hegemonic system and transform system order towards systemic chaos? This question concern the destruction of the preceding order under the impact of (hegemonic) rivalry(ies). The previous question concerned the development of (hegemonic) rivalries in the form of alternative and competing projects of reorganizing the world- system of accumulation and rule--a system which, however, continued to operate by the old "rules of the game." This question, in contrast, concerns the apparently irremediable disorganization of the system brought about by the escalation of intra- and inter-state hegemonic struggles. Once again, struggle and chaos take different forms in different spheres, and in some spheres neither may be all that visible. 4. How did the new hegemony emerge out of the struggles and systemic chaos of the transition? If the previous question concerned the destruction of the old order, this question concerns the creation of the new order. Here one must examine both the configuration of forces that favored the victory of the new hegemon and the transformations in the strategies and organization of the latter that were brought about by the struggles and the chaos and had a bearing on the establishment of the new order. It is entirely possible that in some spheres the new hegemonic power "won no victory" or that its strategies and organization were not affected by the decline of the old order. (b) Trajectory RWG The work of this group has centered up to now around the construction of vectors of transformation between 1945 and 1990 in a series of specific fields, listed in alphabetical order: antisystemic movements, ecology, education, finance, food and nutrition, health, interstate organizations, interstate relationships (geopolitics), labor force, military, peasantries, religious institutions, science, state cohesion, transnational enterprises, women, world production loci. For each vector, the group is analyzing the pattern in two successive periods: 1945-1967/73, and 1967/73-1990, and comparing the two patterns. Each vector is being treated worldwide with a particular eye to differences between core, semiperipheral, and peripheral zones of the world-system. The group will then attempt to "put the vectors together" in order first, to delineate the overall picture of the trends between 1945-1990 and, secondly, to delineate the realistic alternative projections for the period 1990-2025. A particular focus of the entire analysis will be to seek to determine the degree to which 1967/73 marks a triple conjuncture of breakpoints (turn from A to B phases) in the world-system: (a) the breakpoint in a Kondratieff long wave (1945-1995?); (b) the breakpoint in U.S. hegemony in the world-system; (1873-2025?); (c) the breakpoint in the modern world-system (1450- 2100?). It is clear that the evidence is easier to assess for (a) than for (b) and for (b) than for (c), in part because the putative endpoints of each cycle is successively further into the future. The work of this group complements the work of the Comparative Hegemonies RWG in a very specific way. The Comparative Hegemonies Group is tracing the transitions from Dutch to British hegemony, and from British to U.S. hegemony. The Trajectory RWG is assessing the degree to which it is likely there will be a third such transition, from U.S. to ? hegemony, or not. (c) Other RWG's The Southern Africa, World Labor, and Commodity Chains groups are completing their work (see previous Bulletins). III. Conferences sponsored by the Fernand Braudel Center (a) XIIth International Colloquium on the World- Economy Co-sponsored as always by the Starnberger Institut and the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, the XIIth Colloquium will be held in Tokyo in 1993 on the theme "The Asian-Pacific Region in a Changing World- System." It will be hosted locally by the Japan Council on Foreign Relations. (b) Vth Biennial Conference on the Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy Jointly sponsored with the Southwest Asian & North African Studies Program (SWANA) of Binghamton University, the Vth Conference will be held at Binghamton on November 6-7 on the theme "Population and Nationalism During the Dissolution of an Empire: The Formation of Nation-States on the Ottoman Fringes." Speakers include Fikret Adanir (Bochum), Michael Herzfeld (Harvard), Rashid Khalidi (Chicago), Hassan Mahmoudi (Columbia), and Gale Stokes (Rice). (c) Humanistic Dilemmas: Translation in the Social Sciences This conference was held on September 26-28, 1991, co-sponsored with the Center for Research in Translation (CRIT) of Binghamton University. The program was listed in the previous bulletin. The conference attracted participants from many countries: Belgium, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Israel, Japan, Romania, and the United Kingdom. It was the first time ever (to our knowledge) that there was a conference on translation that did not focus either on literary or on scientific-technical translation, but rather on the social sciences and the humanities. It was reported at length in the Times (London) Educational Supplement of November 29, 1991. A major focus of the conference was on the (mis)translations of canonical texts, and their impact on scholarship. A book will appear. (d) Conference, L'Avenir des id‚ologies A conference will be held in Paris on March 9-13, 1993, co-sponsored by the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, on the theme "L'avenir des id‚ologies, les id‚ologies de l'avenir." It is being organized by Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein. The speakers, in addition to the organizers are: Pablo Gonz lez Casanova (Mexico), Andrei Fursov (Russia), Samir Amin (Egypt), Toni Negri (Italy), and Suzanne de Brunhoff, Marc Aug‚, Colette Guillaumin, and Pierre Bourdieu (all France). The conference will center around the question whether the three major ideologies inherited from the nineteenth century--conservatism, liberalism, and socialism--have or have not exhausted their historical role. And if so, will they be replaced by other ideological constructs in the twenty-first century, yet to be named and defined? IV. Other Conferences (a) XVIth Political Economy of the World-System (PEWS) Conference. It was held at Duke, April 16-18, 1992, on the theme "Commodity Chains and Global Capitalism." The Commodity Chains RWG presented a set of papers on its work under the title "Commodity Chains in the Capitalist World-Economy Prior to 1800." The papers are as follows: Terence K. Hopkins & "Commodity Chains: Immanuel Wallerstein Construct and Research" Eyp ™zveren "The Shipbuilding Commodity Chain, 1590-1790" Sheila Pelizzon "The Grain Flour Commodity Chain, 1590-1790" Terence K. Hopkins & "Conclusions About Immanuel Wallerstein Commodity Chains" This set will be published in Gary Gereffi and Miguel Korzeniewicz, eds., Commodity Chains and Global Capitalism (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1993). A xeroxed advance copy is available upon request. (b) XVIIth PEWS Conference This will be held on April 15-17, 1993 on the theme "Food and Agriculture Systems in the World-Economy." The subthemes are: (1) "Historical development of global agricultural and food systems." The historic role of agricultural and food systems in the construction of the international division of labor and the modern world-economy. (2) "The social and historical geography of world food systems." The implication of changing spatial relations of food production and consumption for cultures and states; the rise and/or demise of world-economy food regimes. (3) "Agrarian and food politics in the interstate system." The changing character, and role, of agrarian movements and food politics in the interstate system; the rise and/or demise of agrarian regimes in the world- economy. (4) "Agro-food ecologies and technologies in the world- economy." Technological change in agriculture and food systems, its interaction with agro-ecologies, and environmental implications. (5) "Agricultural regulation - national/international dimensions." The historic role of regulation/de- regulation of agricultural and food systems in the interstate system. Those wishing to offer papers should send a detailed abstract by December 1, 1992 to the organizer: Prof. Philip McMichael Dept. of Rural Sociology Warren Hall Cornell University Ithaca, NY 14853-7801 USA Bitnet: PDMX@CORNELLA FAX: 607-255-9984 Phone: 607-255-5495 (c) Conference, La historia a debate The Center has joined other organizations in co- sponsoring the Congreso Internacional "La Historia a Debate," which is being organized by the Departamento de Historia, Univ. de Santiago de Compostela, on July 7-13, 1993. This forms part of the 1993 A¤o santo compostelano, the Xacobeo 93. (d) Other conferences The Director delivered the following papers, all available upon request: "Liberalism and the Legitimation of Nation-States: An Historical Interpretation," at Conference in "Structural Change in the West," Conference IV: "Nation-States and the International Order," Emmanuel College, Cambridge, Sept. 4-6, 1991. "Capitalist Civilization," Wei Lun Visiting Professor Lectures, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Nov. 19, 21, 1991. "The TimeSpace of World-Systems Analysis: A Philosophical Essay," Distinguished Lecture in Historical Geography of Social Change, Association of American Geographers, San Diego, Apr. 19, 1992. V. Colloquium on Culture and the World-System Co-sponsored with the Institute of Global Cultural Studies, and co-chaired by Anthony King and Ali Mazrui, the Colloquium chose as its special theme for 1991-92 "Multiculturalism and Race Relations: Theory and Practice." The speakers were: Oct. 3, 1991 - Abdalla Bujra, Office of the Schweitzer Chair; previously, Council for the Development of Economic and Social Research in Africa, Senegal, "The Cultural Context of Social Science Development in Africa" Oct. 17, 1991 - Anthony C. Platt, Social Work, California State University, Sacramento, "Defending the Canon: What's Behind the Political Correctness Debate?" Oct. 24, 1991 - William V. Spanos, English and Comparative Literature, Binghamton University; Boundary 2, "Culture and Colonization: The Imperial Imperatives of the Centralized Circle" Nov. 4, 1991 - Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, English and Comparative Literature, Columbia University, "Teaching Multiculture" Dec. 5, 1991 - Bat-Ami Bar On, Women's Studies, Binghamton University, "Western Feminisms and the Multicultural Challenges" Jan. 23, 1992 - Abisi Sharakiya, Philosophy, Binghamton University, "Moral Relativism, Cultural Relativity, and Human Rights" Feb. 27, 1992 - Micere Mugo, Literature, Univ. of Zimbabwe; Visiting Professor, Africana Studies,Cornell University, "Politics and Literature in Africa" Mar. 12, 1992 - Kelvin Santiago-Valles, Sociology, LACAS, Binghamton University, " Racial Orders, Ordering the Races: Puerto Rico and the U.S. During the Early 20th Century" Apr. 20, 1992 - Sergey Ozhegov, Visiting Professor, College of Architecture, Art and Planning, Cornell University, "Soviet Architecture, Planning and Urban Development" VI. Publications (a) Review The contents of Vol. XV, 1992, were as follows: XV, 1, Winter 1992 THE "NEW SCIENCE" AND THE HISTORICAL SOCIAL SCIENCES Immanuel Wallerstein The Challenge of Maturity: Whither Social Science? Boaventura de Sousa Santos A Discourse on the Sciences Pauline Rosenau Modern and Post-Modern Science: Some Contrasts Isabelle Stengers Les ® nouvelles sciences Æ, modŠles ou d‚fi? Richard Lee Readings in the "New Science": A Selective Annotated Bibliography XV, 2, Spring 1992 Carlos Antonio Aguirre Rojas Between Marx and Braudel: Making History, Knowing History Giovanni Arrighi, 1989, The Continuation of 1968 Terence K. Hopkins & Immanuel Wallerstein Fernando Garc”a Arga¤ar s The Mechanisms of Accomodation: Bolivia, 1952-71 XV, 3, Summer 1992 COMPARING WORLD-SYSTEMS Christopher Chase-Dunn Special Editor Christopher Chase-Dunn The Comparative Study of World-Systems Jonathan Friedman General Historical and Culturally Specific Properties of Global Systems Randall Collins The Geopolitical and Economic World-Systems of Kinship- Based and Agrarian-Coercive Societies Patricia O'Brien The World-System of Cahokia within the Middle Mississippi Tradition Richard Blanton, Stephen The Mesoamerican World-System Kowalewski & Gary Feinman Steadman Upham, Gary Feinman New Perspectives on the Southwest and Highland & Linda Nicholas Mesoamerica: A Macroregional Approach Mitchell Allen The Mechanisms of Underdevelopment: An Ancient Mesopotamian Example John Fitzpatrick The Middle Kingdom, the Middle Sea, and the Geographical Pivot of History K.P. Moseley Caravel and Caravan: West Africa and the World- Economies, ca. 900- 1900 AD XV, 4, Fall 1992 Immanuel Wallerstein The West, Capitalism, and the Modern World-System Barry K. Gills & World System Cycles, Crises, and Hegemonial Shifts, Andre Gunder Frank 1700 B.C. to 1700 A.D. (b) Studies in Modern Capitalism This series, a joint enterprise with the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, will publish in the Fall of 1992 Joan Smith and Immanuel Wallerstein, coordinators, Creating and Transforming Households: The Constraints of the World-Economy. This volume is the fruit of the research by the Households, Labor Force Formation, and the World-Economy RWG. The table of contents of the book are: INTRODUCTION Immanuel Wallerstein and Joan Smith - "Households as an Institution of the World-Economy" UNITED STATES Kathie Friedman Kasaba - "Introduction" Kathleen Stanley and Joan Smith - "The Detroit Story: The Crucible of Fordism" Kathie Friedman Kasaba - "New York City: The Underside of the World's Capital" Randall H. McGuire and Cynthia Woodsong - "Binghamton: The Secrets of a Backwater" Maria del Carmen Baerga - "Puerto Rico: From Colony to Colony" MEXICO Lanny Thompson - "Introduction" Lanny Thompson - "Mexico City: The Slow Rise of Wage- Centered Households" Lanny Thompson - "Central Mexico: The Decline of Subsistence and the Rise of Poverty" SOUTHERN AFRICA Mark Beittel - "Introduction" Mark Beittel - "The Witwatersrand: Black Households, White Households" William G. Martin - "Lesotho: The Creation of the Households" CONCLUSION Immanuel Wallerstein and Joan Smith - "Core-periphery and Household Structures" Joan Smith, with Jamie Sudler - "A Postscript on Method" Bibliography (c) Other publications The joint project on southern Africa with the Centro de Estudos Africanos of the Univ. Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo has been published as Sergio Vieira, William G. Martin & Immanuel Wallerstein, coordinators, How Fast the Wind? Southern Africa, 1975-2000 by Africa World Press in 1991. A Portuguese translation is being prepared. The table of contents are: CHAPTER 1: SOUTHERN AFRICA AS OF 1975 Immanuel Wallerstein and Sergio Vieira - "Historical Development of the Region in the Context of the Evolving World-System" Alexandrino Jos‚ and Sergio Vieira - "1974-75, The Great Turning Point: The Consequences of Angolan and Mozambican Independence" CHAPTER 2: THE POLITICAL CRISIS AND THE ITS IMPACT ON THE REGION'S BASIC ECONOMIC STRUCTURE William G. Martin - "Southern Africa and the World- Economy: Regionality and Trade Regimes" Gottfried Wellmer - "Regional Labor Flows" Kavazeua Ngaruka - "Corporate Capital in Southern Africa" Ismael Valigy and Helmut Dora - "The Creation of SADCC and the Problem of Transport CHAPTER 3: Darryl Thomas and William G. Martin - "South Africa's Economic Trajectory: South African Crisis or World-Economic Crisis?" CHAPTER 4: Sergio Vieira and Thomas Ohlson, assisted by Gulamu Taju and Ana Xavier - "The Region as a Zone of Geostrategical Struggle" CHAPTER 5: EVOLVING CLASS-RACE STRATIFICATION IN THE REGION Immanuel Wallerstein - "Introduction to Issues of Class and Race" Emmett Schaefer - "Historical Development of Social Base of Class" Emmett Schaefer - "Historical Stratification by Race" CHAPTER 6: Robert Davies and William G. Martin - "Regional Prospects and Projects: What Futures for Southern Africa?" CHAPTER 7: Sergio Vieira and Immanuel Wallerstein - "Conclusion" Bibliography VII. Visiting Research Associates Dec. 1991 - Aug. 1992: Milan Popovic, docent, Law School, Podgorica, Montenegro Sept. 1991 - June 1992: Rafael Uriarte, Prof. of History, Universidad del Pa”s Vasco, Bilbao, Spain Oct. - Nov. 1991: Dag Tangen, Assoc. Prof., Norwegian School of Management, Sandvika, Norway Sept. 1991 - June 1992: Daniela Costanzo, Social Scientist, Universit… della Calabria, Italy Sept. - Oct. 1991: Fortunata Piselli, Prof. of Sociology, Universit… della Calabria, Italy VIII. Public Speakers Sept. 29, 1991 - Peter Gran, History, Temple Univ., "A Commentary on Giovanni Arrighi's Article, The Three Hegemonies of World Capitalism" Oct. 1, 1991 - Tatanya Mamonova, Russian feminist scholar, "The Situation of Women in Light of the Dissolution of the USSR," co-sponsored by Women's Studies, Sojourner Center, Center for Research on Social and Educational Equity, Decker School of Nursing, Harper College, SEHD Oct. 21, 1991 - Derrick A. Bell, Weld Professor of Law, Harvard University Law School, "The Real Roots of Racism," co-sponsored by The Dean of Arts and Sciences, Black Student Union (BSU), Law & Society Program, Anthropology Dept., Women's Studies Program, Educational Opportunity Program (EOP), Student Association, English Graduate Student Organization, School of Education & Human Development (SEHD), Off Campus College (OCC), Latin American & Caribbean Studies (LACAS), Office of the Schweitzer Chair, Caribbean Students Association Nov. 7, 1991 - videocassette showing of 1981 interview on French television of Fernand Braudel by Pierre Dumayet concerning his book Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century Nov. 21, 1991 - Susan Meiselas and Dick Rogers, filmmakers, screening and discussion of "Pictures from a Revolution," co-sponsored by Cinema, Women's Studies, LACAS, Harpur College, SGSO, HGSO, CLGSO, LASU Dec. 6, 1991 - Takeshi Hamashita, Prof. of History, Tokyo Univ. and Visiting Scholar, Cornell Univ., "The East Asian World: Reflections on the Nature of the World-System," co-sponsored by Sociology, Harpur College, East Asian & Management Studies Feb. 25, 1992 - Ben Anderson, Prof. of Government, Cornell Univ., "Pure Mix: Anomalies of Nationalism in the Philippines," co-sponsored by Sociology, History Mar. 12, 1992 - Luz Maria Umpierre, Prof. of Foreign Languages, SUNY-Brockport, Keynote presentation at the conference, "Contested Sexualities," sponsored by Lesbian and Gay Studies Coalition, co-sponsored by Affirmative Action, Black Student Union, Caucus of Women of Color, Comparative Literature Grads, Fernand Braudel Center, Gay Peoples' Union, Graduate History Society, HEARTS, Latin American and Caribbean Area Studies Program (LACAS), Latino Graduate Students Union, Lesbian Caucus, OCC, Palestinian Solidarity Committee, Philosophy grads, Psychology grads, Sociology Graduate Union, Women's Center, Women's Studies Dept., and Anonymous Affiliates Apr. 9, 1992 - William Roseberry, New School for Social Research, "The Global and the Local: Towards a Cultural and Historical Understanding of Peasantries," co-sponsored by Anthropology, Sociology, AGSO, SGSU Apr. 23, 1992 - Javier D”az Canseco, Senator of the disbanded Peruvian Senate and General Secretary of the Partido Unificado Mariateguista, "Peru Under Dictatorship," co-sponsored by Anthropology, Sociology, Schweitzer Chair, LACAS Apr. 29, 1992 - Milan Popoviž, Contemporary Politics, Law School, Podgorica, Montenegro and Visiting Research Associate, Fernand Braudel Center, "Janus- Faced Europe, or Yugoslav Disintegration in a World- System Perspective"