From spector@calumet.purdue.edu Tue Sep 1 10:08:21 1998 Date: Tue, 01 Sep 1998 11:09:33 -0500 From: Alan Spector Reply-To: spector@calumet.purdue.edu To: PROGRESSIVE SOCIOLOGISTS NETWORK , WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Pseudo-genetics and bad research methods Note: There has been discussion on both of these lists on the questions of genetics and behavior. I found these two posts on an e-mail list and thought they would be of interest to some readers ---- Alan Spector -------------------------------------------------------- ....-- there has been a refreshing new (non-chomskist) set of research arrticles on the aquisition of language, some of them reported in science in hte past year. pinker is not among them. it is too easy in these days of the human genome project for people not actually in molecular biology/ genetics to geneticize everything. it is particularly popular among psychologists, many of whom now invoke genes for all kinds of psychological traits. one of the few scientists trying to find genes for behavior that has any idea what he is doing is hammer, but his work is clouded by his own adgenda (homosexuality). in any case, little has changed in the last 30 years, and lewontin's objections still hold. all bouchard's studies really show is some insight (for those willing to look) at the way the human (and scientist's) mind works -- we see patterns, we connect what we see to what we already know. this is the reason "fortune telling" and astrology work. bouchard didn't notice all the things that were different among twins, he noticed the things that were the same, and when you look at enough of them, there are going to be some interesting similarities. if he looked at the same number of non twins, he would find the same kinds of "similarities".................... ------------- (other posting) ----------------- The Bouchard group's twin studies, heavily funded by the Pioneer Fund, is their big attempt to repair the damage done to the scientific racist project by Leon Kamin's exposure of Sir Cyril Burt fraudalent twin studies. For years, racists like Jensen and Eysenck relied on Burt's fabricated data to support their assertion that intelligence was largely inherited and that whites were more intelligent than blacks. If you get past the amusing anecdotes about twins reared apart who like to drink the same beer, it becomes clear that Bouchard is mostly interested in proving that intelligence is primarily due to genetic factors and not environment. (The Bouchard groups estimates the heritability of intelligence at 70 percent.) Secondarily, they also want to show that personality traits such as aggressiveness and impulsiveness are also mostly inherited. Discover magazine (September 1987)reported: "The Minnesota researchers ... stress, however, that if the environment does influence intellectual talents, the effect is subtle. Time after time in the Minnesota study, twins with very different schooling opportunities came out only a few points apart in intelligence." Leon Kamin, at one point, was talking about writing a book about the Minnesota twin studies research. It might be worthwhile trying to contact him about this. Bouchard has studied only about 50 pairs of identical twins reared apart, and his methods have already been criticized: *"Other twin researchers say the significance of these coincidences has been greatly exaggerated. Richard J. Rose of Indiana univerity, who is collaborating on a study of 16,000 pairs of twins in Finland, points out that 'if you bring together strangers who were born on the same day in the same country and ask them to find similarities between them, you may find a lot of seemingly astounding coincidences. "Rose's collaborator, Jaakko Kaprio of the University of Helsinki, notes that that Minnesota twin studies may also be biased by their selection method. Whereas he and Rose gather data by combing birth registries and sending questionnaires to those identified as twins, the Minnesota group relies heavily on media coverage to recruit new twins. The twins then come to Minnesota for a week of study -- and, often, further publicity. Twins who are 'interested in publicity and willing to support it,' Karprio says, may be atypical. This self-selection effect, he adds, may explain why the Bouchard group's estimates of heritability tend to be higher than those of other studies." (Scientific American, June 1993) * "In his investigation of other twin studies, Kamin has shown that identical twins supposedly raised apart are often raised by members of their family or by unrelated families in the same neighborhood; some twins had extensive contact with each other while growing up. Kamin suspects the same may be true of some Minnesota twins. He notes, for example, that some news accounts suggested Oskar and Jack (the Nazi and the Jew) and the two British women wearing seven rigns were reunited for the first time when they arrived in Minnesota to be studied by Bouchard. Actually, both pairs of twins had met previously. Kamin has repeatedly asked the Minnesota group for detailed case histories of its twins to determine whether it has underestimated contact and similarities in upbringing. 'They've never responded.' he says. "Kamin proposes that the Minnesota twins have particularly strong motives to downplay previous contacts and to exaggerate their similarities. They might want to please researchers, to attract more attention from the media or even to make money. In fact, some twins acquired agents and were paid for appearances on television. Jack and Oskar recently sold their life story to a film producer in Lost Angeles (who says Robert Duvall is interested in the roles)." (ibid) * "Raymond Fancher's excellent book The Intelligence Men details much of this history, including studies of identical twins reared apart. These began in the early 1930's when Ed and Fred discovered one another in Chicago. Ed and Fred had been separated at the age of six months. They became the first of 19 such pairs examined by three Chicago scientists, Horatio Newman, Frank Freeman, and Karl Holzinger. Newman, Freeman, and Holzinger recognized serious problems when they tried to determine how much genetics influenced intelligence. Among the difficulties were that adoption agencies tried to place twins in similar homes, so environments often were not so different. Also, some of the twin had more contact with one another before they were tested than others. Those who had communicated more tended to overemphasize the coincidences in their lives to make their story more interesting. For those and other reasons Newman, Freeman and Holzinger concluded in 1937 that the most they could say was that both genetics and environment contributed to intelligence." (The New Republic, 12/21/87) Bouchard likes to pretend that his research is not politically motivated and that his conclusions have no political effects. Others don't quite see it that way (including, of course, the Pioneer Fund). When Lee Kuan Yew, prime minister of Singapore, delivered a 1983 speech in favor of his eugenics program, in which middle class parents are giving tax incentives to have more children, while low-income parents are discouraged, he cited the work "by Professor Thomas Bouchard of the University of Minnesota." Roger Pearson, the neo-Nazi who edits Mankind Quarterly with Pioneer Fund largesse, praises the Minnesota twin studies project in his book, Race, Intelligence, and Bias in Academe. I've noticed some uncanny coincidences between Pearson and Bouchard. They are both willing to accept money from a white supremecist outfit, they both believe that intelligence and other personality traits are mostly determined by heredity, and they both claim to have been harassed by anti-racists. Could they be identical racists reared apart! ... --------------- From bernardo@gte.net Tue Sep 1 16:21:47 1998 Date: Tue, 01 Sep 1998 17:19:06 +0000 From: Judge To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) Can this be verified? Judge Peter Grimes wrote: > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: Sat, 29 Aug 1998 21:18:26 -0400 > From: Barbara Larcom > To: Dave Schott , Erika White , > Frida Berrigan , > Leslie Bilchick , > Lynn Yellott , Peter Grimes , > Walda Katz Fishman > Subject: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > Subject: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 17:14:36 -0700 (PDT) > From: Njoki Njoroge Njehu > To: 50-years@igc.org > > ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 13:59:10 +0200 (CST) > From: Andreas Rockstein > To: MAI-not > Cc: AGP/AMP Geneva Dispatch > Subject: Police raid seminar on globalization and resistance (fwd) > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 03:20:15 +0200 > From: AGP/AMP Geneva Dispatch > Subject: Police raid seminar on globalization and resistance > > Tel/Fax: +41 22 3444731 > > FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE > > DATE: 27/8/98 > > TO: Information Department > > FROM: International Globalisation and Resistance Seminar > > PRESS RELEASE: > > Police Raid International Seminar > > Early this morning, police raided a seminar being held in Geneva. Officers > illegally searched individuals and private belongings, detaining all 50 > participants at the station. The detainees, from 17 different countries > and including a 6 year old girl from the Ukraine, were held for over 2 > hours without explanation. Most were eventually released without charge. > However, 5 remained in police custody for yet another five hours. Four of > these were then released - the fifth is still in custody. > > The seminar was convened to discuss economic globalisation and its impact > on communities and the environment, as well as peoples' efforts to reclaim > control over their own lives. Speakers include international economists, > journalists, representatives of people's movements, and workers from human > rights and other non-governmental organisations. The world-renowned author > and President of the Observatoire de la Mondialisation, Susan George, > lectured all day on Tuesday 25th, and found, "a group of peaceful and > law-abiding young people". She "deplores the police actions and calls for > the immediate release of those detained." > > Without warning, the participants were rounded up into vans and taken to > the police station en masse, where they were subjected to lengthy identity > checks. This follows a week of close police surveillance. About forty > police officers, in a concerted action, entered the seminar site at 7.30am, > waking the guests, searching their accommodation without a warrant, and > confiscating personal property. They refused to give receipts for the > items, which included videos, notebooks, an artist's portfolio, personal > diaries and photographs, and the organisers' documents. Most of these have > not been returned as yet. > > It appears that the five who remained in custody were victimized as a > result of previous arrests during non-violent activities in May; one for > simply walking down the street. The reason for their detention, and their > location, remained undisclosed. > > When a woman from the seminar asked a policeman, "Isn't what you're doing > illegal?", he replied, "Yes, totally." Police were also overheard making > racist, sexist, and anti-Semitic comments. Taking a passport from the > stack, a policeman said, "Oh, that's the Jew!" A Bangladeshi charity > worker who had just been awoken was singled out for particularly offensive > treatment. > > A British writer said, "I'm still in shock. It seems that discussing our > common experiences about global problems and solutions is now a crime in > Switzerland." Another journalist from the Ukraine commented, "I thought I > was coming to a country that exemplified democracy." A Nepali human > rights worker summed up the group's feelings: "For me it is unthinkable > that such police action in violation of human rights should take place in > the same city as the UN Human Rights Commission headquarters." > > Under the steamroller of neoliberal globalisation, it seems that space for > public criticism faces increasing repression and the denial of civil and > political freedoms. > > -------------- Leaflet: ------------------ > > DETAINED FOR DEBATE > > Police Raid International Seminar on Globalisation and Resistance > > At 7:30 am, Thursday 27th August, about 40 police officers raided the > seminar on Globalisation and Resistance being held in Cologny, Geneva. 50 > participants, from 17 countries, were taken in riot vans to the local > police station. > > In addition, property, including videos, personal notebooks, and > photographs, were confiscated, and only returned a few hours later. > Everyone was detained for over 2 hours without explanation. Amongst them > was a 6 year old girl from the Ukraine. Most were released without charge. > 4 were kept for a further few hours, and were released on condition that > they leave Switzerland within 4 days. A fifth person is still being > detained, and her situation is still unclear. This raid followed a week of > police surveillance including helicopters as well as visits from uniformed > and plainclothes police. > > The 16-day seminar aims at critically challenging the hegemonic consensus > of neoliberal ideology. Neoliberalism elevates free trade to a provider of > great wealth and prosperity for all. The World Trade Organisation's > Director General Renato Ruggiero preaches the virtues of the free market, > with the prophecy of mobile telephones in the remotest parts of the planet. > But this is not the world we live in . > > The world we live in is increasingly coming under the control of > unaccountable, undemocratic, and highly centralised, transnational > institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the > World Trade Organisation (WTO), and the European Union. Powerful tools for > the development of the neoliberal agenda are trade treaties such as the > proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment and various other regional > trade agreements. > > Power and wealth are concentrating in the hands of transnational > corporations, such as Shell, Nestle, IBM, and Monsanto. Decision making > shifts further and further from local community control, and into the hands > of corporate lobby groups, such as the International Chamber of Commerce, > and the Geneva based World Economic Forum. > > Far from generating prosperity the world over, globalisation is causing > destruction of environ-ments, and great increases in poverty and misery > across the world. While integrating the world into a single global economy, > free trade is excluding and marginalising the overwhelming majority of the > world's inhabitants. The poor lose control of resources and local > economies. The effects of this are hunger, unemployment, forced migration, > increased marginalisation of women, destruction of eco-systems, cuts in > social services, violence, and general social collapse. > > As people increasingly show their unwillingness to submit to this global > order, nation states are responding with ever more repressive strategies. > Basic rights and freedoms which have been earned by hard struggle are being > rapidly eroded. This process could be seen in the hysterical police > response to the international non-violent actions in May against the WTO > and is now reappearing in this week's police raid. > The seminar has been entirely educational and consists of lectures and > discussions only. Speakers have included well-known people like Professor > Nanjundaswami from the Karnataka Farmers Movement of India and Susan > George, president of the Observatoire de la Mondialisation. We view this > police raid as a violation of basic political freedoms, like the right to > organise freely and to free speech. > > Rather than being intimidated, we would like to extend the seminar to a > wider audience. We invite you to come and participate in the seminar. Come > to the Palais de Justice, on friday 28th 8. at 4 p.m. > > We do so to heat up your adrenaline, to inspire your rage and to strengthen > your hope !!! > > -- > For MAI-not (un)subscription information, posting guidelines and > links to other MAI sites please see http://mai.flora.org/ From p34d3611@jhu.edu Tue Sep 1 21:35:32 1998 by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (980427.SGI.8.8.8/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) Date: Tue, 01 Sep 1998 23:35:22 -0400 (EDT) From: Peter Grimes Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) In-reply-to: <35EC1E79.70FA0403@gte.net> To: Judge Date: Mon, 31 Aug 1998 08:26:12 -0400 From: Barbara Larcom To: Peter Grimes Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) Peter, I don't have "independent" confirmation, but I can tell you that Carl Chatski told me about this on Friday about 7:00 p.m. He got it off the Internet before 50 Years Is Enough even sent it out. I'll write and ask him his source. Richard Ragland could also just follow up with AGP/AMP Geneva Dispatch , the apparent originators of this news, and ask them for their source. Barbara Peter Grimes wrote: > > A verification would be useful here...HELP!! > --P > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: Mon, 31 Aug 1998 08:52:17 +0200 > From: Richard Ragland > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) > > Can anyone independently verify whether this is a real report or a > joke? > > I find it unbelievable. Was there any reason given for the raid? > > Rick > > Richard Ragland > Emerging Industries - Projects Manager > Industry and Enterprise Development Programme > CSIR > P.O. Box 1124 > Port Elizabeth 6000 > South Africa > Cell: 082-657-0506 > Tel: (041) 532131 > Fax: (041) 532325 > E-Mail: rragland@csir.co.za > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > On Tue, 1 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > Date: Tue, 01 Sep 1998 17:19:06 +0000 > From: Judge > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) > > Can this be verified? > > Judge > > > Peter Grimes wrote: > > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > > Date: Sat, 29 Aug 1998 21:18:26 -0400 > > From: Barbara Larcom > > To: Dave Schott , Erika White , > > Frida Berrigan , > > Leslie Bilchick , > > Lynn Yellott , Peter Grimes , > > Walda Katz Fishman > > Subject: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] > > > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > > Subject: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization > > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 17:14:36 -0700 (PDT) > > From: Njoki Njoroge Njehu > > To: 50-years@igc.org > > > > ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- > > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 13:59:10 +0200 (CST) > > From: Andreas Rockstein > > To: MAI-not > > Cc: AGP/AMP Geneva Dispatch > > Subject: Police raid seminar on globalization and resistance (fwd) > > > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > > Date: Fri, 28 Aug 1998 03:20:15 +0200 > > From: AGP/AMP Geneva Dispatch > > Subject: Police raid seminar on globalization and resistance > > > > Tel/Fax: +41 22 3444731 > > > > FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE > > > > DATE: 27/8/98 > > > > TO: Information Department > > > > FROM: International Globalisation and Resistance Seminar > > > > PRESS RELEASE: > > > > Police Raid International Seminar > > > > Early this morning, police raided a seminar being held in Geneva. Officers > > illegally searched individuals and private belongings, detaining all 50 > > participants at the station. The detainees, from 17 different countries > > and including a 6 year old girl from the Ukraine, were held for over 2 > > hours without explanation. Most were eventually released without charge. > > However, 5 remained in police custody for yet another five hours. Four of > > these were then released - the fifth is still in custody. > > > > The seminar was convened to discuss economic globalisation and its impact > > on communities and the environment, as well as peoples' efforts to reclaim > > control over their own lives. Speakers include international economists, > > journalists, representatives of people's movements, and workers from human > > rights and other non-governmental organisations. The world-renowned author > > and President of the Observatoire de la Mondialisation, Susan George, > > lectured all day on Tuesday 25th, and found, "a group of peaceful and > > law-abiding young people". She "deplores the police actions and calls for > > the immediate release of those detained." > > > > Without warning, the participants were rounded up into vans and taken to > > the police station en masse, where they were subjected to lengthy identity > > checks. This follows a week of close police surveillance. About forty > > police officers, in a concerted action, entered the seminar site at 7.30am, > > waking the guests, searching their accommodation without a warrant, and > > confiscating personal property. They refused to give receipts for the > > items, which included videos, notebooks, an artist's portfolio, personal > > diaries and photographs, and the organisers' documents. Most of these have > > not been returned as yet. > > > > It appears that the five who remained in custody were victimized as a > > result of previous arrests during non-violent activities in May; one for > > simply walking down the street. The reason for their detention, and their > > location, remained undisclosed. > > > > When a woman from the seminar asked a policeman, "Isn't what you're doing > > illegal?", he replied, "Yes, totally." Police were also overheard making > > racist, sexist, and anti-Semitic comments. Taking a passport from the > > stack, a policeman said, "Oh, that's the Jew!" A Bangladeshi charity > > worker who had just been awoken was singled out for particularly offensive > > treatment. > > > > A British writer said, "I'm still in shock. It seems that discussing our > > common experiences about global problems and solutions is now a crime in > > Switzerland." Another journalist from the Ukraine commented, "I thought I > > was coming to a country that exemplified democracy." A Nepali human > > rights worker summed up the group's feelings: "For me it is unthinkable > > that such police action in violation of human rights should take place in > > the same city as the UN Human Rights Commission headquarters." > > > > Under the steamroller of neoliberal globalisation, it seems that space for > > public criticism faces increasing repression and the denial of civil and > > political freedoms. > > > > -------------- Leaflet: ------------------ > > > > DETAINED FOR DEBATE > > > > Police Raid International Seminar on Globalisation and Resistance > > > > At 7:30 am, Thursday 27th August, about 40 police officers raided the > > seminar on Globalisation and Resistance being held in Cologny, Geneva. 50 > > participants, from 17 countries, were taken in riot vans to the local > > police station. > > > > In addition, property, including videos, personal notebooks, and > > photographs, were confiscated, and only returned a few hours later. > > Everyone was detained for over 2 hours without explanation. Amongst them > > was a 6 year old girl from the Ukraine. Most were released without charge. > > 4 were kept for a further few hours, and were released on condition that > > they leave Switzerland within 4 days. A fifth person is still being > > detained, and her situation is still unclear. This raid followed a week of > > police surveillance including helicopters as well as visits from uniformed > > and plainclothes police. > > > > The 16-day seminar aims at critically challenging the hegemonic consensus > > of neoliberal ideology. Neoliberalism elevates free trade to a provider of > > great wealth and prosperity for all. The World Trade Organisation's > > Director General Renato Ruggiero preaches the virtues of the free market, > > with the prophecy of mobile telephones in the remotest parts of the planet. > > But this is not the world we live in . > > > > The world we live in is increasingly coming under the control of > > unaccountable, undemocratic, and highly centralised, transnational > > institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the > > World Trade Organisation (WTO), and the European Union. Powerful tools for > > the development of the neoliberal agenda are trade treaties such as the > > proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment and various other regional > > trade agreements. > > > > Power and wealth are concentrating in the hands of transnational > > corporations, such as Shell, Nestle, IBM, and Monsanto. Decision making > > shifts further and further from local community control, and into the hands > > of corporate lobby groups, such as the International Chamber of Commerce, > > and the Geneva based World Economic Forum. > > > > Far from generating prosperity the world over, globalisation is causing > > destruction of environ-ments, and great increases in poverty and misery > > across the world. While integrating the world into a single global economy, > > free trade is excluding and marginalising the overwhelming majority of the > > world's inhabitants. The poor lose control of resources and local > > economies. The effects of this are hunger, unemployment, forced migration, > > increased marginalisation of women, destruction of eco-systems, cuts in > > social services, violence, and general social collapse. > > > > As people increasingly show their unwillingness to submit to this global > > order, nation states are responding with ever more repressive strategies. > > Basic rights and freedoms which have been earned by hard struggle are being > > rapidly eroded. This process could be seen in the hysterical police > > response to the international non-violent actions in May against the WTO > > and is now reappearing in this week's police raid. > > The seminar has been entirely educational and consists of lectures and > > discussions only. Speakers have included well-known people like Professor > > Nanjundaswami from the Karnataka Farmers Movement of India and Susan > > George, president of the Observatoire de la Mondialisation. We view this > > police raid as a violation of basic political freedoms, like the right to > > organise freely and to free speech. > > > > Rather than being intimidated, we would like to extend the seminar to a > > wider audience. We invite you to come and participate in the seminar. Come > > to the Palais de Justice, on friday 28th 8. at 4 p.m. > > > > We do so to heat up your adrenaline, to inspire your rage and to strengthen > > your hope !!! > > > > -- > > For MAI-not (un)subscription information, posting guidelines and > > links to other MAI sites please see http://mai.flora.org/ > > > From rkmoore@iol.ie Wed Sep 2 03:20:38 1998 Date: Wed, 2 Sep 1998 10:19:43 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: GRI/I.3 (1/2) - "Capitalism: the growth imperative, the finite Earth, and the monopoly endgame" ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Globalization and the Revolutionary Imperative Part I - Chapter 3 - preliminary Copyright 1998 by Richard K. Moore 2 September 1998 - 5600 words comments to: editor@cyberjournal.org online book: http://cyberjournal.org/cadre/gri/gri.html Part I - Corporate globalization: what it is, where it came from, where it is heading ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Chapter 3 - Capitalism: the growth imperative, the finite Earth, and the monopoly endgame ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- How is it that capitalism has over the past two centuries come to so totally dominate the world? The answer lies in capitalism's growth imperative, its need to constantly expand. As necessity is the mother of invention, so this growth imperative has led to boundless innovation. The seemingly irresistible power of capitalism arises from its harnessing of human creativity toward the single-minded objective of increasing capitalist wealth. In the previous chapters we've seen how this creativity has manifested itself in the development of republics, powerful elites, political corruption, imperialism, Pax Americana, and globalization. In each phase of capitalism, new varieties of creativity have arisen in response to the changing requirements of capitalist growth. In order to find out where the creativity-inspiring growth imperative comes from, and to understand better the dynamics of capitalism's evolution, we need to look at the processes of capitalism itself. My American Heritage Dictionary's definition of capitalism begins with: An economic system characterized by open competition in a free market... This definition describes rather well capitalism's earliest phase, competitive capitalism, which arose in its modern form first in Britain. In this phase entrepreneurs start businesses, compete with other businesses, and some succeed and some fail. In this struggle for survival among businesses, creativity expresses itself as the development of new and better products, more efficient production techniques, and improved means of distribution and marketing. But this kind of competition, even though it already unleashes the power of human creativity, does not explain the growth imperative. The necessity of growth is better captured in the dictionary definition of capitalist: An investor of capital in business... What distinguishes capitalism from earlier forms of private commerce and trade is the emphasis on external capital investment -- funds which are invested in an enterprise for the purpose of increasing the value of the investment. In particular capitalism is characterized by stock corporations, where ownership shares in a business can be bought and sold. Stockholders are technically the owners of an enterprise, but the interests of stockholders are not the same as the interests of an owner who also operates an enterprise. An owner-operator is concerned with operating a healthy business and developing it over time. He or she might be interested in growing the business, or might just as well be happy for it to stabilize at some manageable size and then bring in a stable ongoing profit. But a capitalist, an external investor, is interested solely in the growth of the business, which is what increases the value of the stock investment. A stable business translates into stagnant stock values; a business which is merely profitable is not a good place for capital investment. One can compare a corporation -- or any investment vehicle -- to a taxicab, and an investor to a rider. The operator of a taxicab is concerned with keeping the vehicle in good repair and making a regular profit over time. A rider, on the other hand, is only concerned with his own use of the vehicle. If the rider gets to his destination on time, he has little concern over whether the vehicle is destroyed in the process. Similarly a capital investor uses an investment vehicle. Only a period of growth is required by the investor. If the vehicle then falters, investors simply sell their shares and reinvest elsewhere. The history of capitalism is strewn with the carcasses of boom-and-bust corporations, industries, and whole economies. In a capitalist economy there is a pool of capital -- the sum of all the money investors are making available. Just as water seeks its own level, so this ever-growing capital pool always seeks the best available growth opportunities. And just as water over time can wear down the highest mountain, so the relentless pressure of this growth-seeking capital pool eventually creates an economy and society in which growth is the dominant agenda. External ownership -- the separation of ownership from operation -- is the origin of the growth imperative in a capitalist economy. The evolution of capitalism proceeds according to the following dynamic. In each phase of its development capitalism operates within a larger societal regime -- a particular political, cultural, technological, and economic environment. Within this regime, under the relentless pressure of the investment pool, the various investment vehicles are developed to the maximum practical degree. There always comes a point where further growth of the pool becomes problematic or impossible. When such a societal growth barrier is encountered, the creative energy of capitalism is unleashed on a new objective: changing the surrounding societal regime. There is thus a characteristic rhythm to capitalist evolution. Periods of growth within a regime are punctuated by changes of regime designed to create a new period of growth. A new societal regime might be characterized by technological changes (the Industrial Revolution), by political changes (creation of republics), or by new societal projects (imperialism.) Driven by its relentless growth imperative, capitalism has become the driving force behind societal evolution wherever it has taken hold. Apologists for capitalism call such societal changes progress and emphasize whatever real or imagined beneficial qualities might be present. In fact such changes have been designed by human creativity yoked to the objective not of societal improvement, but to that of creating new investment vehicles for the ever-voracious capital pool. In fact the intentional destruction of societies and economies, particularly but not only in colonized nations, has been a technique frequently employed to create new investment vehicles. The rhythm of capitalist and hence of societal evolution proceeds with a slow beat of major changes as well as with a fast beat of minor changes. In the realm of technology development, which contributes both new products and more efficient operations to capitalism, change has been systematized in the form of research institutions and the research-and-development industry. Innovation in technology under capitalism becomes continuous, and is focused always on creating investment opportunities. Societal benefits, such as they are, arise from the need for products to be marketable, not from any inherent need for them to be useful or beneficial. The systemization of change, exhibited first in the realm of science and technology, has been extended by capitalism to all aspects of society. Today a generic agenda of never-ending change and growth has become the dominant societal paradigm globally, in essence a universal religion. Capitalism's growth imperative has manifested itself as a societal imperative for economic development. In the Middle Ages the answer to every question was sought in church doctrine; today the solution to every problem is sought in development. In retrospect the poverty of Middle-Ages thought seems obvious. But to those living through it, the intellectual regime was perceived as absolute God-given truth. For those living in today's capitalist-dominated societies it is difficult to comprehend how impoverished has become our societal problem-solving toolkit. For every societal problem we have only the hammer of development to apply. The branches of a tree, if they grow up under a strong prevailing wind, will be warped in a certain direction. Similarly our societies, under the prevailing pressure of the capital pool, have been evolving in a warped direction. In Part II, we will examine the rich possibilities opened to societies by looking beyond the straightjacket of the development paradigm. In this chapter we will examine how our societies have been warped by that paradigm. One of the most important and characteristic societal developments brought about by capitalism is the rise of capitalist elites. Given that the evolution of capitalism proceeds through an ongoing series of intentional societal changes, it is only natural that the mechanisms of societal control would themselves evolve over time and eventually be consolidated into political domination by a capitalist elite. People of the same trade seldom meet together... but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the publick, or in some contrivance to raise prices. -- Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations In every society where capitalism has taken hold, a dominant capitalist elite has in fact emerged, along with the establishment of institutions designed to further elite interests in a systematic way. In Chapter 1 we saw how the United States itself has become a vehicle for managing world events so as to facilitate investment, to make the world safe for capitalism. In Chapter 2, we saw how TNC's have evolved into gigantic engines for generating capital growth, and we saw how TNC-dominated bureaucracies are being given decision-making power over a wide range of issues, loosely called economic -- and how those institutions are rapidly becoming in all but name a world government. Within the US, which is in many ways the most evolved example of a capitalist society, the means of elite capitalist domination are also very highly evolved. What is called "public debate" has become synonymous with whatever is presented in the mass media, and the mass media is nearly totally controlled, and mostly owned, by very large corporations. News, analysis, and entertainment consistently reinforce the dogma of economic growth and frame issues and events in ways that supports elite agendas. American political campaigns are conducted via the mass media, and the ability of the media to present candidates in either a good or bad light has been honed to a fine art, aided by techniques developed in the advertising and public-relations industries. Media spin, which is entirely at the discretion of the owners of the media, can and does determine the outcomes of elections. Not only can candidates or officials be made to look like fools by the kinds of questions they're asked on camera, but news events can be sensationalized by the media so as to bolster support for a favored candidate or to develop a constituency for an elite-desired platform agenda. The boundary between the US government and TNC's has become increasingly blurred. Top government officials -- people whose "expert" opinion carries more clout that the wishes of the President -- typically rotate between government posts and influential positions in the private sector. Corporate representatives have ready access to Congress and to Administration officials. Corporate-funded think-tanks produce the studies and analyses which become, frequently verbatim, the agendas of later administrations. With neoliberal globalization, the World Trade Organization, and the explosion of "free trade" zones (NAFTA and its clones), the political hegemony of the capitalist elite seems to have evolved nearly as far as it can go. The program has not yet been fully implemented, but we are clearly in the penultimate stage of its completion. The civilization-clash system of world order is being implemented at a break-neck pace. As I write the world is still reeling from the recent US missile attacks on Sudan and Afghanistan, which seemed all-at-once to make palpable a sense of chronic clash between the West and the Muslim world. Desert Storm and the ensuing sanctions, the Western interventions in Bosnia and Albania, and the settlement process in Northern Ireland -- in these events one can see the world described by Samuel Huntington being systematically brought into being. A conflict arises; it is interpreted by the media as a cultural clash; the West intervenes militarily or otherwise and "adjudicates" the problem. This is the geopolitical part of the New World Order which George Bush alluded to upon the completion of Desert Storm, and which Huntington elaborated under another label. National sovereignty is coming increasingly under assault by the newly constituted global regime, and not only by military intervention. Outside of the West, the IMF is becoming a global autocrat, dictating agendas to whole nations which further the interests of global capitalism, and which are devastating to the nations themselves. The case of Rwanda is particularly poignant. Rwanda had a reasonably healthy economy which was divided into two primary parts. One part was a general agricultural economy, supplying food for domestic consumption. The other part of the economy was the coffee-exportation business, bringing in needed foreign exchange. In 19xx, when Rwanda needed funding from the IMF, two ominous conditions were laid down. It was decreed by the IMF that payments to coffee growers be reduced to a certain figure -- a figure which was less than the cost of production. It was also decreed that the retail price of petrol be raised to a certain figure -- a figure at which farmers could no longer afford to deliver their goods to consumers. The conditions of credit completely and systematically destroyed the Rwandan economy. The IMF is in fact the ultimate capitalist vehicle for engineering societal evolution. Once a nation is in need of IMF credit, and this is already the fate of xxx nations, the power of the IMF to dictate small and large societal changes is total and arbitrary. There is no government nor agency that has official power over the IMF, and those nations which have the most influence over the IMF are as dominated by the capitalist elite as is the IMF itself. One might ask what global capitalism gains from destroying economies as it has done in Rwanda, Southeast Asia, the former Soviet Union, and elsewhere. One way to answer this question is to look at the history of colonialism, where the destruction of economies and societies has historically served to "clear the land" for the development of dependent colonial economies. In today's global economy there are additional reasons for the selective destruction of national economies, additional investment vehicles that can be created. Global capitalism today is coming up against several constraints, and globalization, in its full dimensionality, can be seen as the very creative attempt by very competent, corporate-funded planners to overcome those constraints. One of the constraints comes from the very global success of capitalism -- there is no longer any possibility of growth through territorial expansion. Other means of growth -- and many have been perfected over the years -- must be deployed. The capitalist benefits of an IMF intervention such as that in Rwanda become obvious when one looks at the balance sheet of the "transaction" from the perspective of global capital. Before the intervention, Rwanda was not importing much food from TNC agribusiness operators, and it was increasing the supply of coffee on the global market, exerting a downward pressure on coffee prices. After the intervention, Rwanda's coffee was removed from the market, and Rwanda was forced to import most of its food, creating growth opportunities for corporate agribusiness. Furthermore, the agricultural land and coffee plantations, being largely put out of business, became available for bargain purchase by TNC's if by any chance they fit into some development scheme or the other. In addition, the people formerly employed in agriculture and coffee became in need of employment, and without much bargaining power, in case their labor was needed in some development scheme. All in all, the intervention was a good deal for global capital, even while being a complete failure if the goal of the IMF had been to recoup its loans to Rwanda. In Southeast Asia the collapse scenario was a variation on this same theme. One can debate the process by which the financial collapse came to pass, and one must acknowledge the power of large (capitalist) financial institutions to influence the value of currencies and the expectations of speculators. But there can be little debate about the consequences of the ensuing IMF edicts, consequences which were immanently predictable by any reasonable person in possession of the facts. As in Rwanda, Korea and others were forced to import what they formerly exported; their export products were taken off the global markets; their domestic assets became available at bargain prices to global investors. An additional growth vehicle, and one which benefits from the boom-and-bust policies of the IMF, is the international currency and securities market. Ingenious derivative schemes, exemplifying the human creativity characteristically harnessed by capitalist necessity, have leveraged this marketplace to the point where only xx% of daily transactions are related to the real economy -- that part dealing with goods and services. Fluctuations in the global economy are transformed by derivative markets into capital growth. This particular growth vehicle is known from history to be unstable, an over-tuned pyramid-scheme race car, and dealing in some way with its ultimate crash is an elite problem to be discussed later in this chapter. One of the barriers currently being faced by capitalism is called the crisis of over-production. The efficiency and size of TNC producers have evolved to the degree where much more can be produced than can possibly be consumed. In automobiles, electronics, and many other industries there are simply too many producers chasing too few consumers. IMF interventions such as those described above have become a systematic mechanism to selectively cull global competitors, thus creating growth room for those that remain. By this means and others, ownership of global commerce and wealth is being highly concentrated in a relatively small number of ultra-large TNC operators. In food, transport, communications, aircraft production, banking, pharmaceuticals, and entertainment -- in nearly every business sector -- a handful of operators are coming to dominate on a global basis. As long as this concentration process can be continued, the dominant and growing TNC's provide a vehicle-of-convenience for the global capital pool. There is a limit to this shakeout phase, a point where further concentration becomes impractical and the monopoly phase begins. Although the dominance of a single operator is one of the possibilities (Microsoft), the more typical outcome seems to be a clique of large operators who learn to collaborate with one another in a fraternal way, allocating markets amongst themselves, avoiding price competition, and generally managing the industry to their mutual benefit. The classic example of this paradigm is the Seven Sister petroleum majors. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ (continued...) From rkmoore@iol.ie Wed Sep 2 03:21:24 1998 Date: Wed, 2 Sep 1998 10:20:00 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: GRI/I.3 (2/2) - "Capitalism: the growth imperative, the finite Earth, and the monopoly endgame" (...continued) ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Each of these capitalist phases, competition, shakeout, and monopoly, provides its own characteristic investment vehicles which are able to ferry the ever-growing capital pool to the succeeding phase. These same three phases have played out in sequence in many places and at many scales of manifestation. Occurring first in in Britain and then other countries, first in national economies and later in colonial empires, this sequence of phases is now being played out in the global economy. These upward changes of scale are the macro-level regime evolution by which capitalism has punctuated its ongoing growth. Although the rhetoric of "global free trade" is increased competition and efficiency, the reality is simply a redeployment of the oft-proven sequence of first competition then shakeout and finally monopoly. In the rhetoric of capitalist apologists the shakeout phase is presumed to be an extension of the competition phase in which the less efficient operators fall by the wayside. But as we have seen, the IMF chooses which economies, and hence which operators, to destroy. The culling of competitors is not on the basis of efficiency, but on the basis of elite choice. Similarly in the American robber-baron era of the previous century, it was not only efficiency which led to domination by Standard Oil, US Steel, and others, but the skill by which elite operators were able to carry out predatory practices against their competitors, and the skill by which the regulatory regime could be influenced to their selective advantage. Although the impersonal pressure of the capital pool provides the wind for the ship of capitalism, it is elites who are at the helm. Whenever a regime change has been required -- when it has come time to take a new tack in order to further the ship on its course -- elites have chosen which particular tack to take and hence determined which operators could survive the change of regime. One of the myths of globalization is that it represents a relative decline of Western interests, that market forces will allow other regions to make inroads against traditional Western domination. With the postwar economic rise of Japan and later Southeast Asia, this myth in fact gained considerable credibility. But as the postwar boom began to level out, and a new regime of growth became necessary, it has become clear that the global capital elite remains primarily a Western elite. The IMF is in fact dominated primarily by Western-based interests, and its power has been used to selectively cull non-Western operators. While the IMF culls competitors using the power of the purse strings, the US and NATO accomplish the same objective in other ways. In the case of the petroleum market, where limiting supply is crucial to maintaining desired global oil prices, geopolitical machinations have been employed to restrict at various times the production of Iran, Iraq, Libya, and others. By encouraging the split up of Yugoslavia, which competed in several world markets including automobile production, additional culling was accomplished. As capitalism enters its global era, it is doing so under the control of the Western capitalist elite. This elite dominates the leading Western nations politically, even more firmly controls the foreign policies (geopolitical policies) of those nations, and totally controls the policies of the IMF, the World Bank, and the other institutions of the global governmental apparatus. All the potent agencies which determine the course of global societal evolution are firmly in the control of the Western elite. But in another sense the decline of the West is not myth but reality. Western elites remain in firm control and continue to prosper under globalization, but Western societies are in fact in decline -- economically, culturally, and politically. This decline is intentional, planned and implemented by the capitalist elite as a societal change designed, as always, to create growth opportunities for the capital pool. This particular episode of Western societal engineering is called the neoliberal revolution and it was formally launched with the candidacies of Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK, and with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in Europe. The agenda of the neoliberal revolution is summed up in the all-too-familiar mantra free trade, deregulation, privatization, and reform. The true meaning of this agenda can be easily found by analyzing each transaction in terms of its consequences for capital growth. Free trade, whose practical definition must be inferred from the terms of the international free-trade agreements, in fact means the elimination of national sovereignty over the flow of capital and goods. The consequence is that TNC's have more flexibility in optimizing production and distribution, and in exploiting the opportunities created by the culling of competitors. This flexibility is the growth vehicle provided by the free-trade plank of the neoliberal platform. Deregulation refers to the elimination of national sovereignty over corporate concentration, corporate operations, pricing, and product standards. Again the benefit is clear. Greater freedom in concentrating ownership, operating without environmental or other restraints, raising prices, and reducing standards -- these all provide vehicles for growth in this neoliberal phase of capitalism in Western economies. Privatization refers to the sale of national assets to corporate operators and the transfer of control over national infrastructures to those operators. Each such transfer creates an immediate growth vehicle for capital, in the exploitation of the asset and the infrastructure. In addition the transfers have been in fact sweetheart deals where negotiators on both sides of the transactions have represented the interests of the same capitalist elite. Asset values have been heavily discounted, through various tried-and-true trickeries of accounting, and the "sales" have in fact represented immediate transfers of wealth from public ownership directly into corporate coffers. The sale transactions themselves are growth vehicles. Reform, besides referring to generic compliance with the neoliberal agenda, also means reducing the taxes of corporations and the wealthy, eliminating social services, and generally cutting back the functions of government. Obviously these tax changes serve to grow the capital pool. The elimination of social services also serves as a growth vehicle in two ways. Workers become hungrier for employment, creating a downward pressure on wages. New enterprises can be started in order to provide the services formerly provided by government (medical care, insurance, etc). The general cutting back of government functions is simply part of the sovereignty transfer from national governments to the centralized regime of global institutions. As power and administration is concentrated globally, the role of national governments is being reduced and refocused. As has been long true of governments in much of the Third World, the role of Western governments is devolving toward three major functions: conforming to the dictates of the global regime, making payments on the national debt, and controlling the domestic population. The paramilitarization of police forces, the rise in prison populations, and the extension of police powers are very necessary societal changes required to enable the full implementation of the neoliberal agenda. It is no accident that in the USA, where the neoliberal agenda has been most thoroughly implemented, the collateral police-state apparatus is also most thoroughly deployed. Swat teams, midnight raids, property confiscations, mandatory and draconian sentencing, a booming prison-construction industry, increased surveillance and monitoring of individuals and organizations -- these are all an increasing part of the American scene. Government officials have stated that Americans must expect even more dramatic security measures, and that military vehicles and weapons can be expected in domestic situations where warranted by security concerns. The neoliberal agenda in fact amounts to the dismantlement of Western societies, undoing what was in some sense many decades of social progress. Although the dominant global elite remains based in the West, strong Western societies are no longer required under the global regime, as they were in the era of competitive nationalism. Just as the IMF devastates non-Western societies in ways that provide growth vehicles, so the neoliberal revolution devastates Western societies for the same purpose, if at a somewhat more gradual pace. Police-state regimes, whether or not acknowledged by that name, are an inevitable necessity if Western nations are to be kept in line as the neoliberal dismantlement, which is still in its early days, continues to unfold. The implementation of the global regime, a colossal project of societal engineering, sets the stage for an ultimate growth phase of the capital pool. The process of globalization, as we have seen, comes with a whole spectrum of growth vehicles of its own, some (privatization) deployed in the West and others (IMF destabilizations) elsewhere. As these vehicles provide their temporary ride for capital, the global regime is being consolidated. With all political and economic power fully centralized, and with global wealth and commerce concentrated in a small number of elite-selected TNC's, the ultimate phase of capital growth will be accomplished by the maximum practical exploitation of this awesome power and wealth. The centralized global institutions contain not only "front line" organizations such as the World Bank, the IMF, and the WTO, but they also contain background organizations, think tanks and planning commissions, entities such as the The World Information Products Organization (WIPO) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). There is no reason to speculate about how global capital might exploit its ultimate global power, for these background organizations are busily documenting the elite agenda for this ultimate phase of growth. Absolute power, systematized in elite institutions, is unleashing incredibly imaginative schemes for creating investment vehicles. Whole new kinds of property are being created by decreeing that life forms can be patented, that pre-existing processes can be claimed and owned, and that previously free public information can be incorporated into corporate-owned databases and then protected by strong copyright. Such new kinds of property and property rights, and there are others, create whole new information property marketplaces as vehicles for capital growth. Other creative stratagems include seeds genetically-engineered to be resistant to pesticides, not only creating markets for premium-priced seeds, but also opening room for growth in pesticide sales. Seeds are being forced on the market which are infertile, requiring farmers to buy new seeds each year, no longer able to save useful seeds from last year's crop. Bans on the sale of non-prescription vitamins and health foods are being drawn up, which will allow that market to be taken over by large pharmaceutical and medical operators, offering substitute products (perhaps of identical composition) at higher prices and under prescription. Developments in genetic engineering are enabling factory production to replace on-the-land agriculture, creating room for capital growth by cutting production costs of traditionally agricultural products. These are only a few examples, and the global regime is only beginning to flex its creative muscles. With full control over technology development, pricing, distribution, and the regulatory regime, together with direct control over markets, capital, and resources, one cannot predict what imaginative investment vehicles will be created and deployed in the ultimate growth phase of global capitalism. Under globalization, the capitalist transformation of society will have in some sense run its course. As we have seen, countless schemes for minor changes which create ever more investment vehicles are possible. But with power and wealth fully centralized under the control the Western capitalist elite, and with the mechanisms of societal engineering systematized in corporate institutions, it would seem that capitalism will have largely reached its ideal, unimprovable world. But every phase of capital growth has always run up eventually to an external barrier, a barrier that cannot be overcome within the framework of the current regime. In the case of the global corporate regime, that barrier is the finiteness of the Earth itself. Whether you look at water resources, fisheries, topsoil, overall use of biomass, or any number of other measures, the evidence is clear that the overall collection of growth vehicles -- the global economy -- simply cannot continue to grow much longer, and certainly not at the rate required by capitalism. As overall growth of the capital pool becomes increasingly difficult to maintain, one obvious elite stratagem will be to seek the reallocation of ownership of the capital pool itself, to transfer non-elite capital to elite hands. Consider for example pension funds, which are the property of millions of workers and their families, but which are under privatization coming under the management of corporate financial institutions. These funds are invested and become part of the global capital pool, supporting the regime of economic growth. As regulations continue to be dismantled, these funds become vulnerable to dramatic speculative losses, as occurred with Bearings Bank and earlier with the American Savings and Loan industry. Just as IMF diktats can destroy a society and cull its productive competitors from global markets, so can deregulation selectively make funds and industries vulnerable to speculative looting. The net consequence of a looting episode is that wealth is transferred from one community of capital investors to another -- the ownership of the capital pool itself becomes more concentrated. In fact ownership of capital is already highly concentrated, with xxx individuals, for example, owning xx% of common stock. As the global economy approaches the barrier of the finite Earth, and overall growth stagnates, we can expect all manner of engineered market collapses and industry failures resulting in the near total concentration of wealth and consolidation of societal operations into the hands of the remaining clique of TNC megacorps and a small wealthy elite who own most of the stock. This elite, assuming they maintain their political hegemony, can take society as close to the brink of global disaster as they see fit, and they can even take society right over the edge into the breakdown of civilization or perhaps the end of human life on Earth. But such universally dire outcomes would hardly be characteristic of the human ingenuity exhibited every time a previous barrier has been reached. One can expect, I suggest, a more creative solution to moving beyond this final growth barrier, a solution which leads to a favorable outcome for the capitalist elite, who after all must live on the Earth and in society. In a world where everything is run by a few megacorps which are owned by a small global elite, and where that elite has available effective means of maintaining global and civil order, then the landscape begins to resemble much earlier worlds. The globe will have become a single empire, administered by central institutions, and ruled according to the wishes of a small wealthy elite who literally own the world. Nations become provinces, to be run by designated governors on behalf of the global regime. Populations become a mass of human resources and consumers, the disempowered bottom end of the global hierarchy. What is being described here is an autocratic global system based on the absolute power of an elite oligarchy. It seems that the era of capitalism and of Enlightenment doctrine, based supposedly on the quest for political and economic liberty, is in fact to bring the world full circle back to elite tyranny. Ultimately the question of capital growth becomes a non-issue in such a world. The elite own the megacorps, the megacorps run the world, and growth can simply be defined as a non-goal. Stock markets can be eliminated, having served their purpose of concentrating wealth in a few hands. It will then be possible to run the economy within the bounds of a finite Earth, but how much of that Earth will still be in viable condition is an open question. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Create a sane and livable world in vibrant democratic societies. Bring global corporate power under control. CITIZENS FOR A DEMOCRATIC RENAISSANCE mailto:cdr@cyberjournal.org http://cyberjournal.org --- To join the discussion on bringing about a movement for a democratic renaissance, send any message to: renaissance-network-subscribe@cyberjournal.org --- To subscribe to the the cj list, which is a larger list and a more general political discussion, send any message to: cj-subscribe@cyberjournal.org From P-Gomberg@csu.edu Wed Sep 2 16:41:05 1998 Date: Wed, 2 Sep 1998 17:40:53 -0500 (CDT) From: Paul Gomberg To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: imperialism and poverty Dear Friends: A few weeks ago I wrote asking for bibliographical help on the question of the relationship between "humanitarian" aid to poor peoples around the world the changes in the world economy that tended to impoverish people. I received many responses for which I am very grateful. I thought it might be useful to share with you some of what I learned. I focused mostly on only the latest material--I felt I had to be defend myself against the response that my sources were "old hat," that things had changed. Of recent stuff, here is what I found. The Case against the Global Economy, edited by Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith (San Francisco: Sierra Books, 1996) contains a brief piece by Karen Lehman and Al Krebs, "Control of the World's Food Supply," that summarizes how food conglomerates have come to control much of the world's food, particularly grain, supply, eliminating small farmers everywhere. But there is nothing here about food aid. NGOs, States and Donors, edited by David Hulme and Michael Edwards contains an interesting essay by Jehan Perera, "In Unequal Dialogue with Donors: the Experience of the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement [Sri Lanka]." In this case the inequalites of power and resources added to the command-style of the donor organizations (including UNICEF and OXFAM). In summarizing (s)he writes, "What started off as a partnership based on dialogue had, by the mid-1990s, become a subcontractorship based on commands and sanctions." So the relationship was terminated. Far and away the most useful book for my interests was Michael Maren's The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity (New York: The Free press, 1997). Maren started as a Peace Corps volunteer in Kenya in the late 1970s, then worked for Catholic Relief Services there; he then went to work in Somalia for USAID. Later he became a reporter (writing for the Village Voice, Penthouse, Forbes Media Critic, and The New Republic) covering Somalia, the case that this book focuses on. The book is very powerful. The UN and CARE act very destructively. The aid business is exposed as a *business* where the suffering of children is helpful to getting contributions that enable the aid organizations to sustain themselves and grow. The most consistent political theme is to undermine the idea of neutral humanitarian aid. "Food was power, and so long as the food came in, the battle to control it would continue." (p. 14) He shows how there are political conflicts wherever food is sent, so all aid is bound to be political; it will be used by one group or another to advance its political program and interests. The aid that came to Somalia after 1977 contributed to the famine of 1992 as it aided the building of the various factions and their armed forces: since no one had to produce food (food aid ensured that there was to be nothing to be gained by food production), the aid became an instrument by which faction leaders maintained the allegiance of their armed followers and, by selling food and buying weapons, kept them well armed. Related to this, Maren shows how the civil conflicts into which food aid often comes then provide occasion for the imperialists, often under UN umbrella, to bring in their own "peacekeeping" forces. So "peacekeeping" becomes another name for the imperialists' bombing and killing of peoples in Africa and elsewhere. (Maren does not put it in these words--he is a firm believer in free-market capitalism, but on a local or national level.) One of the most powerful parts of the book is his detailing (pp. 167-70) how the dumping of free or cheap grain destroyed local agriculture and turned the agricultural economy toward the production of export crops, particularly bananas. He writes, "The West's surplus grains were subsidizing the production of bananas and other crops that did not compete with western agricultural interests." He also describes some of the history of the U.S.'s use of agricultural surpluses to further the foreign policy aims of the U.S. gov't (as in Lappe and Collins' Food First). So we have a powerful and up-to-date indictment of how food aid is used to turn a population that had been self-sufficient in food into wage slaves for the international food economy. This directly supports some of the points of Chossudovsky's The Globalisation of Poverty. But what about the aid organizations with the best reputations, UNICEF and OXFAM? There is nothing here that is damaging to UNICEF. About OXFAM he has the following paragraph:"At night the expats would gather and drink whiskey and smoke cigarattes. The conversation was monotonously the same. Talk was about the refugees, the stolen food, the corrupt camp commanders, and the idiotic projects. Oxfam was teaching refugees to grow onions and cabbages and peppers in the refugee camp. The two Oxfam agriculturists discussed their dilemma nightly: The idea behind their project was to make the refugees more self-sufficient. But if the refugees were going to return to their nomadic way of life, these skills wouldn't be very useful. And if they were going to settle down and become farmers, they's need to know a lot more about agriculture than how to grow just a few cash crops. And there was very little incentive for them to learn. They could eat fine on their rations and sell the surplus for whatever pocket change they needed. The Oxfam team drank their whisky every night and wondered aloud why they were doing what they were doing every day." (p. 98) Maren's discussion here is interesting, but raises a number of questions: were the foods mentioned here being raised for local markets or for export to Europe? how did Oxfam workers arrive at decisions as to what to teach people to grow? what relationship, if any, is there between Oxfam and the U.S. or British governments and the food conglomerates? These are the issues that would allow us to decide how much planning goes into a situation where food production for local use is being undermined all over the world by the dumping of surplus grains while production for export to North America and Europe is being encouraged. If any of you have comments or any further bibliographical help, let me know. I am aware of how little I know about these things. Paul Gomberg HPPS Chicago State University From rozov@nsu.ru Fri Sep 4 08:58:27 1998 Fri, 4 Sep 1998 21:46:31 +0700 (NOVST) From: "Nikolai S. Rozov " To: PHILOFHI@YORKU.CA, wsn@csf.colorado.edu, h-world@h-net.msu.edu Date: Fri, 4 Sep 1998 21:49:37 +0000 Subject: Structure of History: The Best Papers Reply-to: rozov@nsu.ru Dear colleagues and friends, Now I am collecting the most significant papers (and book chapters) on 'structure of history' (periodizations, classifications, geographical factors, etc) for the 2nd volume of the Almanac in Russian devoted to theoretical history and related fields. I would be grateful for suggestions of new materials (both recent and classical, but the Braudel's paper on Longue Duree is already published in Russian) in addition (substitution?) to the first collected materials (see below). thank you in advance Nikolai Rozov rozov@nsu.ru A publishing project (in Russian) The Almanac VREMIA MIRA (The World Time, Le Temps du Monde): Contemporary Studies in Theoretical History, Macrosociology, Geopolitics, analysis of World-Systems and Civilizations Vol.2. The Structure of History: Space and Temporal Divisions of Social Evolution Part 1. Geographical and Ecological Basis of History Gordon East. Geography Behind History (1st and 3d chapters from the book of 1967) Fred Spier. Regimes as the Structurizing Principles of Human History (the last chapter from The Structure of Big History, 1996) James Blaut. After 1492. (A chapter from 'The Colonizers' Model of the World) Part 2. The Problems of Periodization William Green. The Framework of History (from History, Historians...) William Green. The Priodization of World History Johan Goudsblom. The Human History and Long-term Social Processes: Towards a Synthesis of Chronology and 'Phaseology' Part 3. Civilizations in World History: Classifications and Interactions Matthew Melko. The Nature of Civilizations David Wilkinson. The Central Civilization. Shuntaro Ito. The Framework for Comparative Study of civilizations Part 4. World-System and Geopolitical Approaches William McNeill The Changing Shape of World History Immanuel Wallerstein. The Inventions of TimeSpace Realities: Towards an Understanding of Our Historical Systems Christopher Chase-Dunn and Thomas Hall. Two, Three, Many World-Systems (From ' Rise and Demise'1997) Randall Collins. Geopolitical and Economic World-Systems of Kinship-Based and Agrarian-Coercive Societies Book Reviews E.Gellner. Plough, Sword and the Structure of History (W.McNeill) Jared Diamond. Guns, Germs and Steel (Joel Mokyr) ****************************************************** Nikolai S. Rozov, PhD, Dr.Sc. Professor of Philosophy E-MAIL: rozov@nsu.ru FAX: 7-3832-397101 ADDRESS: Philosophy Dept. Novosibirsk State University 630090, Novosibirsk, Pirogova 2, RUSSIA Welcome to PHILOFHI (the mailing list for PHILosophy OF HIstory and theoretical history) http://www.people.virginia.edu/~dew7e/anthronet/subscribe/philofhi.html and Philosophy of History Archive (PHA) http://www.nsu.ru/filf/pha/ ********************************************************************* From rkmoore@iol.ie Sat Sep 5 05:36:43 1998 Date: Sat, 5 Sep 1998 12:35:49 +0100 To: RRagland@csir.co.za From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: Re: [Fwd: Police Raid Seminar on Economic Globalization] (fwd) 8/31/98, Richard Ragland wrote: >I find it unbelievable. Was there any reason given for the raid? I was present in Geneva last May when PGA (Peoples Global Action) put on one of their "manifestations". I also had a long discussion with Sergio Hernandez, who seems to be the leader and strategist. PGA is, I believe, responsible for the bulletin we are discussing, even though their acronym is spelled differently in French (AMP or something like that). PGA's manifesto declares the coalition to be "non-violent itself, but non-judgemental regarding violence by others". I spoke to Ronnie Dugger, who was present when this manifesto was being debated, and Ronnie said agreement was _not reached regarding this declaration, and that Sergio abruptly adjourned the meeting and wrote what he wanted to write. As it turns out, this ambiguous decalaration seems to be a cover for instigating violence while trying to avoid responsibility. There were thousands of protesters on the streets for PGA's manifestation, and I was among them, in the company of a contingent from WILPF (Womens International League for Peace and Freedom). As the march began, I noticed one group of marchers were wearing balaklavas. I assumed this was some kind of dramatic statement, and didn't think too much of it. In fact, that group were carrying paving stones in shopping carts and the masks were to prevent them being identified on video tape. The march/manifestation proceeded peacefully, a festive event that snaked through most of Geneva. It finally reached a police barrier near the WTO headquarters, and people settled back to listen to speeches. At that point a very small handful of people began hurling bottles and stones at the police line. It was not a serious confrontation, and no one was hurt, but it was a betrayal of the non-violence of most of the marchers. On the way back home, I found out the mission of the balaklava-crowd when I saw windows broken in many of the MacDonald's and other multinational chain-stores I came to. Perhaps some may consider such actions kosher in the fight against TNC's, but later the violence became less selective. At 2am, on returning from what Geneva calls an Irish Bar, I found the square near my residence (which was the PGA encampment) being lit up by a helicopter light, and a confrontation going on between a few police and a few rock throwers. The police were launching tear-gas cannisters and a very small group of people were darting from shelter to shelter throwing rocks. All the while the "official" PGA people were sitting around their campfire being "non judgemental". The next morning, the windows had been broken in most of the local shops, as well as on various construction vehicles that were parked in the vicinity. I'm not "shocked" at the damage, that's not the point, the point is that what could and should have been a large non-violent protest against globalization -- something that would in some small way make a political statement -- instead became in the press "a group of violent protestors invading Geneva". The mood of the city became "Get rid of those people so the WTO can get on with its business". I can't guess what PGA's agenda is, nor what's going on in Sergio's mind, but the net result of their policies is to promote violence and to undermine the effectiveness of popular demonstrations. On balance, they function as agent provocateurs, and can only be viewed with favor by the promoters of globalization. One wonders where they get their funding. In its May press releases, PGA put out exaggerated reports of police "brutality" but never once mentioned the violent provocations by the "non-judged" few. I doubt if their more recent bulletins have any more journalistic integrity behind them, nor can I feel much sense of outrage if the Geneval police feel obligated to investigate a group which only a few months ago were involved in organizing gratuitous vilolence in the city. rkm Wexford, Ireland From muhtar@escort.net.tr Sun Sep 6 06:58:18 1998 Date: Sun, 06 Sep 1998 15:55:50 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples Dear Friends, in my previous paper, I refer to ' special conditions overlapped'. Here, I want to explain what I mean by it. The special conditions which gives me the impression that ' catching up' or 'narrowing the gap substantially' is no longer impossible: 1) the money is there: There is a huge amount of money in the hands of a few in the so-called developing countries. A recent example from my country: In Turkey some entreprenours have bought sink banks by giving 600-700 million dollar ( this year). And I heard it that Siemens closed one of its factories in England recently. This means 562 million dollars for them, and they fell into hardship as a result of this. In my country there are a new class of rich people who can buy something by giving 700-800 million dollars easilly. We have informed this from newpapers..for example young business people who are the president of some futball clubs. They can give this amount of money to transfer some players.Especially during the privatisation they could paid amounts of 1 billion dollars to buy public enterprises.And, some ,lets say traditional richs of developing countries are counted in top 100 of world lists. These are not surprise. In recent decades ( especially under neoliberal policies) a rapid accumulation of wealth have realized in these countries. Main factors played a role in this accumulation are low wages, low taxes, increasing unregistered economy, tourism, gold,arm and kokain trade,another kinds of mafian activities. 2) A substantial potantial for technological leap forward is there: these countries have an industrial experience since 1940's even,older than. They have engineers of chemistry,electronics ext...thousands of engineers, dozens of universities and many researchers and experts.They have an experienced business class. They have a well-educated yupii army. And their industrial infra structure is not bad. 3) It is not too difficult 'doing by learning' now,in spite of the efforts of core countries to prevent this by laws such as property rights ext.A more rapid technological development by transfer,learn and imitate is possible now thanks to these technologies themselves and greater learning and imitating capacity of developing countries. Ahmet Çakmak From rkmoore@iol.ie Mon Sep 7 03:19:30 1998 Date: Mon, 7 Sep 1998 10:19:00 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: request for references re/sustainable societies Dear folks, Re/ my book, "Globalization and the Revolutionary Imperative"... as I begin Chapter 4, "Sustainable economics: a realizable necessity", I find I am short of reference material. I've got lots of books that document how globalization makes things worse, but nothing on hand that looks at the quantitative problem of dealing with today's (or tomorrow's) population sizes with sustainable approaches. Surely this topic must have been dealt with -- any leads?? Below is a one-page summary of the book, FYI, with the sentence needing corroboration (in Part II) marked **-> thusly <-**. thanks in advance, rkm ------------------------------------------------------------------------ One page description of contents ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Part I traces the origin of today's global system from the perspectives of national power, political elites, and the evolution of capitalism. The dynamics of capitalism are analyzed, revealing that periods of growth are punctuated by intentional changes in the societal regime, aimed at creating new investment vehicles and a new round of capital growth. The dynamics of capitalism thus lead to the rise of elites who, by necessity, regularly engage in societal engineering and hence drive societal evolution. National rivalries, expressed as competitive imperialism, have served to increase elite wealth while at the same time creating a de facto partnership between capitalism and popular nationalism. Post -- 1945 decolonization, I argue, was actually the collectivization of Western imperialism under an updated regime protected by the pax-Americana umbrella. This collectivization severed the nation-capital bond, led to the development of TNC's, and established the foundations of globalization. Globalization is shown to be an elite project designed to jettison democracy (limited though it is), disempower Western societies, and consolidate elite power in a global regime dominated by a handful of mega-TNC's. My analysis anticipates that capitalism will be ultimately abandoned by the elite and replaced by a more feudal form of elite tyranny. Part II begins with the premise that capitalism and elite power must be replaced before it is too late, and surveys historically proven alternatives. **-> The myth of global scarcity is debunked and I argue that sustainability and environmental integrity are immanently obtainable <-** -- what is needed are economic and political systems which will not degenerate into a rebirth of capitalism. Robust democracy and sustainable economics, I argue, must be based on models of localism, consensus, and collaboration rather than centralization, competition, and factionalism. Contrary to marxism, I argue that different models are appropriate to different societies, and a spectrum of models are recommended. Chapter 6 investigates the question of post-capitalist world order. The origins of international conflict are analyzed historically and aggressive nationalism is shown to arise from non-democratic regimes and non-sustainable economics. International collaboration, I argue, arises naturally from the democratic process within nations, and strong world government is shown to be inherently counter-democratic and prone to giving rise to new forms of elite power. Part III tackles the problem of how to bring about the global transformation of societies. I argue that the transformation must come from within Western societies and that the traditional avenue of party politics is both inaccessible and inappropriate for this purpose. The history of social movements is examined, and factors are identified which determine their success and failure. Resistance to globalization is widespread and these efforts are shown to be a sound basis for building a transformative mass movement. But factionalism must be overcome and the movement must be informed with a deeper understanding of democracy, sustainability, capitalism, and elite stratagems -- especially that of cooption. The movement must be based on localism, consensus, and collaboration, and as it develops I argue that it will itself become the basis of a strong civil society and a robust democratic process. Chapter 9 deals with the implementation of societal transformation -- making a smooth transition from capitalism to democracy and sustainability. book maintained at: http://cyberjournal.org/cadre/gri/gri.html ------------------------------------------------------------------------ To join the discussion on bringing about a movement for a democratic renaissance, send any message to: renaissance-network-subscribe@cyberjournal.org --- To subscribe to the the cj list, which is a larger list and a more general political discussion, send any message to: cj-subscribe@cyberjournal.org ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon From muhtar@escort.net.tr Mon Sep 7 08:53:15 1998 Date: Mon, 07 Sep 1998 17:49:01 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples Dear friends, up to now I have tried to sum up the distinguishing feature of my new left project : A technological leap forward in third world countries under the governance of leftist parties together with democratisation. I have tried to show you that these countries ( of course here I refer to so-called NIC's or developing countries) has the potential to success this.Now, before passing to other features of my project,I try to answer to possible question ( objection ): is this goal itself leftist, and is it possible for a leftist party to achieve this ? This is a leftist project. 1) it will provide the employment and substantially higher wage and salary opportunities for the masses of NIC's.2) it will provide revenue sources for leftist parties to give the people health and education services,ext. 3) it will make the NIC states much stronger to cooperate worldwidely to struggle with core countries ( it is better to cooperate worldwidely instead of regionally. Regional cooperations are potentially dangerous and weaker. They are potentially dangerous: I would like to learn What Amin think about a possible indian-pakistani nuclear war or more Saddam's. As you know,he accomodate the efforts of the countries other than core ones to fight to have nuclear weapons. And they are weaker: a worldwide cooperation,of course,will be stronger than regionally ones. And I don't believe that there are enough differantiation between NIC's to prevent worldwide cooperation. Their reasons for such a cooperation is more stronger than the reasons to prevent this).4) it will provide stronger mass support for leftist parties.This will opan the way for new horizons which are utopias of left now. 5) it will narrow tha gap between polars substantially. 6) it will create the objective conditions for the left of core countries to begin for a more radical fight with their establishment.7) it will lead to leftist parties of NIC's to control the technological applications in their countries at least partly.In such a world it will not easy to pollute the blacksea via Tuna river, to damage rain forests to produce paper ext.,ext..8) This technological leap forward can help to efforts for rescue the planet,they will do this automatically.As you know, new technologies ,in general, friend of environment.9) in such a world core countries cannot use the others as their waste box, as a market for their overproduction ext. now,the second question.That is, is this possible for a leftist party ? My historical examples are Meiji, Bismarck and Park Hee ( Previous dictator of South Korea Regime). Of Course they were not 'leftist' . In fact this point is open to debate for me. Is it easy to reject that they were progressive for their times ? . But,put this point aside..In our context,they are examples that shows us ' burocracy' can force the dominant class ' to stay dominant or ,I thint it is better to say to stay 'rich' by changing their production relations. So why not for a new left to force ( ' not force,compremise'. Okey,no problem) the dominant class to profit only to produce for world markets with advanced technology. My next paper's subject will be the political base such a strategy. Ahmet Çakmak From rozov@nsu.ru Tue Sep 8 03:40:34 1998 Tue, 8 Sep 1998 16:37:05 +0700 (NOVST) From: "Nikolai S. Rozov " To: PHILOFHI@YORKU.CA, wsn@csf.colorado.edu, h-world@h-net.msu.edu Date: Tue, 8 Sep 1998 16:40:10 +0000 Subject: (Fwd) human rights doc Reply-to: rozov@nsu.ru Maybe as a large part of listmembers I don't like mass electronic actions and hate to be one of millions; I know that there are various opinions on the essence of Declaration and Amnesty Int., but results of my both philosophical reflexion and comprehension of historical experience, especially Russian, tell me that human rights are the very solid value basis, support of which is necessary (though not sufficient) for any plausible versions of further life of humanity. That's why I've sent my confirmation (see below) and moreover now I dare to violate your sacred right to be save from such mass Internet addresses. Nikolai Rozov rozov@nsu.ru >From: Wendell Bell > >To celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human >Rights, Amnesty International is collecting signatures for a pledge to >support this very important United Nations declaration. >Amnesty already has 3 million signatures (real and virtual) world wide, and >wants 8 million (which would be a significant proportion of the world's >population of around 6 billion). The UN Secretary General has already >agreed to be present either in person or live by satellite to receive the >pledge as a tangible statement of the people of the world's commitment to >an international agenda of human rights. > >The most simple way to add your name to the pledge is to > >* Send an email to > >* Put YOUR NAME in the SUBJECT > >* Put the following text in the message: > > "I support the rights and freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human >Rights for all people, everywhere." > >* Forward this message to as many people as you can. From Jones_M@netcomuk.co.uk Tue Sep 8 05:32:13 1998 Tue, 8 Sep 1998 12:28:31 +0100 (BST) Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 12:26:47 +0100 From: Mark Jones To: rozov@nsu.ru Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Nikolai, do you think this kind of activity will help prevent your fellow Russian citizens from starving this winter? How will they be fed -- thru Amnesty International proclamations or by means of of war communism or some equivalent form of mass mobilisation? But of course, you are opposed to communism: perhaps you think that the lives of millions of Russians are a small price to pay for the benefits of having a 'civil' society and a western path of development, ie, de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder? Mark Jones -- http://www.geocities.com/~comparty Nikolai S. Rozov wrote: > > Maybe as a large part of listmembers I don't like mass electronic > actions and hate to be one of millions; I know that there are > various opinions on the essence of Declaration and Amnesty Int., > > but > results of my both philosophical reflexion and comprehension of > historical experience, especially Russian, tell me that human rights > are the very solid value basis, support of which is necessary > (though not sufficient) for any plausible versions of further life of > humanity. > > That's why I've sent my confirmation (see below) and moreover now I > dare to violate your sacred right to be save from such mass Internet > addresses. > > Nikolai Rozov > rozov@nsu.ru > > >From: Wendell Bell > > > >To celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human > >Rights, Amnesty International is collecting signatures for a pledge to > >support this very important United Nations declaration. > >Amnesty already has 3 million signatures (real and virtual) world wide, and > >wants 8 million (which would be a significant proportion of the world's > >population of around 6 billion). The UN Secretary General has already > >agreed to be present either in person or live by satellite to receive the > >pledge as a tangible statement of the people of the world's commitment to > >an international agenda of human rights. > > > >The most simple way to add your name to the pledge is to > > > >* Send an email to > > > >* Put YOUR NAME in the SUBJECT > > > >* Put the following text in the message: > > > > "I support the rights and freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human > >Rights for all people, everywhere." > > > >* Forward this message to as many people as you can. From borgonoz@mx2.redestb.es Tue Sep 8 07:15:18 1998 by tinet0.redestb.es (Post.Office MTA v3.1 release PO203a (Post.Office MTA v3.1.2 release (PO205-101c) ID# 0-0U10L2S100) From: "=?iso-8859-1?Q?Alfonso_L=F3pez_Borgo=F1oz?=" To: , "WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK" Subject: RE: (Fwd) human rights doc Date: Tue, 8 Sep 1998 14:49:01 +0200 charset="iso-8859-1" >But of course, you are opposed to communism: perhaps you think that >the lives of millions of Russians are a small price to pay for the >benefits of having a 'civil' society and a western path of development, >ie, de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder? > >Mark Jones The problem is that with the communism in Russia the people have de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder, and not have civil rights (yes, the communist elite have civil rights). Best to do something and not only talk. Alfonso López Borgoñoz >-- >http://www.geocities.com/~comparty > > >Nikolai S. Rozov wrote: >> >> Maybe as a large part of listmembers I don't like mass electronic >> actions and hate to be one of millions; I know that there are >> various opinions on the essence of Declaration and Amnesty Int., >> >> but >> results of my both philosophical reflexion and comprehension of >> historical experience, especially Russian, tell me that human rights >> are the very solid value basis, support of which is necessary >> (though not sufficient) for any plausible versions of further life of >> humanity. >> >> That's why I've sent my confirmation (see below) and moreover now I >> dare to violate your sacred right to be save from such mass Internet >> addresses. >> >> Nikolai Rozov >> rozov@nsu.ru >> >> >From: Wendell Bell >> > >> >To celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human >> >Rights, Amnesty International is collecting signatures for a pledge to >> >support this very important United Nations declaration. >> >Amnesty already has 3 million signatures (real and virtual) world wide, and >> >wants 8 million (which would be a significant proportion of the world's >> >population of around 6 billion). The UN Secretary General has already >> >agreed to be present either in person or live by satellite to receive the >> >pledge as a tangible statement of the people of the world's commitment to >> >an international agenda of human rights. >> > >> >The most simple way to add your name to the pledge is to >> > >> >* Send an email to >> > >> >* Put YOUR NAME in the SUBJECT >> > >> >* Put the following text in the message: >> > >> > "I support the rights and freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human >> >Rights for all people, everywhere." >> > >> >* Forward this message to as many people as you can. From Jones_M@netcomuk.co.uk Tue Sep 8 08:36:01 1998 Tue, 8 Sep 1998 15:29:46 +0100 (BST) Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 15:14:03 +0100 From: Mark Jones To: "Alfonso =?iso-8859-1?Q?L=F3pez=20Borgo=F1oz?=" , WSN Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Alfonso López Borgoñoz wrote: > The problem is that with the communism in Russia the people have > de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder, and not have civil rights > (yes, the communist elite have civil rights). > > Best to do something and not only talk. Ah, right. You're one of those people who think Russians are better off as they are: or perhaps you think that the Russians brought their 'bad luck'on themselves and do not deserve our sympathy let alone largesse; or you think that the holocaust they've endured since 1991 is actually because they STILL live under the 'Communist' nomenklatura so the catastrophe that has befallen them has nothing to do with the West, nothing to do with USAID and the Harvard boys with their laptops which even the Austrian foreign minister just said should be kicked out of Russia; nothing to do with the proclivity Swiss bankers have for hoarding plundered wealth.... Yes, it's still those damn Commies, first they built industry, provided health, edcuation and welfare services, good mass transit systems, affordable housing and other red iniquities, then whimsically dismantled same for their own malevolent, inscrutable commie reasons... But the truth is, of course, that western imperialism alone is responsible for the catastrophes which befell Russia this century, starting with Churchill's inspired idea for intervening in the Russian revolution, continuing with Hitler's butchery of the Russians, then with Truman's nuclear big stick, and now with the IMF/Sachs 'Final Solution', at the end of which Russia and the Russian people will have ceased to exist.... Mark Jones From chriscd@jhu.edu Tue Sep 8 09:29:18 1998 Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 11:28:21 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: Please Help: Struggle at Syracuse] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------6DAEBB1BA4C2466591E50D11 --------------6DAEBB1BA4C2466591E50D11 03 Sep 1998 23:30:47 +0200 (MET DST) Date: Thu, 03 Sep 1998 23:27:16 +0200 From: henk overbeek Subject: Please Help: Struggle at Syracuse To: acafruny@hamilton.edu, andre.drainville@pol.ulaval.ca, a.m.gamble@sheffield.ac.uk, a.w.cameron@sussex.ac.uk, a.hoogvelt@sheffield.ac.uk, arunyan@wright.edu, myqy@dds.nl, akolk@worldonline.nl, a.b.mitzman@let.uva.nl, ash.amin@durham.ac.uk, balie@dds.nl, b.k.gills@newcastle.ac.uk, boverb@bio.vu.nl, bereseba@coleurop.be, apeldoor@datacomm.iue.it, ghosh@geneva.iom.ch, denemark@strauss.udel.edu, r.jessop@lancaster.ac.uk, holman@pscw.uva.nl, makiaora@nwsbank.nl, mmarchan@worldonline.nl, marchand@pscw.uva.nl, 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amineh@pscw.uva.nl, becker@pscw.uva.nl, hvanbeek@pscw.uva.nl, benjamin@pscw.uva.nl, gravenhorst@pscw.uva.nl, bervoets@pscw.uva.nl, besseling@pscw.uva.nl, biekart@pscw.uva.nl, boehl@pscw.uva.nl, boonstra@pscw.uva.nl, bos@pscw.uva.nl, vanderbrug@pscw.uva.nl, coert@pscw.uva.nl, comman@pscw.uva.nl, commandeur@pscw.uva.nl, cvandijk@pscw.uva.nl, dreef@pscw.uva.nl, eberg@pscw.uva.nl, vandereijk@pscw.uva.nl, vanest@pscw.uva.nl, fennema@pscw.uva.nl, fernandezjilberto@pscw.uva.nl, gemmeke@pscw.uva.nl, gerritsen@pscw.uva.nl, vandegraaf@pscw.uva.nl, grin@pscw.uva.nl, hellema@pscw.uva.nl, hogenboom@pscw.uva.nl, holman@pscw.uva.nl, hoppe@pscw.uva.nl, icsa@pscw.uva.nl, junne@pscw.uva.nl, ket@pscw.uva.nl, kievoet@pscw.uva.nl, kleinbeekman@pscw.uva.nl, kolk@pscw.uva.nl, kratke@pscw.uva.nl, dekruiff@pscw.uva.nl, vanlaar@pscw.uva.nl, loeber@pscw.uva.nl, manicad@pscw.uva.nl, meurs@pscw.uva.nl, mohamoud@pscw.uva.nl, monitor@pscw.uva.nl, mossink@pscw.uva.nl, overbeek@pscw.uva.nl, pistorius@pscw.uva.nl, poldervaart@pscw.uva.nl, politics@pscw.uva.nl, vanpraag@pscw.uva.nl, raes@pscw.uva.nl, recipe@pscw.uva.nl, ribbelink@pscw.uva.nl, rijnierse@pscw.uva.nl, ryner@pscw.uva.nl, vanschendel@pscw.uva.nl, schmidt@pscw.uva.nl, ksmit@pscw.uva.nl, vandentempel@pscw.uva.nl, tillie@pscw.uva.nl, vanderveen@pscw.uva.nl, veldhuijzen@pscw.uva.nl, pvisser@pscw.uva.nl, vos@pscw.uva.nl, pdevries@pscw.uva.nl, weima@pscw.uva.nl, wiebes@pscw.uva.nl, vanwijk@pscw.uva.nl, vsmith@routledge.com, vzaslavs@lgc-net.luiss.it, vandenmaagdenberg@pscw.uva.nl >X-Sender: merupert@pop.maxwell.syr.edu >Date: Thu, 03 Sep 1998 12:19:23 -0400 >To: MLAFFEY@KENTVM.KENT.EDU, ccutler@uvic.ca, sgill@yorku.ca, > B.K.Gills@ncl.ac.uk, H.A.Smith@ukc.ac.uk, ipe@csf.colorado.edu, > kurt@udel.edu, gonick@csf.colorado.edu, > mbonham@citizen.maxwell.syr.edu, > "James H. Mittelman" , CMurphy@WELLESLEY.EDU, > overbeek@pscw.uva.nl, brob@utkux.utcc.utk.edu, wirobins@nmsu.edu >From: Mark E Rupert >Subject: Please Help: Struggle at Syracuse > >Friends and Colleagues, > >We are in the midst of a strike which the university administration >provoked by refusing to bargain in good faith with the union here. The >Administration has tried to inimidate students, staff and faculty, and has >damaged the institution's credibility with its own members. > >Please read about our struggle at the following web page: > >http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/maxpages/faculty/merupert/SUlabor.htm > >Please circulate this information among your friends and colleagues. Ask >them to write e-mail messages to Chancellor Kenneth Shaw at the address of >his secretary: macarlso@syr.edu. >The administration here needs to know that we are not alone, and that the >Administration's actions are harming the reputation of Syracuse University. > >Thank you, > >Mark > > > >Mark Rupert >merupert@maxwell.syr.edu >Associate Professor >Dept. of Political Science >100 Eggers Hall >Syracuse University >Syracuse NY 13244-1090 >phone: (315) 443-1748 >FAX: (315) 443-9082 >http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/maxpages/faculty/merupert/merindex.htm > > Dr. H.W. Overbeek Research Center for International Political Economy Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam OZ Achterburgwal 237 1012 DL Amsterdam The Netherlands tel +31 20 525 2969 (office) +31 20 643 0260 (home) fax +31 20 525 2086 (office) +31 20 643 9051 (home) e-mail world wide web: http:\\www.recipe.uva.nl --------------6DAEBB1BA4C2466591E50D11-- From ncfs@islandnet.com Tue Sep 8 10:30:58 1998 Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 09:35:58 -0700 To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK From: National Centre for Sustainability Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-Reply-To: <35F53BAB.71A15CB9@netcomuk.co.uk> At 15:14 08/09/98 +0100, Mark Jones wrote in the throd or frouth exchange following Nikolai Rozov's profession of support to the Univestrsal Declaration of Humna Rights: : >Alfonso López Borgoñoz wrote: > >> The problem is that with the communism in Russia the people have de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder, and not have civil rights (yes, the communist elite have civil rights). >> >> Best to do something and not only talk. > >Ah, right. You're one of those people who think Russians are better off as they >are: or perhaps you think that the Russians brought their 'bad luck'on >themselves and do not deserve our sympathy let alone largesse; or you think >that the holocaust they've endured since 1991 is actually because they >STILL live under the 'Communist' nomenklatura so the catastrophe that has >befallen them has nothing to do with the West, nothing to do with USAID and the >Harvard boys with their laptops which even the Austrian foreign minister just >said should be kicked out of Russia; nothing to do with the proclivity Swiss >bankers have for hoarding plundered wealth.... Yes, it's still those damn >Commies, first they built industry, provided health, edcuation and welfare >services, good mass transit systems, affordable housing and other red >iniquities, then whimsically dismantled same for their own malevolent, >inscrutable commie reasons... > >But the truth is, of course, that western imperialism alone is responsible for >the catastrophes which befell Russia this century, starting with Churchill's >inspired idea for intervening in the Russian revolution, continuing with >Hitler's butchery of the Russians, then with Truman's nuclear big stick, and >now with the IMF/Sachs 'Final Solution', at the end of which Russia and the >Russian people will have ceased to exist.... > My short comment: (and first intervention on this list, which I find disappointing in general) Is there not a confusion between a support by one person to one extremely important declaration of human rights valid(in principle) all over the planet, and current woes of Russia? Who says that Mr. Rozov is indifferent to the plight of his country now? Who says that there is only two options: (1) free market with current plundering of Russia (and btw, the rest of the world) by God knows what type of persons and (2) a return to Stalin's type of government (which was certainly not communism in the real sense of the word)? Where is common decency gone? All the best, Yves Bajard From bernardo@gte.net Tue Sep 8 16:16:28 1998 Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 17:12:30 -0500 From: Judge To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Mr. Jones; What's your point. If Nikolai believes that human rights are worth supporting then he is in his rights to sign and show support. If you are well fed and sleeping in a warm bed better step outside before telling anyone how cold it is or how hungry they are. I personally do not believe that humans are capable of understanding what rights are but that is my personal opinion and I explicitly say so. Live and let believe what you will is a good motto. Regards; Judge Mark Jones wrote: > Nikolai, do you think this kind of activity will help prevent > your fellow Russian citizens from starving this winter? How will > they be fed -- thru Amnesty International proclamations or by means of > of war communism or some equivalent form of mass mobilisation? > > But of course, you are opposed to communism: perhaps you think that > the lives of millions of Russians are a small price to pay for the > benefits of having a 'civil' society and a western path of development, > ie, de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder? > > Mark Jones > > -- > http://www.geocities.com/~comparty > > Nikolai S. Rozov wrote: > > > > Maybe as a large part of listmembers I don't like mass electronic > > actions and hate to be one of millions; I know that there are > > various opinions on the essence of Declaration and Amnesty Int., > > > > but > > results of my both philosophical reflexion and comprehension of > > historical experience, especially Russian, tell me that human rights > > are the very solid value basis, support of which is necessary > > (though not sufficient) for any plausible versions of further life of > > humanity. > > > > That's why I've sent my confirmation (see below) and moreover now I > > dare to violate your sacred right to be save from such mass Internet > > addresses. > > > > Nikolai Rozov > > rozov@nsu.ru > > > > >From: Wendell Bell > > > > > >To celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human > > >Rights, Amnesty International is collecting signatures for a pledge to > > >support this very important United Nations declaration. > > >Amnesty already has 3 million signatures (real and virtual) world wide, and > > >wants 8 million (which would be a significant proportion of the world's > > >population of around 6 billion). The UN Secretary General has already > > >agreed to be present either in person or live by satellite to receive the > > >pledge as a tangible statement of the people of the world's commitment to > > >an international agenda of human rights. > > > > > >The most simple way to add your name to the pledge is to > > > > > >* Send an email to > > > > > >* Put YOUR NAME in the SUBJECT > > > > > >* Put the following text in the message: > > > > > > "I support the rights and freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human > > >Rights for all people, everywhere." > > > > > >* Forward this message to as many people as you can. From aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Tue Sep 8 16:59:14 1998 Tue, 8 Sep 1998 18:59:07 -0400 (EDT) Date: Tue, 8 Sep 1998 18:59:07 -0400 (EDT) From: Andrew Wayne Austin To: Judge Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-Reply-To: <35F5ABCD.4918E97D@gte.net> On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > If you are well fed and sleeping in a warm bed better step outside > before telling anyone how cold it is or how hungry they are. Why? The problem is that most people who are well fed and sleeping in a warm bed do not care about how cold and hungry other people are. > I personally do not believe that humans are capable of understanding > what rights Are you claiming that there are rights but that most people are incapable of understanding them? What are the rights in your opinion? Andy From bernardo@gte.net Tue Sep 8 18:47:02 1998 Tue, 8 Sep 1998 19:37:45 -0500 (CDT) Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 19:34:09 -0500 From: Judge To: Andrew Wayne Austin Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: > On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > > > If you are well fed and sleeping in a warm bed better step outside > > before telling anyone how cold it is or how hungry they are. > > Why? The problem is that most people who are well fed and sleeping in a > warm bed do not care about how cold and hungry other people are. That they stay in bed is a good thing. Being hungry, on the other hand, is no entitlement on righteousness for telling others the way they should live or what to believe. And if the warm and cozy should get out of bed to do same then it could be construed as a serious case of political genius or what is the same, arrogant stupidity. > > > I personally do not believe that humans are capable of understanding > > what rights > > Are you claiming that there are rights but that most people are incapable > of understanding them? What are the rights in your opinion? > > Andy I believe people are incapable of recognizing another person well being before that of themselves. Even Mother Theresa's motives have been maligned. The most high ideals are first casualties when it comes down to who should get the only piece of bread. There are exceptions granted, but usually they do not last long enough to become the rule. In other words the warm and cozy usually got the morsel first. In between what you want and what I want there is a shadow line that can be formalized as a contractual agreement and then named "a right". If it is written down and enforced we may call it "a law". Many willfully cross that line at the least opportunity to gain over their neighbor. If I know the line is there, that it is wrong to cross it, and I give you of mine side, I may be called a person of the highest ethical and moral standards. A civilized human being. Look around and tell me how many like that you see. On the other hand warm and cozy persons that we are, talking about how high are our moral standards is a great pastime, and a way of covering the "taking of the last byte" by making noise so no one notices, we hope. I would like to be proved wrong. So far (and looking back on a couple of millennia historically speaking) no takers. Well maybe one, or two. Regards; Judge (not a civilized man) From aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Tue Sep 8 19:08:26 1998 Date: Tue, 8 Sep 1998 21:08:17 -0400 (EDT) From: Andrew Wayne Austin To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-Reply-To: <35F5CD00.1CC18358@gte.net> On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > I would like to be proved wrong. I would like to know what your argument is. Andy From muhtar@escort.net.tr Tue Sep 8 22:53:49 1998 Date: Wed, 09 Sep 1998 07:49:18 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples ON POLITICAL BASE OF NEW LEFT PROJECT We can distinguish three zone in today's third world ( I ignore continental countries,that is india and china): East Asia, Latin America and Islamic countries.Lets begin with last one. We can range these countries from Turkey ( relatively most democratic and secular one) to Talaban's Afghanistan ( darkest one). The cases of Afghanistan,Pakistan and Iran,even Algeria seems hopeless,at least in the short run. In other words,it is unrealistic to expect a leftist governance in these governance in the short run. Countries such as Egypt,Iraq and Morocco has shown no signals for a leftist political gövernance candidate ,at least according to my information.Turkey gains a special importance in this context. It is the only islamic country which secular education, secular law system and a limited democracy can still survive. If Turkey can shows good performance it can be a model , a light for the dark parts of the islamic world. And Turkey seems the only country which left has the chance of governance.I will turn this point below. East Asia: Especially in the leftist literature the tendency to put all east asian countries to same basket prevails. This is wrong,It does not correspond the reality.Moreover this is especialy important from my project's point of view: I insist: South Korea is different and still is unique. The only country can ba classified with her is Taiwan.Thats all. Singapore and HongKong are city states.They are special cases to ignore.The problem is: You cannot put South Korea and the others ( Malaysia,Thiland,Philliphines,Indonesia,Vietnam) same basket. The others tries to 'develop' by using their so-called 'cheap labor' advantage.Indeed,Their political leaders challange the human rights and democratization attacks of west just using this argument: 'This is our way of development'. In short, South Korea tried to develop sectors to exports products of advanced technology and they succeed. This is the point. I think the answer to the question of ' How' lies in the South Korea of 1950's and 60'. Left must find the answer of this question : ' What happened there in fifties and sixties ?'. But there seems no signals for a leftist political candidate in these countries too.I don't know the hidden inner political dynamics of these countries,if there are any. But at least on the surface there is no signal. As a result, only candidates for a new left survival seems latin american countries and Turkey.According to my opinion,chipas revolt is not a model for such a revival. It is just a sympathetic resistance to so-called new world order: It shows no signs and potentials for development.The most important actual reality is Brasilian Labor Party in this context. Now,lets turn to the problem of a new left strategy in Latin America and Turkey. I think conditions of a new social democrat-radical left alliance emerged. The right wing of social democracy,that is the wing which accepted the rules of imperialism ( Blair,Gonzales,Baykal ext...) cannot find a place in this alliance. And adventurers,terrorists and neuvrotics of radical left cannot find a place in this alliance too. But there is no real reason to prevent a unity of others in todays conditions except nostalgic rhetorics and reflexes of past.So,the first step: unity of social democrats and radical left of latin American and Turkey's left. If this can be realized this unity ,I believe , immediately will become a gravity point. So the second step is the support of trade unions,youth,green and feminist movements to this unity,even the support of small business and peasantry. Third step is the offer of this new and unneglectable political power to 'capital' a compromise: a national compromise,but this time 'leftist national compromise'. The pillars of this compromise: democratisation and technological leap forward. As I try to explain you in my previous papers this means a leftist government which give support to investments for products with advanced technology and heavy taxes to monetary funds reject to do this. From rozov@nsu.ru Wed Sep 9 01:39:13 1998 From: "Nikolai S. Rozov " To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Date: Wed, 9 Sep 1998 14:35:28 +0000 Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Reply-to: rozov@nsu.ru In-reply-to: <35F51477.8C738EC0@netcomuk.co.uk> Dear Mark and All, as far as i know this list is designed not for political debate but for academic discussion of world-system approach and theory with possible application to global practice, i answer Mark here first because our correspondence occured to be of interest for other wsn-ers and second because i see an essential connection between rights and w-systems, that i wish to discuss below it is known the human rights and their previous forms (defence of person and property, principles of legal equality, liberties, civil rights) were always developed in more scale and degree in the cores of world-systems. I use to distinguish two forms of rent (Tilly's principle and my terminology): the rent by extraction (of tribute) and the rent by attraction (of capital). The first form was more useful in large agricultural territorial massives (Eastern Europe, agricultural France, continental India, Northern China), the second form is a charachteristic of trade and protocapitalist, later capitalist regions (Western Europe, especially Venice, Genova, marine France, Netherlands, etc according to classical Braudelian history, also trade cities in Arabo-Indo-African bassein and Southern China with Malacca, etc). Braudel writes that everywhere (not only in Europe) large commercial cities had much more tolerance for religion, styles of clothing, behavior, guarantees for property, defence of life and privacy, etc. - that is the political-ecomic basis (just in Marxian terms) of human rights. Without these guarantees the capital simply flows to other places. The rent by extraction need not following by powerful elits to these high legal (or traditional) standards because peasants cannot pick up and take away the land as merchants can change trajectories of their trade trips. This fundamental basis was integrated (and mutually supported) in Europe and later US with ideas of democracy, civil equality, with liberal ideology etc., and eventually an idea of human rights emerged first as an antidote against return of fascism, then as a main instrument of liberalism agains communist ideology (that's why the flame attack of marxist-leninist Mark Jones's was no wonder for me). I don't think that good ideas are spoiled if once in history they served for somebody's utilitarian purposes. The rejection of slavery in US during Civil War can be understood eventually also just as instrument of Northern capitalists, but does it mean that to forbid slavery as a bad idea? In the world of our days we have in fact the same picture of parallel between the place of country in WS-hierachy and development of human rights in this country (with some civilizational nuances). [Those Westerners (especially leftist professors of social sciences) who reject the primacy of human rights ideology seem to be extremely naive and fanny from the viewpoint of non-Westerner (f.e. me). They think that the fact that they are not afraid each night to be arrested, then tortured and murdered after criticising government or president is a natural state of things just as daily sunrise, they do not see all modern merits of save social system just like fishes do not see water... Of course a definite sociological law works here: normalcy of order sooner or later leads to decrease of demand of this order. But the fact is that only one billion lives now in conditions of normalcy of human rights order: core countries and top level of semieriphery. All other billions suffer not only from povertu and hunger but from absence of normal, minimal or even any human rights order.] As for Russia, she unfortunately slopes down from semiperiphery to periphery (in spite of Moscow that managed to grasp even some features of the core and greatly impresses Westerners who think that Moscow is an image of Russia), my parallel (see above) sayes that we must expect great and tragical losses in human rights order (with the apogee of new dictatorship and totalitarianism - the single possible output of "war communism or some equivalent form of mass mobilisation" that proclaimed Mark Jones ) I surely agree with Mark in his care for savenes of Russians (and anybody else) from mass death, colonialism, and imperial plunder. But he just defends human rights here! It is a right for life, a right to live in a sovereign country (politically and economically), also there is a right to be saved from inflation, a right to have banking accounts defended, a right to live in a country with food and energetic security. Last mentioned rights were violated by our Russian stupid rulers, not by 'world emperialism'. Capital always goes to most profitable and save niches and our Russian elits (by idiocy and/or greediness) gave only those niches (extraction of raw materials and financial speculation) that really led not to development but to degradation of Russia. Nothing is more wrong than to think that modern misfortune of Russia is only an effect of insidious world capitalism that wished to make harm for innocent Russians. and i really never will agree with appeals from old nice Europe and still blossoming US for 'war communism and mass mobilization' in Russia or anywhere. The effect will be isolation, totalitarianism, return to the rent by extraction, mass repressions (if not new wave of grand terror), later - inevitably peripheral position, new corruption of elits, new dissidense, new trial for perestroika in much more weak position, etc finally and briefly on the possible positive program: the struggle for human rights sooner or later must lead to thinking of and then negotiations and consolidation in work on POLITICAL, ECONOMIC and LEGAL GUARANTEES for human rights, including mentioned above rights to live in national sovereignity (here i support Richard Moore's program), rights for food, energetical, political, ecological security, rights to save money and property from inflation and too high taxes (or extracted tribute), etc. It is a program of not rapid romantic revolution (as Mark seems to starve for) but of long routine construction of social institutes, norms, standards, development of infrastructure, industry, and agriculture. I have no illusion of future equality of countries. Moreover I am sure that US will rest a world leader for many decades (because of fortunate investement in science and education, a factual monopolization of international services in this area that now has the same status as spices had in XV-XVI), but i see no theoretical contradiction in the picture of one core (say 'golden billion') and the vast 'second level' where countries and world regions are all 'semiperipheral' because in various fields they play role of 'patron' or 'client' to each other. Evidently the human rights order will be more weak in this 'second level" than in the core, but i believe that the abyss of human right violation (in revolutionary massacres, world wars, slavery, mass terror) can and must be avoided first of all and forever that's why I appeal for a new grand alliance: 1)human rights movement, 2)intracore anti-mainstream movements (includings offended world capitalist elits like South-Eastern Asian, and intellectuals like global practical bias of CSF and WSN) and 3)world leftist and nationalist ('anti-imperialistic')movements, because the last two (2-3) can provide the real basis and guarantees(see above) for human rights, and (1) can provide plausible universal humanistic ideology (or value onsciouness in my terminology) for the struggle and work of (2-3) sorry for so long msg but the subject is really serious best from Siberia Nikolai Rozov rozov@nsu.ru On 8 Sep 98 Mark Jones wrote: > Nikolai, do you think this kind of activity will help prevent > your fellow Russian citizens from starving this winter? How will > they be fed -- thru Amnesty International proclamations or by means of > of war communism or some equivalent form of mass mobilisation? > > But of course, you are opposed to communism: perhaps you think that > the lives of millions of Russians are a small price to pay for the > benefits of having a 'civil' society and a western path of development, > ie, de-development, colonialism and imperial plunder? > > Mark Jones > ****************************************************** Nikolai S. Rozov, PhD, Dr.Sc. Professor of Philosophy E-MAIL: rozov@nsu.ru FAX: 7-3832-397101 ADDRESS: Philosophy Dept. Novosibirsk State University 630090, Novosibirsk, Pirogova 2, RUSSIA Welcome to PHILOFHI (the mailing list for PHILosophy OF HIstory and theoretical history) http://www.people.virginia.edu/~dew7e/anthronet/subscribe/philofhi.html and Philosophy of History Archive (PHA) http://www.nsu.ru/filf/pha/ ********************************************************************* From Jones_M@netcomuk.co.uk Wed Sep 9 03:08:59 1998 Wed, 9 Sep 1998 10:08:04 +0100 (BST) Date: Wed, 09 Sep 1998 10:00:22 +0100 From: Mark Jones To: rozov@nsu.ru Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Nikolai S. Rozov wrote: > > Dear Mark and All, > > as far as i know this list is designed not for political debate but > for academic discussion of world-system approach and theory with > possible application to global practice, > Then why post Amnesty-International PR here? > i answer Mark here first > because our correspondence occured to be of interest for other > wsn-ers and second because i see an essential connection between > rights and w-systems, that i wish to discuss below > > it is known the human rights and their previous forms (defence of > person and property, principles of legal equality, liberties, civil > rights) were always developed in more scale and degree in the cores > of world-systems. > > I use to distinguish two forms of rent (Tilly's > principle and my terminology): the rent by extraction (of > tribute) and the rent by attraction (of capital). > Both forms of rent are forms of expropriation, ie exploitation, or do you think that 'capital' enjoys a 'right' to a 'reward'? Presumably you do, in light of all that follows: and your defence of 'rights' is actually a pitiful apology for the 'rights of capital' for which, BTW, no-one from Michel Camdessus to Mikhail Khordokovsky will bother to thank you. You seem to believe that protocapitalism did not grow out of pre-capitalist organic societies, but IN OPPOSITION to them (very marxian). But trade did not happen in a vacuum. It occurred in the interstices of those 'massives' you mention, and was to begin with a form of plunder, slave-trader and parasitism. The freedom of the polis and indeed the buildings of the polis weres always and everywhere built upon the bones of the exploited and upon the preservation of precisely those precapitalist, brutish empires which we all deplore. The idea that bourgeis right exists without its historical and logical counterpart: the ABSENCE of right -- is not WSN theory, it is VOA theory. The USSR, like East Asia (Indonesia for example) was integrated into the World System a long time ago, and has paid the price just as Indonesia has, for being one of those subordinate, dependent and highly necssary 'massives'. > The first form was > more useful in large agricultural territorial massives (Eastern > Europe, agricultural France, continental India, Northern China), > > the > second form is a charachteristic of trade and protocapitalist, later > capitalist regions (Western Europe, especially Venice, Genova, marine > France, Netherlands, etc according to classical Braudelian history, > also trade cities in Arabo-Indo-African bassein and Southern China > with Malacca, etc). > > Braudel writes that everywhere (not only in Europe) large > commercial cities had much more tolerance for religion, styles of > clothing, behavior, guarantees for property, defence of life and > privacy, etc. - that is the political-ecomic basis (just in Marxian > terms) of human rights. Without these guarantees the capital simply > flows to other places. > > The rent by extraction need not following by powerful elits to > these high legal (or traditional) standards because peasants cannot > pick up and take away the land as merchants can change trajectories > of their trade trips. > > This fundamental basis was integrated (and mutually supported) in > Europe and later US with ideas of democracy, civil equality, > with liberal ideology etc., > > and eventually an idea of human rights > emerged first as an antidote against return of fascism, then as a > main instrument of liberalism agains communist ideology (that's why > the flame attack of marxist-leninist Mark Jones's was no wonder for > me). > The idea of human rights is at least as old as Rousseau and therefore predates Marxism by about a century. The purpose it served was to turn merchant capital into industrial capitalism by 'freeing' labour. The symbiosis of abstract right and direct personal subjugation and exploitation was deepened, intensified and made more contradictory thereby. > I don't think that good ideas are spoiled if once in history they > served for somebody's utilitarian purposes. The rejection of slavery > in US during Civil War can be understood eventually also just as > instrument of Northern capitalists, but does it mean that to forbid > slavery as a bad idea? Also true of social-ism, is it not? Why rest your defence of human rights ona defence of private property, when you could better rest it on something as wholesome as human solidarity in societies of co-operation not exploitation? When I said 'war communism' BTW I meant specificaly what will happen or not happen this winter in Russia: and if it had not been for the granting by the West of unbridled rights of plunder and exploitation to criminals like Khodorkovsky and Mayor Luzhkov (the Moscow police as upholders of civil rights??? I lived in Moscow, Kolya, so who are you trying to kid?) then the logical corelative: the broad denial of rights amid the mass expropriation of 'private' property, would never have been called for. But without drastic popular mobilisations and 'war communism', millions in cities like your own Novosibirsk will simple starve this winter. You cannot eat abstract rights. >They think that the fact that they are not afraid each night to > be arrested, then tortured and murdered after criticising government > or president is a natural state of things just as daily sunrise, they > do not see all modern merits of save social system just like fishes > do not see water... And this unfreedom is a property of capitalist states everywhere, and it is a property of life in Moscow, too. > But the fact is that only one billion lives now in conditions > of normalcy of human rights order: core countries and top level of > semieriphery. All other billions suffer not only from povertu and > hunger but from absence of normal, minimal or even any human rights > order.] > The reason why the other 4/5 of humankind do not enjoy those rights is precisely because of the privileges enjoyed by the core countries, which absord 80% of energy and resources. Or do you think these things are unconnected? Surprising if you do, since you have had the benefit of wtinessing with your own eyes the process of capitalist plunder, which gave 'right' and gave 'food aid' as a result of which Russians now have no rights, and no food either! Because even their agriculture has ben destroyed, which is of course what 'aid' was designed to achieve. > As for Russia, she unfortunately slopes down from semiperiphery to > periphery (in spite of Moscow that managed to grasp even some > features of the core and greatly impresses Westerners who think that > Moscow is an image of Russia), Actually, that remains to be seen. Perhaps Russia is about to consummate a fourth Revolution. I very much hope so. And I see that you very much fear so, which is no doubt is why you have suddenly begun to pray Amnesty in aid: but where were you when millions of your fellow countrymen and women were dying of disease, hunger and homelessness during the past 8 years? > > I surely agree with Mark in his care for savenes of Russians (and > anybody else) from mass death, colonialism, and imperial plunder. > But he just defends human rights here! Well, better late than never. > > It is a right for life, a > right to live in a sovereign country (politically and economically), > > also there is a right to be saved from inflation, a right to have > banking accounts defended, a right to live in a country with food and > energetic security. Last mentioned rights were violated by our > Russian stupid rulers, not by 'world emperialism'. Nonsense. These same stupid rulers were simply installed by western imperialism. You would have to have been not in Novosibirsk but on another planet not to have noticed. > > Nothing is more wrong than > to think that modern misfortune of Russia is only an effect of > insidious world capitalism that wished to make harm for innocent > Russians. Ah, so you blame the Russians, yes? > > and i really never will agree with appeals from old nice Europe and > still blossoming US for 'war communism and mass mobilization' in > Russia or anywhere. The effect will be isolation, totalitarianism, > return to the rent by extraction, mass repressions (if not new > wave of grand terror), later - inevitably peripheral position, new > corruption of elits, new dissidense, new trial for perestroika in > much more weak position, etc The choices facing Russia are stark, indeed. Either war communism: or disintegration. Either the sternest forms of social discipline and authoritarian rule by the left: or hunger, darkness and death. I don't SEE any third way. I think that Gaidar, Chubais and the other tomb-robbers have had their chance. > > finally and briefly on the possible positive program: the struggle > for human rights sooner or later must lead to thinking of and then > negotiations and consolidation in work on POLITICAL, ECONOMIC and > LEGAL GUARANTEES for human rights, I think a good start will be made when town workers are first mobilised to dig potatoes and bring in the harvest (do you think that won't happen? But is is already a condition of everyday life for the so-caled 'intelligentsia', now for the most part reduced to being stallholders, taxi-drivers and backyard pig-keepers). > > including mentioned above rights > to live in national sovereignity (here i support Richard Moore's > program), rights for food, energetical, political, ecological > security, rights to save money and property from inflation and too > high taxes (or extracted tribute), etc. Yes, yes, yes, we al support all these wonderful 'right', but how will you feed the cities? > > It is a program of not > rapid romantic revolution (as Mark seems to starve for) but of > long routine construction of social institutes, norms, standards, > development of infrastructure, industry, and agriculture. *I* am the romantic but *you* are still romanticising about the quest for 'rights' which precisely has plunged your own motherland into chaos, the collapse of all institutes and norms, the total anihilation of infrastructure, industry, and agriculture. Who's the dreamer here? > I have no illusion of future equality of countries. Moreover I am > sure that US will rest a world leader for many decades (because of > fortunate investement in science and education, a factual > monopolization of international services in this area that now has > the same status as spices had in XV-XVI), But you maybe wrong about that too. > > but i see no theoretical contradiction in the picture of one core > (say 'golden billion') and the vast 'second level' where > countries and world regions are all 'semiperipheral' because in > various fields they play role of 'patron' or 'client' to each other. Ah, right, so you're happy to be an academic coolie in a 'developmental' backwater... > that's why I appeal for a new grand alliance: > > 1)human rights movement, > > 2)intracore anti-mainstream movements > (includings offended world capitalist elits like South-Eastern Asian, > and intellectuals like global practical bias of CSF and WSN) and > > 3)world leftist and nationalist ('anti-imperialistic')movements, > That you should become politicised at all seems entirely remarkable, that you should be calling for such things as anti-imperialistic movements, is a testament to the profound and rapid radicalisation of Russian society, which I repeat is perhaps entering the first stage of a new revolution, the fourth this century. We shall see who is the romantic and who is the realist. Mark Jones From muhtar@escort.net.tr Wed Sep 9 04:09:50 1998 Date: Wed, 09 Sep 1998 13:05:17 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: a note I have taken a note from wally@cats.UCSC.EDU . He ask just a question: What happen to sub-saharan Africa and eastern europe ? And I began to laugh.May be my fault was so serious that I began to laugh. Yes, I had in mind to mention these areas,but I have forgotten when I wrote quickly. Of course this is not an excuse. Sorry to everybody. Fortunately, this fault ( I really shame...my god...especially friends from these areas,please forgive me...) don't change my analysis and its implications. There seems no hope in sub-saharan Africa and eastern europe ,at least in the short run ,for a NEW leftist survival.These are places the new world order hit very harsly.They are in an upset. Some political gains of traditional communists in eastern europe as a result of the reactions the people can give them the opportunity to govern . Is this lead to a political opportunity for the new left project ? I don't think so. Ahmet Çakmak From dredmond@OREGON.UOREGON.EDU Wed Sep 9 15:14:35 1998 Date: Wed, 09 Sep 1998 14:14:26 -0700 (PDT) From: Dennis R Redmond Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-reply-to: <35F643A6.AFDB5171@netcomuk.co.uk> To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK On Wed, 9 Sep 1998, Mark Jones wrote: > Then why post Amnesty-International PR here? So the Revolution doesn't need to bother about those silly irrelevancies like the freedom of the press, the freedom to organize unions and found Left parties, the freedom to vote for and teach Marxist ideas, etc.? If you're wondering why ordinary folks nowadays are totally uninterested in 19th century Marxism, that's only because we're living in a different century. Peace, bread, land and rural electrification won't cut it as a revolutionary program anymore; but export-platform industrialization, food-processing industries and multimedia culture just might. At least AI has the guts to tell off comprador bourgeois regimes to their faces and to publicize trade union struggles throughout the world; but what's the agenda of the Russian CP nowadays? To sit around and complain about Yeltsin's arteries? Why aren't they talking about delinking Russia from the neoliberal economy and relinking it to the EU social democracies? OK, say a revolution breaks out tomorrow in Moscow and the Right People take charge. How exactly are you going to install socialism? -- Dennis From bernardo@gte.net Wed Sep 9 16:46:48 1998 Wed, 9 Sep 1998 17:45:52 -0500 (CDT) Date: Wed, 09 Sep 1998 17:42:17 -0500 From: Judge To: aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Simply that talking about rights, or for that matter, liberty, equality, fraternity is hypocrisy since in my opinion people will sell out at the first opportunity. Specially talk by those that take these ideas for granted and have not the pleasure of being caressed by police rubber hoses and held imprisoned with no appeal "rights". But since we must make believe that we understand such values, so we can reach the holy state of tenure perhaps then let us be kind to others and not put down any attempt when the subject that such things as human inalienable rights may exist is brought up. Theory is a career. It is not a way to change things in the world. Regards; Judge Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: > On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > > > I would like to be proved wrong. > > I would like to know what your argument is. > > Andy From aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Wed Sep 9 17:29:19 1998 Wed, 9 Sep 1998 19:29:13 -0400 (EDT) Date: Wed, 9 Sep 1998 19:29:13 -0400 (EDT) From: Andrew Wayne Austin To: Judge Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-Reply-To: <35F70448.90B23985@gte.net> Judge, It's all pops and whistles from here, Pal. Andy On Wed, 9 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > Simply that talking about rights, or for that matter, > liberty, equality, fraternity is hypocrisy since in my > opinion people will sell out at the first opportunity. > > Specially talk by those that take these ideas for granted > and have not the pleasure of being caressed by police > rubber hoses and held imprisoned with no appeal "rights". > > But since we must make believe that we understand > such values, so we can reach the holy state of tenure perhaps > then let us be kind to others and not put down any attempt > when the subject that such things as human inalienable rights > may exist is brought up. > > Theory is a career. It is not a way to change things in the world. > > Regards; > Judge > > > Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: > > > On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > > > > > I would like to be proved wrong. > > > > I would like to know what your argument is. > > > > Andy > > From dgrammen@prairienet.org Wed Sep 9 21:34:06 1998 Wed, 9 Sep 1998 22:34:00 -0500 (CDT) Date: Wed, 9 Sep 1998 22:34:00 -0500 (CDT) From: Dennis Grammenos Subject: ACTION ALERT - The Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK _______________________________________________________________________ COLOMBIA SUPPORT NETWORK (Champaign-Urbana chapter in central Illinois) http://www.prairienet.org/csncu csncu@prairienet.org *********************************************************************** * * * ACTION ALERT -- THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE DRUG ELIMINATION ACT * * * *********************************************************************** Dear friends: The Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act is a bill making its way through the U.S. Congress. The WHDE Act is intented to provide countries, primarily in Latin America, with assistance to ostensibly help curb the flow of narcotics into the United States. In the House of Representatives, this bill is known as H.R.4300 [introduced by Rep. Bill McCollum (R) of Florida]. In the Senate, the same bill is known as S.2341 [introduced by Senator Mike DeWine (R) of Ohio]. The House bill has 46 co-sponsors, indicating a broad base of support. The vote in the Senate will follow the vote in the House. We are concerned with Section 201 of the WHDE Act, which deals specif- ically with Colombia. We are not asking for the wholesale discarding of the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act. We are only asking for Section 201 to be striken from the final version. Compare the aid provided to Peru under this Act with that for Colombia. 86% ($150 million) of the aid to Peru is targeted to enhance USAID alternative development programs. In contrast, only 7% ($15 million) of the aid to Colombia is targeted for an alternative development program. The balance of the Colombian aid, roughly $200 million, is in the form of helicopters and other military gear. If the United States government truly wishes to eliminate drugs in the western hemisphere, a more concerted effort should be made to provide Colombian peasants with alternatives to growing coca and opium. Alternative development programs are not a panacea, but they are a more constructive approach than the increased militarization of Colombia. By arming the Colombian security forces, the United States is becoming entangled in a "dirty war" that is slaughtering thousands of civilians and has displaced 1.2 million people over the past few years. U.S. support for the so-called "War on Drugs" in Colombia does not strengthen democracy or respect human rights, nor does it stem the flow of drugs to the United States. Our support of the Colombian security forces, and their paramilitary allies, is a tragic mistake. Please join us in this letter writing campaign to ask our represen- tatives to strike Section 201 from this bill. You can find out more about the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act, and our letter writing campaign, by visiting our webpage at: http://www.prairienet.org/csncu Solidarity, Dennis Grammenos Colombia Support Network Champaign-Urbana chapter in central Illinois *********************************************************************** * COLOMBIA SUPPORT NETWORK: To subscribe to CSN-L send request to * * listserv@postoffice.cso.uiuc.edu SUB CSN-L Firstname Lastname * * (Direct questions or comments about CSN-L to csncu@prairienet.org) * * Visit the website of CSN's Champaign-Urbana (Illinois) chapter at * * http://www.prairienet.org/csncu Subscribe to the COLOMBIA BULLETIN * * For free copy and info contact CSN, P.O. Box 1505, Madison WI 53701 * * or call (608) 257-8753 fax: (608) 255-6621 Email: csn@igc.apc.org * * Visit the COLOMBIA SUPPORT NETWORK at http://www.igc.org/csn * * Visit the COLOMBIAN LABOR MONITOR at http://www.prairienet.org/clm * *********************************************************************** From muhtar@escort.net.tr Wed Sep 9 22:20:32 1998 Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 07:16:01 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples OTHER FEATURES OF NEW LEFT PROJECT 1) SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT The first reply to my thoughts was Barry Brooks' note.He said:" The survival of the world's population is threated by the wage system because the use of the our excess productive capacity requires the waste of resources. The consumer economy is unsustainable". Third world needs to consume more electricity, cement, food,medicines,computers,teeth brush ext. This is inevitable,and ,I agree with, the consumer economy is unsustainable.So,we need a solution which consider both side of the problem.Maybe this is a clue for such a solution: if north continue to eat like today ,and if south continue to increase like today ,we cannot survive. This is not a pessimistic prediction. Put aside some reports which today seems too pessimistic like the reports of Roma Club, every serious text ( for example annual reports of Worldwatch institute) have accepted this. Here we comes the problem of birth rate control. A problem which traditional left dislike. We have witnessed thousands of tragedy everyday.Dying bodies in Africa..So weak to fight with mosqitoues attack their bodies...Selling bodies in Tailand, little girls bodies..ext.,ext....And traditional leftist song: " poor people..imperialism and capitalism must be abolished. This is their liberation". Correct,but not correspond these peoples realities,not remedy for them..New left must have a population policy. I think there must be some ,for example marxian demographers somewhere..but we cannot hear them. My idea: birth control by informing,convincing and providin the means. If you think that this is already applied,this means you are under demonstration effect. Today's states and some other organisations have applied this ,but this is very ineffective. We need a real, big and effective birth control campaign. in passing a note: maybe such a control campaign leads to rising wages as a byproduct (!). They are always need a reserve army. A real and serious birth control campaign ( permanent and woldwide) can hit this target. Other side: north's eating problem. This isnot a problem for south and the planet,but a problem for themselves. Heart attacks, gut disease ext...anyway, I think my project can help to solve this problem. Tecchnological leap forward in south,then falling technological rent for north, that is falling incomes,then less eating. So simple. Too simple ? I don't think so. From Jones_M@netcomuk.co.uk Thu Sep 10 04:27:11 1998 Thu, 10 Sep 1998 11:27:01 +0100 (BST) Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 11:26:14 +0100 From: Mark Jones To: dredmond@OREGON.UOREGON.EDU, WSN Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Dennis R Redmond wrote: > > what's the agenda of > the Russian CP nowadays? To sit around and complain about Yeltsin's > arteries? Why aren't they talking about delinking Russia from the > neoliberal economy and relinking it to the EU social democracies? Dennis, I never met anyone who actually lives in Europe who shares your extraordinary delusions about European social democrats. Are you suggesting that German and French capitalism is not at least 60% to blame for what has happened in Russia since 1991? What do you think the Know How funders, the Brussels 'aid' programmes, the flood of cheap hooch, the flood of cheap food imports -- was all about? And in any case, why woulod anyone prefer Germany or Japan to the USA? Do you think the Germans and Japanese do? Didn't you notice their preference for Hollywood? Mark From chriscd@jhu.edu Thu Sep 10 08:49:20 1998 Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 10:49:13 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: global keynesianism To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu gernot kohler has written a short essay discussing the idea of global keynesianism. this is available in the working papers subdirectory of the world-systems archive (http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/wsarch.html). gernot would like comments on his paper and these could be sent to wsn for discussion. chris chase-dunn From bernardo@gte.net Thu Sep 10 16:53:25 1998 Thu, 10 Sep 1998 17:53:12 -0500 (CDT) Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 17:49:35 -0500 From: Judge To: aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: > Judge, > > It's all pops and whistles from here, Pal. Please explain the idiom. I am not familiar with it. It would be a while before I respond since I am traveling out of the country for the next few weeks. On the other hand I am glad that some one can still pick the gauntlet when opinions of a cynical nature, mainly mine, are thrown on the table. Cynics, a valid philosophical tradition, tends to piss people off. You may have noticed the topic was ignored by the list readers. Perhaps they feel above it. One response, yours. There may still be hope for some of us. Regards; Judge > > > Andy > > On Wed, 9 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > > > Simply that talking about rights, or for that matter, > > liberty, equality, fraternity is hypocrisy since in my > > opinion people will sell out at the first opportunity. > > > > Specially talk by those that take these ideas for granted > > and have not the pleasure of being caressed by police > > rubber hoses and held imprisoned with no appeal "rights". > > > > But since we must make believe that we understand > > such values, so we can reach the holy state of tenure perhaps > > then let us be kind to others and not put down any attempt > > when the subject that such things as human inalienable rights > > may exist is brought up. > > > > Theory is a career. It is not a way to change things in the world. > > > > Regards; > > Judge > > > > > > Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: > > > > > On Tue, 8 Sep 1998, Judge wrote: > > > > > > > I would like to be proved wrong. > > > > > > I would like to know what your argument is. > > > > > > Andy > > > > From dredmond@OREGON.UOREGON.EDU Fri Sep 11 00:45:26 1998 Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 23:45:21 -0700 (PDT) From: Dennis R Redmond Subject: Re: (Fwd) human rights doc In-reply-to: <35F7A946.77B8B27E@netcomuk.co.uk> To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK On Thu, 10 Sep 1998, Mark Jones wrote: > And in any case, why > would anyone prefer Germany or Japan to the USA? Because they're less barbaric to their semiperipheries and don't engage in regular bombing runs on 3rd world villages. Germany also cancelled 10% of Eastern Europe's debt in 1993 and has been spending billions of DM propping up Russia, via aid programmes, housing flats for Russian soldiers who departed from East Germany, etc. and is about to elect a Red-Green government which is going to repudiate neoliberalism as a model for the EU. Japanese banks are rolling over Indonesian and South Korean loans, and their low interest rates have prevented the Asian crash from becoming a true Depression. Germany/Japan have no equivalent of our CIA/NSC black-ops designed to terrorize or destabilize the semi-peripheries; instead of funding Cold War thugs, they spend way more of their GDP on developmental assistance than the US. Heck, they even trade fairly with Cuba. They're not bastions of socialism, but they are societies where the workingclass has, for various reasons, garnered tremendous social and political power, and is unafraid to use it. As Gregor Gysi put it, es lebe der Igel! -- Dennis From j.henderson@fs2.mbs.ac.uk Fri Sep 11 03:55:18 1998 by curlew.cs.man.ac.uk with esmtp (Exim 1.92 #2) From: "Jeffrey Henderson" To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu, ipe@csf.colorado.edu Date: Fri, 11 Sep 1998 10:51:09 GMT Subject: Eastern Europe - Against Free Market Capitalism Dear Colleagues, If you're convinced that the logical outcome of free market capitalism is economic chaos (or even if you're not), you may wish to take a look at the following new book. INDUSTRIAL TRANSFORMATION IN EASTERN EUROPE IN THE LIGHT OF THE EAST ASIAN EXPERIENCE Edited by Jeffrey Henderson (assisted by Karoly Balaton and Gyorgy Lengyel) Macmillan and St Martins Press, London and New York, 1998 (international political economy series) Part I: Introduction 1. On appropriate models for transformation in Eastern Europe Jeffrey Henderson Part II: Transformation in Comparative Perspective 2. Social and political dimensions of economic transformation: Eastern Europe and Pacific Asia Jeffrey Henderson and Richard Whitley 3. Industrial transformation in East-Central Europe and East Asia: should the state wither away? Wladimir Andreff 4. Privatization and the state: Russia, Eastern Europe and East Asia Nigel Harris and David Lockwood 5. The starting point of liberalization: China and the former USSR on the eve of reform Peter Nolan 6. Institutional change and economic development in East-Central Europe and China: contrasts in the light of the 'East Asian model' Dic Lo and Hugo Radice Part III: National Specificities 7. Institutional foundations of robust economic performance: public sector industrial growth in China Victor Nee and Sijin Su 8. The developmental alliance for industrialization in East Asia: state and and business in South Korea and Taiwan Eun Mee Kim 9. Enterprise strategies and labour relations in Central and Eastern Europe Sarah Vickerstaff, John Thirkell and Richard Scase 10. Ideologies, economic policies and social change: the cyclical nature of Hungary's transformation Laszlo Czaban Jeffrey Henderson Professor of International Economic Sociology Manchester Business School, University of Manchester, Booth Street West, Manchester M15 6PB, England. Tel: (44)-(0)161-275-6470/6391 Fax: (44)-(0)161-275-6598/6489 J.henderson@fs2.mbs.ac.uk From muhtar@escort.net.tr Fri Sep 11 10:15:52 1998 Date: Fri, 11 Sep 1998 19:10:37 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472 > Hi Folks, > > I began to adapt your style.From now on, I say ' Hi Folks'. And,more > important I began to feel like this. Strange, good feelings via e-mail > instead of e-mail alienation. Virtual feelings ? > > Today's short paper: > > 2) REVOLUTION IN EDUCATION > > Lets begin with an exercise in our minds. Lets say there are political > revolutions,Economic revolutions, Sociological revolutions and > Educational revolutions. For example, can we say Russia 1917 was both > an political and economic revolution. But it was not a sociological > one. And it could not make its educational revolution. Maybe this is > one of the reasons of that many leftist of today try to find answers > in 'grassroots'. I use these so-called concepts just to express > myself. I don't offer new concepts. > Why SU could't make its own educational revolution ? Becouse ,they, > like every state, had the fear of 'consciousness citizens', people who > has critical minds,people know to think,people who you cannot direct > easily..So, they choose an education which is same the others in > essence but 'marxian' as a form. > Lets try to continue our mental exercise: Which one should come first > ? educational revolution, economic revolution, sociological revolution > ( please don't ask me what it is exactly.I don't know its exact > definition. It comes in my mind just now, and I feel that it is a good > concept to express myself) and political revolution. According to > traditional radical left first political revolution. This is the > necesarry condition of economic revolution. Then the others... I'm not > in a position to reject this. Even, I think it is still seems correct > as a first step. So, why I write these sentences here ? I need to > write. and I believe most of you share my impressions... > According to my information, the roots of todays education system in > west lies in last quarter of 19. century England. There workers demand > to learn .This was the main motivation of todays educational system. I > think establisment applied one of its basic tactics here: if you > cannot overcome,accept it. Then try to damage it by emptying its > content. And here is todays educational system. > So, new left must demand: " Once again we want to learn. We want to > develop our capabilities to learn, to judge, to analyse. A real > revolution in Education". I think one of the real nightmare of > dominant classes is this. > So, we must design a new educational system. Maybe more > philosophy, more pshcology, more history. Both in universities and in > middle schools. Turning to basic sciences. ext. But struggle for this > now, not later...This must be one of the main pillars of new left > project. And this isthe reason why it is a 'revolution',not just a > 'reform'. > > Ahmet Çakmak > --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472 
Hi Folks,

I began to adapt your style.From now on, I say ' Hi Folks'. And,more
important I began to feel like this. Strange, good feelings via e-mail
instead of e-mail alienation. Virtual feelings ?

Today's short paper:
2) REVOLUTION IN EDUCATION

Lets begin with an exercise in our minds. Lets say there are political revolutions,Economic revolutions, Sociological revolutions and Educational revolutions. For example, can we say Russia 1917 was both an political and economic revolution. But it was not a sociological one. And it could not make its educational revolution. Maybe this is one of the reasons of that many leftist of today try to find answers in 'grassroots'. I use these so-called concepts just to express myself. I don't offer new concepts.
Why SU could't make its own educational revolution ? Becouse ,they, like every state, had the fear of 'consciousness citizens', people who has critical minds,people know to think,people who you cannot direct easily..So, they choose an education which is same the others in essence but 'marxian' as a form.
Lets try to continue our mental exercise: Which one should come first ? educational revolution, economic revolution, sociological revolution ( please don't ask me what it is exactly.I don't know its exact definition. It comes in my mind just now, and I feel that it is a good concept to express myself) and political revolution. According to traditional radical left first political revolution. This is the necesarry condition of economic revolution. Then the others... I'm not in a position to reject this. Even, I think it is still seems correct as a first step. So, why I write these sentences here ? I need to write. and I believe most of you share my impressions...
According to my information, the roots of todays education system in west lies in last quarter of 19. century England. There workers demand to learn .This was the main motivation of todays educational system. I think establisment applied one of its basic tactics here: if you cannot overcome,accept it. Then try to damage it by emptying its content. And here is todays educational system.
So, new left must demand: " Once again we want to learn. We want to develop our capabilities to learn, to judge, to analyse. A real revolution in Education". I think one of the real nightmare of dominant classes is this.
    So, we must design a new educational system. Maybe more philosophy, more pshcology, more history. Both in universities and in middle schools. Turning to basic sciences. ext. But struggle for this now, not later...This must be one of the main pillars of new left project. And this isthe reason why it is a 'revolution',not just a 'reform'.
 
Ahmet Çakmak
 

  --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472-- From denemark@UDel.Edu Fri Sep 11 11:26:22 1998 Date: Fri, 11 Sep 1998 13:26:14 -0400 (EDT) From: Robert Allen Denemark To: world system network Subject: McNeill Review of Landes Does anyone know where the McNeill review of Landes' _The Wealth and Poverty of Nations_ was published? Please reply to me (denemark@udel.edu) and I'll make a single post, in case others also can't seem to find this. Thanks, Bob Denemark From muhtar@escort.net.tr Sun Sep 13 02:46:52 1998 Date: Sun, 13 Sep 1998 11:40:26 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples Dear Friends, I have sent you 7 short paper. This is the core of my new left project. Or,it is better to say that these are enough material for a first round discussion on my project. Let me sum up: My motivation is : first of all to do something for the living people today,of course by keeping the sine qua non's of a leftist perspective. I think the first step can come from the NIC's of Third World. In these countries there is no obstacle for a social diemocrat-radical left alliance. Even not an alliance, a unity of left wing social democrats ( that is try to find a way alternative for current mode of capital accumulation) and radical left who has common sense. This unity, I believe emerge as a strong center of gravity for progressive forces. The two main pillar of this unity are : tecnological leap forward by manage the capital and democratization ( not for leftists themselves,but for the people and by taking into consideration their real choices). This strategy also involves a radical and comprehensive change in education systems, and a comprehensive and effective birth rate control program ( bases on just to convince). Of course there should be other programs such as an emergency program for poverty, a program for transition ext. I cannot find these kind of solution proposals in Amins 1997 book where he offers regional blocks. May be the reason is : " in the face of these crisis-management ideologies and strategies, the intelligentsia ought to respond with a positive contribution to the crystallization of alternative proposals offering real solutions to the crisis. I have no intention of proffering ready-made nostrums.Still, I think it useful to recapitulate a few basic concepts that could help reshape effective strategies for resolving the crisis while at the same time preapering the ground for a people's international, robust enough to deal effectively with the world-devouring appetite of capital." As you see, I have a ready-made' one. Everybody must have. We should think, prepare and discuss 'ready-made' solution proposals like this. If, as a result of a maturity (discussion) process we can produce a few proposals,that is if we can reach a few proposals which ' generally-agreed',these will, I believe, be very useful for the leftists in their process of making their policies. Here I want to stress a point: It seems to me that the gap between the leftist social scientists and leftist actioners ( politicians,militants,workers,unionists ext.) widened. As if,they try to find ways to the problems which they faces , and we are dealing with some long-term and abstract problems. Of course,we will deal with these kind of problems. But this is not our only 'mission', I think. Thats all for now. If you are interested in with my ideas, or if you find it useful to open a debate on them I will try to continue. Ahmet Çakmak From PAT.LAUDERDALE@asu.edu Sun Sep 13 09:14:19 1998 From: PAT.LAUDERDALE@asu.edu Date: Sun, 13 Sep 1998 08:14:08 -0700 (MST) Subject: Public Debate on Labor and other issues. To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK In light of recent postings on our list, I thought some of you might be interested in a little public service by one of the doctoral students here in Arizona. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 08 Sep 1998 21:36:15 -0700 From: "David C. Larkin" To: PAT.LAUDERDALE@asu.edu Subject: Public Debate on Labor and other issues. Plus, global competition has made strikes dangerous for workers. The success of the UPS and CWA strike must have had something to do with the difficulty of replacing so many workers in a tight labor market. Here are a few of my recent letters to the Republic. The "Greedwater Institute", Kolbe IOLTA, Kidscare, and J.D. Hayworth letters were published. ----------------------------------------------- To the editor: How sad to read Brian M. Etheridge's uniformed letter (Sept. 1) claiming that unions are an unnecessary evil in the U.S. Unfortunately, the events he cites are signs of a weakened labor movement where mostly rich workers, pilots and athletes, have the power to strike. Mr. Etheridge's opinion reflects ignorance of the history of labor and working conditions in America. In the nineteenth century, factory owners put signs on factory gates like, "If you don't come to work on Sunday, don't bother coming to work on Monday." The forty hour week, the "weekend" that most of us enjoy and take for granted, appeared in the 1930's, after the labor leaders began pushing for it around 1925. Mr. Etheridge is unaware of the current pressure on workers to give up their family life for work, or face replacement. Perhaps one of these days he will be forced to choose between working 70 hours a week or quit his job and face the uncertainty and exposure to poverty as some employees I know have been. If owners of capital can join together by contract to form collective organizations to produce, it is unjust to deny that right to owners of labor, which includes the majority of Americans, on whom owners of capital depend to produce their profits. After all, labor preceded capital, which owes its existence to the efforts of working people, including American slaves, who worked for little or nothing in order to provide the profits that were necessary to accumulate the capital that gives us our high standard of living today. It is right that workers be able to bargain for a fair share and decent working conditions. Unions give workers the power to improve or at least hold steady, their quality of life and work, power that unorganized workers do not have. The downsizing, reorganizing and intensification of the U.S. workplace has awakened many workers, especially middle-managers and older workers, who find themselves surprised to be on the short end of the stick with little or no legal recourse for perceived unjust and disrespectful action by their employers. David C. Larkin Tempe, Arizona ------------------------------------------ To the Editor: What a shame that this economy allocates money to pay Jeffrey Flake and the "Greedwater" Institute to produce drivel like his childish analysis of the Children' Rights Council" statistics that ranked Arizona at the bottom in child welfare (49 out of 51). It is simply amazing that he is published so prominently in the Republic (Aug. 5). He did not say one word about any of the individual statistics that he claims were "cobbled together." He implies that these well-meaning persons who compile these statistics have some agenda besides helping children. He callously whines that Arizona should just ignore the statistics and the rankings because they could lead to government spending on child welfare. Nowhere does he give any inkling of a concern for children. Maybe legislatures should not just throw money at problems. Fine. Let's be fiscally conservative if that's what a majority determines through the political process. However, Flake recommends that everyone simply ignore school dropout rates, teenage pregnancy rates, child poverty rates and the other figures composing the statistics that he belittles simply because of his paranoid fear that the "guvmint" might ask you to chip in to help children. This is beyond irresponsibility. We should take a hard look at the statistics and determine what makes Arizona rank so low and try to do something about it. We can argue about the money later. I hope that the real "conservatives" in Arizona, if there are any, will someday wrest control of the venerable conservative label that Flake and the other paranoid selfish greedy cranks have highjacked so successfully. Consider the increase in the welfare of Arizona children if Jeffrey Flake's salary, now allocated to unproductive activities, was instead used to feed poor children nutritious meals so that they can grow up be productive Arizonans. David C. Larkin Tempe, Arizona --------------------------------------------- To the Editor: I see where the "Arizona Works" welfare experiment is preparing to choose a private contractor to administer part of Arizona's public welfare program (Jul. 29). Controversial incentives are to be offered to private enterprises to encourage cost-cutting. Promoters of the program, including chief sponsor Sen. Tom Patterson, believe that savings induced by such incentives will exceed the profit subsidy that must be paid with taxpayer money to private profit-making corporate "administrators" like Lockheed-Martin or EDS who are expected to make proposals. According to Patterson, these contractors are expected to hire some of the 300 state workers who now handle welfare administration. In other words, the state is "outsourcing" welfare administration by paying private contractors to manage our state workers more efficiently. Why are we using taxpayer money to pay subsidies in the form of profit and incentives to private parties and nameless shareholders of public companies? Why not cut costs in government by copying private enterprise? The legislature should authorize the Department of Economic Security to pay competive salaries in order to compete with private contractors for talented high-paid managers who actually do the cost-cutting. Moreover, the legislature could provide notoriously lowpaid Arizona state government managers and employees with a generous incentive bonus plan like private enterprise does. We could then save taxpayers the cost of the "profit" that must be built into the "Arizona Works" program to entice private enterprise to enter the welfare business. We should not be paying profit subsidies to private enterprise to administer public programs if we could pay incentives to government workers to accomplish the same goals in the name of "public service" rather than "private profit." We could still hire private contractors to manage the "Arizona Works" T-Shirt concession, an arena customarily reserved for private enterprise. David C. Larkin Tempe, Arizona ---------------------------------- To the Editor John Kolbe's celebration of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision ruling that interest in lawyer's IOLTA trust funds belongs to the client is not surprising. Any public effort to help the poor raises his ire. I have never had a client even ask about interest on trust account funds in nearly two decades of law practice. Hopefully, IOLTA will continue as a matter of contractual consent between lawyer and client. However, if IOLTA trust accounts disappear, I wonder who is going to benefit. I suspect that it will either be banks who will profit from the fees on the myriad of additional separate trust accounts that may be needed to safely account for the accruing "property" of the client. More likely, the lawyers will profit by obtaining the agreement of the client that interest earned on trust fund money becomes an additional fee for administrating the client's trust funds or some other nonrefundable retainer-type contracted fee. Of course, for Kolbe, profit to banks and lawyers is far better than legal services for the poor, which was an admirable intent of the IOLTA movement. David C. Larkin Tempe, Arizona ------------------------------- To the Editor: Republican critics of Governor Hull's KidsCare bill (Apr. 21) who have stalled this bill for ideological or partisan political reasons will be personally accountable in the future for the suffering and deaths of innocent children if this bill is not passed. It is unconscionable for so-called conservatives to be willing to sacrifice to their myopic and self-centered ideologies, the 60,000 to 70,000 poor children who would benefit from the KidsCare health insurance program The "free" market has failed to provide health care for the poor. They cannot afford it. That is a fact. A Republican dominated federal Senate and House have made available $113 million dollars annually for this Arizona health insurance program. Apparently secession-minded cranks in the Arizona legislature have forgotten that the Preamble to the U.S. Constitution states that it was created, "in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, . . . promote the general Welfare, and to secure the Blessing of Liberty for ourselves and our Posterity." According to the dictionary, "Welfare" means "health, happiness and good-fortune." "Posterity" means "future generations." Thus, the American federal government was formed to promote health for all Americans, and for our children, and our children's children. The real issue is whether all Arizonans (and Americans) ought to have access to decent health care. These 60,000-plus Arizona children cannot be blamed for their predicament. The answer to Rep. Sue Gerard's (R-North Phoenix) mystification at the stone-walling conduct of conservative Republican legislators is simple. Although these obstinate Arizona Republicans fashion themselves "conservatives", we should not overlook their hearts and judge them "selfish", "greedy" or even "evil" as we would any person who would intentionally cause the suffering or death of a little child. This sort of legislative behavior is what causes voters to begin to plan time and make effort to unseat legislators like these "conservatives" who would purposely disregard the innocent for misguided ideological purposes. The society they promote is uncivil, self-centered and fractious. How can their judgment be trusted in any matters when they exhibit such disregard for the needy and the powerless? David C. Larkin Tempe, Arizona --------------------------------- To the editor: J.D. Hayworth said in his guest column in the Republic (Dec. 7) that the proposed national sales tax he is promoting would be "progressive" because "people who buy yachts would pay more taxes than people who don't." What a shocking twist of the meaning of progressive taxes! Progressive taxes have always meant that the higher your income, the higher effective tax rate you pay. Clearly, the idea behind progressive taxes is that people with higher incomes pay a higher effective tax rate because they derive greater benefit from the system, and have greater means to support it. In 1964, my high school history teacher in conservative Nebraska taught me that sales taxes were regressive taxes, not progressive taxes, because the lower your income, the greater percentage of your income you spend. Thus, more of your income is taxed by a sales tax resulting in a higher effective tax rate than those with greater incomes. I have never seen a sales tax referred to as progressive until J.D. Hayworth said it in his guest column. No wonder he is able to attract campaign donations from the wealthy. Such hucksterism is shameful, yet he is embraced by those who benefit from his ignorance, and apparently many who do not, but are willing to believe anything that a former sportscaster says about complex economic matters. David C. Larkin From denemark@UDel.Edu Sun Sep 13 23:13:45 1998 Date: Mon, 14 Sep 1998 01:13:33 -0400 (EDT) From: Robert Allen Denemark To: world system network Subject: McNeill review of Landes Dear WSNers; Thanks for coming to my aid with the citation for the McNeill review of Landes. For those interested: New York Review of Books April 23, '98 pp. 37-9 I'd be fascinated to see a double review of Landes and Gunder Frank's _ReOrient_ appear somewhere. Best, Bob Denemark From muhtar@escort.net.tr Sun Sep 13 23:26:09 1998 Date: Mon, 14 Sep 1998 08:20:38 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: [Fwd: living peoples] This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------51D5DCF4546505D03B0C8FE8 --------------51D5DCF4546505D03B0C8FE8 Date: Fri, 11 Sep 1998 19:10:37 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472 > Hi Folks, > > I began to adapt your style.From now on, I say ' Hi Folks'. And,more > important I began to feel like this. Strange, good feelings via e-mail > instead of e-mail alienation. Virtual feelings ? > > Today's short paper: > > 2) REVOLUTION IN EDUCATION > > Lets begin with an exercise in our minds. Lets say there are political > revolutions,Economic revolutions, Sociological revolutions and > Educational revolutions. For example, can we say Russia 1917 was both > an political and economic revolution. But it was not a sociological > one. And it could not make its educational revolution. Maybe this is > one of the reasons of that many leftist of today try to find answers > in 'grassroots'. I use these so-called concepts just to express > myself. I don't offer new concepts. > Why SU could't make its own educational revolution ? Becouse ,they, > like every state, had the fear of 'consciousness citizens', people who > has critical minds,people know to think,people who you cannot direct > easily..So, they choose an education which is same the others in > essence but 'marxian' as a form. > Lets try to continue our mental exercise: Which one should come first > ? educational revolution, economic revolution, sociological revolution > ( please don't ask me what it is exactly.I don't know its exact > definition. It comes in my mind just now, and I feel that it is a good > concept to express myself) and political revolution. According to > traditional radical left first political revolution. This is the > necesarry condition of economic revolution. Then the others... I'm not > in a position to reject this. Even, I think it is still seems correct > as a first step. So, why I write these sentences here ? I need to > write. and I believe most of you share my impressions... > According to my information, the roots of todays education system in > west lies in last quarter of 19. century England. There workers demand > to learn .This was the main motivation of todays educational system. I > think establisment applied one of its basic tactics here: if you > cannot overcome,accept it. Then try to damage it by emptying its > content. And here is todays educational system. > So, new left must demand: " Once again we want to learn. We want to > develop our capabilities to learn, to judge, to analyse. A real > revolution in Education". I think one of the real nightmare of > dominant classes is this. > So, we must design a new educational system. Maybe more > philosophy, more pshcology, more history. Both in universities and in > middle schools. Turning to basic sciences. ext. But struggle for this > now, not later...This must be one of the main pillars of new left > project. And this isthe reason why it is a 'revolution',not just a > 'reform'. > > Ahmet Çakmak > --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472 
Hi Folks,

I began to adapt your style.From now on, I say ' Hi Folks'. And,more
important I began to feel like this. Strange, good feelings via e-mail
instead of e-mail alienation. Virtual feelings ?

Today's short paper:
2) REVOLUTION IN EDUCATION

Lets begin with an exercise in our minds. Lets say there are political revolutions,Economic revolutions, Sociological revolutions and Educational revolutions. For example, can we say Russia 1917 was both an political and economic revolution. But it was not a sociological one. And it could not make its educational revolution. Maybe this is one of the reasons of that many leftist of today try to find answers in 'grassroots'. I use these so-called concepts just to express myself. I don't offer new concepts.
Why SU could't make its own educational revolution ? Becouse ,they, like every state, had the fear of 'consciousness citizens', people who has critical minds,people know to think,people who you cannot direct easily..So, they choose an education which is same the others in essence but 'marxian' as a form.
Lets try to continue our mental exercise: Which one should come first ? educational revolution, economic revolution, sociological revolution ( please don't ask me what it is exactly.I don't know its exact definition. It comes in my mind just now, and I feel that it is a good concept to express myself) and political revolution. According to traditional radical left first political revolution. This is the necesarry condition of economic revolution. Then the others... I'm not in a position to reject this. Even, I think it is still seems correct as a first step. So, why I write these sentences here ? I need to write. and I believe most of you share my impressions...
According to my information, the roots of todays education system in west lies in last quarter of 19. century England. There workers demand to learn .This was the main motivation of todays educational system. I think establisment applied one of its basic tactics here: if you cannot overcome,accept it. Then try to damage it by emptying its content. And here is todays educational system.
So, new left must demand: " Once again we want to learn. We want to develop our capabilities to learn, to judge, to analyse. A real revolution in Education". I think one of the real nightmare of dominant classes is this.
    So, we must design a new educational system. Maybe more philosophy, more pshcology, more history. Both in universities and in middle schools. Turning to basic sciences. ext. But struggle for this now, not later...This must be one of the main pillars of new left project. And this isthe reason why it is a 'revolution',not just a 'reform'.
 
Ahmet Çakmak
 

  --------------FA1D8EB32144EB243EB85472-- --------------51D5DCF4546505D03B0C8FE8-- From muhtar@escort.net.tr Mon Sep 14 00:36:09 1998 Date: Mon, 14 Sep 1998 09:31:04 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: [Fwd: living peoples] This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------A53D7AE6EB96534862F21B0A --------------A53D7AE6EB96534862F21B0A Date: Sun, 13 Sep 1998 11:40:26 +0300 From: Ahmet Cakmak Reply-To: muhtar@escort.net.tr To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: living peoples Dear Friends, I have sent you 7 short paper. This is the core of my new left project. Or,it is better to say that these are enough material for a first round discussion on my project. Let me sum up: My motivation is : first of all to do something for the living people today,of course by keeping the sine qua non's of a leftist perspective. I think the first step can come from the NIC's of Third World. In these countries there is no obstacle for a social diemocrat-radical left alliance. Even not an alliance, a unity of left wing social democrats ( that is try to find a way alternative for current mode of capital accumulation) and radical left who has common sense. This unity, I believe emerge as a strong center of gravity for progressive forces. The two main pillar of this unity are : tecnological leap forward by manage the capital and democratization ( not for leftists themselves,but for the people and by taking into consideration their real choices). This strategy also involves a radical and comprehensive change in education systems, and a comprehensive and effective birth rate control program ( bases on just to convince). Of course there should be other programs such as an emergency program for poverty, a program for transition ext. I cannot find these kind of solution proposals in Amins 1997 book where he offers regional blocks. May be the reason is : " in the face of these crisis-management ideologies and strategies, the intelligentsia ought to respond with a positive contribution to the crystallization of alternative proposals offering real solutions to the crisis. I have no intention of proffering ready-made nostrums.Still, I think it useful to recapitulate a few basic concepts that could help reshape effective strategies for resolving the crisis while at the same time preapering the ground for a people's international, robust enough to deal effectively with the world-devouring appetite of capital." As you see, I have a ready-made' one. Everybody must have. We should think, prepare and discuss 'ready-made' solution proposals like this. If, as a result of a maturity (discussion) process we can produce a few proposals,that is if we can reach a few proposals which ' generally-agreed',these will, I believe, be very useful for the leftists in their process of making their policies. Here I want to stress a point: It seems to me that the gap between the leftist social scientists and leftist actioners ( politicians,militants,workers,unionists ext.) widened. As if,they try to find ways to the problems which they faces , and we are dealing with some long-term and abstract problems. Of course,we will deal with these kind of problems. But this is not our only 'mission', I think. Thats all for now. If you are interested in with my ideas, or if you find it useful to open a debate on them I will try to continue. Ahmet Çakmak --------------A53D7AE6EB96534862F21B0A-- From richardsonofnc@email.msn.com Mon Sep 14 07:16:39 1998 From: "David Richardson" To: "WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK" Subject: Re: McNeill review of Landes Date: Mon, 14 Sep 1998 09:17:54 -0400 FROM: David Richardson richardardsonofnc@msn.com In respect to Robert Denemark's letter: Is there some way of getting W. H. McNeill's April 23rd review of Landes' history? Sincerely, David -----Original Message----- From: Robert Allen Denemark To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Date: Monday, September 14, 1998 1:15 AM Subject: McNeill review of Landes > > > >Dear WSNers; > > Thanks for coming to my aid with the citation for the McNeill review >of Landes. For those interested: > >New York Review of Books >April 23, '98 >pp. 37-9 > > I'd be fascinated to see a double review of Landes and Gunder Frank's >_ReOrient_ appear somewhere. > > Best, Bob Denemark > > From rkmoore@iol.ie Tue Sep 15 05:49:20 1998 Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 12:48:47 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: 1/2> GRI.II / Intro & C.4: "Livable and sustainable societies" Globalization and the Revolutionary Imperative Part II - Introduction, Chapter 4 - preliminary Copyright 1998 by Richard K. Moore 15 September 1998 comments to: editor@cyberjournal.org book maintained at: http://cyberjournal.org/cadre/gri/gri.html ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Part II - Envisioning a livable world: common sense, not utopianism ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Introduction [509 words] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Part I examined the path on which the world is currently headed under the control of the well-entrenched, Western capitalist elite oligarchy. Societies and economies are being systematically and intentionally destroyed by free trade polices and by interventions of the IMF. A global economy is being imposed on the world which is rapidly being dominated by a handful of TNC megacorps. A de facto world government has been established which serves TNC interests, has no democratic representation whatever, and which is backed by Western military power. The Earth is being poisoned and its irreplaceable resources are being squandered in the pursuit of never-ending capital growth. Poverty, starvation, and disease are becoming rampant worldwide while a global regime of KulturKampf is being established to maintain world order in the midst of ongoing tension and strife. As the mass-media is being concentrated into the hands of a few global conglomerates, populations are being fed a steady diet of disinformation, escapist entertainment, and neoliberal propaganda. As Western societies are being dismantled and refashioned in the mold of the Third-World, police-state regimes are being established to contain popular unrest. Factionalism and fundamentalist ideologies are being systematically promulgated worldwide so that groups and nations will struggle against one another rather than uniting in opposition to the global capitalist regime. As the Earth's fragile ecosystems are being pushed to the breaking point, the world is faced with the very real possibility of the total breakdown of civilization and the massive die-off of populations. Alternatively, if the capitalist oligarchy decides to change course and cease the pursuit of unmaintainable economic growth, the world faces a bleak future enslaved under the thumb of global tyranny. Is there any hope for humanity? Can capitalist domination be overcome? Is it too late to change course, restore our environment, and establish livable societies? No one can answer these questions with certainty, but we, the world's people, must make the effort to save ourselves and the Earth. If we fail to do so we are betraying everything decent in humanity's heritage and we are condemning our progeny to either death or subservience. We have nothing to lose and everything to gain by standing up for ourselves and courageously challenging our oppressors. Part III of this book will examine the history of social movements, and of revolutions, and will endeavor to outline a practical strategy for non-violent, global, democratic revolution. In Part II, we will develop the goals of such a revolution -- we will investigate the nature of livable, sustainable societies. A livable society is a society in which people are happy to live -- a society in which people are reasonably well off and in which they feel in control of their lives and destinies. A sustainable society is one that is not living beyond its means, where resources are not being used up faster than they can be replaced. Livable societies are the birthright of men and women everywhere; sustainability is the means by which livable societies can be passed on to our children. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Chapter 4 - Sustainable societies: a realizable necessity [4060 words] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- General principles of sustainability: stability and regulation ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ With the advent of acid rain, ozone depletion, global warming, and other obvious signs of global-scale disruptions, sustainability is becoming a familiar term. Environmentalists talk about sustainable agriculture and sustainable economics, while globalization's policy-makers talk about sustainable development. "Sustainable development," like most of globalization's euphemisms, means the opposite of what it says. Just as free competition masks a program of monopoly concentration, so sustainable development masks a program aimed not at preserving resources, but at extracting the maximum possible profit out of those that remain. Satellite and field inventories are being collated, models are being built of various ecosystems, and an agenda of "best use" (that is, maximal exploitation) is being prepared. In the calculus of sustainable development, people die of thirst while water is diverted to support agribusiness operations. While sustainable development is merely deceptive rhetoric, sustainable economics and agriculture are in fact necessary societal objectives -- the unsustainable alternative is simply another name for the inevitable collapse of society. But sustainable economies and agriculture cannot be achieved, not in a lasting form, unless society as a whole is made sustainable. Consider for example the indigenous Mayan people in Chiapas, Mexico. Their economy and agriculture were sustainable before Cortez arrived in Mexico and remain sustainable to this day. What has ceased to be sustainable is the political viability of the Chiapas region within Mexican society, as a result of NAFTA. Political sustainability is every bit as essential as economic sustainability, if, as the name suggests, the goal is to last over time. One might also take notice of the fact that two centuries ago nearly all economies were sustainable. Population growth, technological development, and infrastructure changes have been responsible for the acceleration of resource depletion. Wherever automobiles have become widespread, for example, that in itself has guaranteed the unsustainability of societal energy use. If any part of a society is to be insured sustainability, then the entire society, taken as a living dynamic system, must have certain stability characteristics. This is not to say a sustainable society must be a static society, but there must be appropriate regulatory mechanisms that keep the various elements of society within some kind of balance and harmony. In primitive societies the regulatory mechanisms were natural and cultural. Tabus, religious beliefs, and other cultural norms -- along with the limits of the surrounding environment -- kept populations in balance and resource use within sustainable limits. These cultural norms and economies evolved over time out of the necessity of societal survival. But such societies were relatively static, making stability easier to achieve. Modern societies are highly dynamic, and achieving stability is therefore more difficult. In dynamic systems, stability is achieved through feedback mechanisms. For example, a house is kept within a stable temperature range by means of a thermostat. In order for the thermostat to do its job the temperature sensor must be located in the house and it must be able to control the furnace. In general, a regulatory mechanism must be linked to that which is to be regulated, otherwise the system is unstable and runs out of control. In modern societies the primary feedback mechanism -- the measure that is used to judge economic health -- is GDP (Gross Domestic Product). What GDP measures is monetary transactions, not social well being. It is no surprise that with GDP as the policy regulator, corporate profits increase while social well-being declines. To use GDP as a measure of social well-being is like placing ones thermostat out in the back yard. Just as the furnace would in that case over-heat the house, so does GDP encourage economic growth far beyond societal benefit. Sustainability requires that monitoring mechanisms be designed which are linked to each significant aspect of society, and which then link into regulatory controls which have the power to correct imbalances. These regulatory controls might be laws which prohibit certain activities under certain circumstances, resource allocations which budget the use of critical resources, or variable tax rates which make activities increasingly expensive as they get further out of bounds. Markets can be very effective regulating mechanisms in certain situations and if the markets themselves are appropriately established and regulated. Education can enhance societal stability by helping people to understand how society functions and how their own choices and actions effect society and their own well being. Accurate and timely information enables governing bodies and citizens to respond to changing circumstance and hence to help keep society in balance. The range of feedback and regulatory mechanisms is limited only by human ingenuity, but to be successful, they must be linked to that which they are intended to regulate. The only sustainability imperative is that overall regulation be effective in achieving robust sustainability and societal stability. Sustaining livability: the necessity of democracy ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ If societies are to be livable -- if they are to achieve social well-being -- then the most fundamental feedback mechanism must be the people themselves. Only people can judge their own well-being, and just as a thermostat must be inside the house, so must citizen satisfaction be the measure of livability. A livable, dynamic society must therefore be a democratic society: only a government of the people can be a government for the people. The failure of most of our existing democracies is due in large part to the inadequacy of their political feedback mechanisms. Citizen political will is expressed primarily through elections that are held every several years, and in which the only information conveyed is a mark which is placed next to the name of one of the candidates. Imagine how poorly a business would run if the only feedback management received was every several years when the accountants said "You're doing well" or "You're doing poorly," without any quantitative information! Just as a healthy business requires frequent and quantitative feedback on its performance, so does a livable society require ongoing citizen feedback -- and that feedback must involve more than candidate selection; it must involve citizen determination of policy priorities, and those priorities must be communicated to and acted on by governing bodies. Businesses require not only frequent feedback on their performance, they also require comprehensive feedback. Each part of the business must be functioning soundly if the business is to remain healthy. Similarly, for a society to be livable, it must be livable locally. As different localities have different needs and preferences, so democracy must be locally based. To return to our earlier metaphor, each house needs its own thermostat -- it makes no sense for one thermostat to turn everyone's furnace on and off at the same time. If livable societies are to be achieved and sustained, the most fundamental requirement is that stable, locally-based, democratic governance be established. Only democracy is based on popular will, only stable democracy can maintain social well being in a dynamic society, and only locally-based democracy can adjust to local requirements. In the next chapter the question of democracy will be investigated further. Self-sufficiency and trade: seeking the right balance ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Closely related to sustainability is self sufficiency. A self-sufficient society is not only sustainable, but is also independent of external imports for its essential needs. Self sufficiency is in fact not typically attainable except in very primitive societies or in very large societies which are fortunate enough to possess a wide variety of resources. Trade with other societies is, generally speaking, a necessity. For sustainability to be achieved when trade is part of the equation, then two conditions must be satisfied. First, that which is exported must be sustainably obtainable. Second, the ongoing availability of needed imports must be assured. Within those constraints trade can be of great benefit to a society. An excess of one resource or product can be traded for another in short supply, and a society can specialize in certain kinds of production, to the benefit of itself and its trading partners. Little more need be said regarding the benefits of trade, since those are so frequently praised in existing capitalist societies. What needs to emphasized here are the the conditions (above) which need to be satisfied for trade to be sustainable, and the value of a stabilizing degree of self-sufficiency in essentials. Assuring the availability of needed imports can never be fully under the control of a given society. Making use of relatively inexpensive imports may provide economic advantages to a society, but over-dependence on imports threatens the long-term stability of society, especially in periods of general economic hardship. Sustainability is most reliably achieved through self-sufficiency in essentials wherever that is feasible. Whenever a society becomes highly dependent on a given import, it may make sense in terms of both economics and societal stability to develop a domestic production capability. This kind of development -- the building of self-sufficiency -- is the opposite of what development has come to mean under capitalism. Development today means the building of capital-growth vehicles, and the encouragement of global over-dependence on trade is itself the most fundamental growth vehicle for capital. International trade, and the financing of same, is heavily dominated by TNC's. xx% of all trade is carried out internally to TNC's. Having a domestic alternative increases a society's bargaining power in those cases where it chooses, for economic advantage, to trade beyond its needs. If imports are not offered at reasonable terms, then the domestic alternative can be expanded. For several reasons, then, a healthy dose of self-sufficiency is essential for robust sustainability. Keeping external dependencies within manageable bounds is one of the regulatory requirements of a sustainable society. Trade is one part of a society's wider relationship with other societies, and a sustainable society -- a society with sustainability awareness -- naturally approaches its relationships with other societies from that perspective. For example, if timber is needed as an ongoing import resource, then the importing society would be eager for its trading partners to employ sustainable forestry practices. Non-sustainability radiates outward, destabilizing other societies. In a capitalist world, there must be competition among societies in pursuit of relative advantage; in a sustainable world, there is more likely to be collaboration among societies in pursuit of mutual stability and benefit. When the economic basis of inter-societal relationships shifts from competition to collaboration, that spirit will affect those relationships generally, including the political and cultural aspects. Marx may have exaggerated in saying that all human relationships are determined by economics, but there is considerable evidence that he was not far off the mark. Consider for example Western Europe, which had been involved in endless internal warfare during centuries of competition, both before and during the era of capitalism. But following WW2, when competitive imperialism was abandoned, the sprit of collaboration and cultural exchange grew ever stronger, leading ultimately to the European Union. In Chapter 6, we will look in more detail at the question of collaborative internationalism, what kinds of difficulties might be expected to arise, and how they might be effectively dealt with. For now, let us presume that in a sustainable world political relationships between societies will be primarily collaborative and mutually supportive. There may be tensions of various kinds, just as there are among people in a community, but it is in each society's best interest to maintain stability and to keep tensions under control. One source of obvious tension arises from the principle of self-sufficiency itself. Suppose for example a society decides that it wants to deploy wind-power generators in order to achieve energy self-sufficiency. It might then choose to subsidize development of generator-producing enterprises. When a production capability is achieved, the society might then impose a tax on energy imports so that market forces would then lead to the deployment of generators and eventually the achievement of the desired self-sufficiency. This kind of selective protectionism has been used effectively by many nations, and was crucial to the industrialization of Britain, the United States, Germany, Japan, Korea, and others. Free trade has always been a late-stage capitalist agenda, aimed at destabilizing the self-sufficiency of weaker economies to the relative advantage of stronger ones. In a sustainable world, a protectionist project might be disturbing to trading partners who had come to depend on a particular export trade. But there would be mutual understanding of the desirability of self-sufficiency -- the trading partner would not interpret the project as a competitive ploy aimed at relative gain, and would not be inclined to "retaliate" with tariffs of its own. Presumably the project would be discussed well in advance of execution, and time would be allowed for adjustments by all sides. Such is the nature of collaboration. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ [continued...] From rkmoore@iol.ie Tue Sep 15 05:50:10 1998 Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 12:49:45 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: 2/2> GRI.II / Intro & C.4: "Livable and sustainable societies" [continued...] ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Achieving sustainability: there is no single recipe ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ To summarize what has been established so far, the fundamental characteristics of a livable and sustainable world -- based on the essential requirements of livability and sustainability -- are the following: (1) Societal politics is democratic, locally based, and participatory. (2) Accurate information regarding all aspects of societal operations are readily available. (3) Societal systems are monitored at a societal level, robust sustainability is systematically regulated, and the specific arrangements are determined largely by local conditions and preferences. (4) Trade is based on mutual benefit, rather than competitive advantage, and on reliable relationships, rather than temporary gain. (5) Inter-societal relations are generally collaborative, harmonious, and based on mutual respect for the principles of sustainability, self-determination, and self-sufficiency. These are not simply desirable characteristics, and they are not utopian. As I hope this investigation has demonstrated, these characteristics are necessary and essential to livability and sustainability, and they are mutually supportive and reinforcing -- they weave into a stable culture of sustainability. While capitalism has for centuries made the false claim that blind and narrow self-interest would lead to universal benefit, a much stronger claim can be made that informed societal self-interest, based on sustainability, stability, and locally-based democracy, will lead to maximum overall benefit, general satisfaction, and a peaceful, harmonious world. There are many paths to sustainability, depending on the circumstances, the cultures, and the preferences of each society and locality. There is no single recipe that would be appropriate to every situation. There are some general guidelines that apply widely, such as the need to reduce energy consumption drastically from its current levels, the need to keep population levels within each society's carrying capacity, and the desirability of moving toward self-sufficiency in essentials. Uses of all resources must be reviewed, and strategies developed for moving toward sustainable systems. Hasty change is itself wasteful and destabilizing, and sustainability is best served by keeping the wheels of society going while new systems are being developed to replace old ones. Various kinds of market regulation can be used to facilitate such transitions. Energy use, for example, can be taxed in order to subsidize the development of more efficient transport infrastructures. While economies must be effectively regulated and must be monitored at a societal level, this by no means implies that sustainable societies must be command economies. In fact, modern societies, over the centuries, have developed quite effective mechanisms to regulate internal commerce, trade, and resources. Licenses, subsidies, tax structures, anti-monopoly rules, and other measures have frequently achieved societal objectives within market-based economies. There are some cases, however, such as the infrastructures of transport, energy, and communications, where outright societal ownership and management may be far and away the best policy for many societies. The dismal failures of many recent privatizations, such as in Britain and Brazil, highlight the good sense behind societal operation for facilities whose stable maintenance is essential to society and where markets have little useful regulatory role to play. [Privatization examples to be provided] Citizen preference is a major factor in the equation of societal benefit. The indigenous people of Chiapas might prefer communal farming; the descendents of Swedes in Minnesota might prefer family farms. Both approaches might be able to provide reliable and sustainable food supplies to their respective societies, and local democratic preference must generally prevail over any central-planner's notion of optimality. Without the pressure of capitalism's growth imperative, there is no need to pursue "optimal use" as if it were a holy icon. There is room in sustainable societies for flexibility, and the encouragement of preferred cultural forms. If people want river boats back on the Mississippi River, just because they like them, there's no reason why the sustainability-feasibility of such a transport system cannot be explored. One of the most important societal resources is accurate and timely information. Sustainability management requires accurate information regarding crops, production yields, consumption patterns, trade, financial flows, and the effects of regulatory measures. Effective democracy requires that citizens be accurately informed of societal and world affairs, and that governing bodies be kept informed of citizen preferences and needs down to the local level. Secrecy, in particular, is anathema to a democratic, collaborative world. Maintenance of reliable and accurate information channels must be a primary societal objective, and various monitoring mechanisms will be required to make sure information is in fact being adequately and accurately distributed. Resources such as water supplies, fisheries, and agricultural land are of utmost importance to society, and their ongoing integrity and sustainability is of primary concern. The principle of societal dominion over such resources has been long recognized in Western societies, and at times has been used effectively to preserve such resources. In a sustainable society, property rights of operators must always be subservient to the requirements of sustainability, as defined by democratically-derived societal regulations. Pesticide use, irrigation methods, fishing intensities, and tillage practices must all be regulated so as to preserve topsoils and fisheries, maintain water supplies and their quality, and to protect public health. In the case of non-renewable resources, various strategies might be used in support of overall sustainability. If the economy is running satisfactorily without exploiting minerals, for example, it might be advisable to leave the minerals untapped and hold them in reserve for times of need. If, on the other hand, mineral exploitation is considered necessary to support the economy, then that must be seen as a temporary expediency. The society must plan some kind of successor economy in order to be ultimately sustainable. Ironically, it might be in a society's best interest to accelerate exploitation of its export resource in order to generate funding to establish the successor economic regime. But apart from such a transition strategy, sustainability is best served by limiting non-renewable exports to what is required to obtain needed imports -- if one is fortunate enough to be sitting on a pile of gold, there is no sense in squandering it. Energy is a resource whose non-sustainability is readily apparent based on current usage patterns. xx% of known global oil reserves, for example, were consumed between 19xx and 19yy, and at current rates of consumption all known supplies will be exhausted by 2xxx. Meanwhile massive highway development is being carried out all over the world and xx% of known oil reserves are consumed each year by commercial air travel. The management of energy in sustainable societies will be dramatically different than in a world where maximizing the use of petroleum seems to be the primary global energy policy. Market economics are simply inappropriate as the primary regulator of energy usage. Energy usage must be regulated such that the societal resources which must be expended in order to provide energy are managed sustainably. If food is traded for oil, through some string of trade transactions, then energy usage cannot be allowed to force over-use of food-producing resources. Hence the economics of energy use is primarily the economics of resource-management, and a competitive energy industry is of little regulatory benefit. Some energy might be supplied free of charge, for example to hospitals, where energy costs are of little regulatory value. In other cases the regulation of the market would be most advisable, and energy prices can be varied for different uses, enabling maximum usage flexibility within the bounds of sustainability. There is an energy budget, determined democratically, within which a sustainable society must live. The budget must be sufficient to provide necessary societal operations, and it can be as large as the society desires, within the bounds of prudent sustainability. Just as financial budgets in today's societies are set at both local and national levels, so energy would be budgeted at societal and at local levels. Energy needs of essential societal operations and infrastructures would be guaranteed, and then localities would be free, within guidelines, to allocate their energy budgets according to local conditions. Rural areas might need to use much of their budget for tractor and truck operation, while urban areas might make use of efficient mass-transit solutions, freeing more of their energy budgets for uses other than transport. Adjusting from reckless to sustainable energy usage will probably be one of the most difficult transitions as societies move toward sustainability. Recall that the force of capitalism has been fueled by the human creativity that it inspired, albeit for the dubious purpose of maximizing capital growth. As was observed, necessity is the mother of invention. Living within energy budgets will demand considerable creativity, and some of today's talented corporate executives and engineers can be usefully employed with the task of helping localities and societies to develop appropriate solutions. We have, fortunately, the advantage of history -- many generations of efficient energy systems have been discarded in the scramble for economic growth, and many technologies have been discovered and never exploited, because they didn't promise sufficient corporate profits. We may not be forced back to horses, candles, and sailing ships, at least not all of us, but it is comforting to know that there is such a wide spectrum of proven energy models available to inspire appropriate sustainable designs. In democratic, sustainable societies, people are at the same time a resource for society and the sovereigns of society. Society has a general interest in the productivity and good health of its citizenry, in support of societal operations, and it also has a responsibility to support the well-being of the people on whose behalf governing bodies are empowered. For both reasons, a livable society would presumably give high priority to social services, within the constraints of its sustainable budget. Education and health care, for example, might be most efficiently and effectively provided free to those who can benefit from them. Little useful regulatory purpose is served by imposing a market regime on such basic services. Certainly quality and efficiency need to be maintained, and usage must be in some sense fairly allocated. Many regulatory mechanisms are available for such purposes which are more direct and effective than markets. There is much more that could be said, but this is not the place to comprehensively consider, even in overview, all aspects of sustainable economics. My intent has been only to identify the fundamental principles that must necessarily be followed if sustainability is to be achieved, and to see how those principles might be applied in familiar situations. I've tried to explore a variety of solution paradigms so as to illustrate the kind of creativity that will be required. After more than a century's reign of the paradigm of capitalism, we all need a bit of a jolt in the head to regain our sanity and prepare for a sustainable future. In closing, we must look at the big question: Is it all possible? There are those who believe humanity can only survive if global populations reduce drastically, through disease and starvation, after which a sustainable world could be obtained. [citation to be provided] But such a perspective is based on statistics which presume a continuation of capitalist economics, which grossly abuses and misuses global resources. To understand the actual carrying capacity of the Earth, one must use a different kind of statistics, based on different kinds of resource usages, as we've been discussing in this chapter. Several investigators have looked at these kinds of statistics, and their results are very promising [citation to be provided]. In any case, even if global population must in fact experience painful reduction due to resource insufficiency, the sooner sustainable practices are introduced, the more people will be saved. [end Chapter 4] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- This material is a draft book in-progress. You are encouraged to send feedback to the author at editor@cyberjournal.org. Non-commercial forwarding is hereby authorized, in entirety, including this sig. Please keep in mind that this material is a preliminary draft, that the presentation is to be expanded, and that substantiating examples and references are to be included -- suggestions invited. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ a political discussion forum - cj@cyberjournal.org To subscribe, send any message to cj-subscribe@cyberjournal.org A public service of Citizens for a Democratic Renaissance (mailto:cdr@cyberjournal.org http://cyberjournal.org) ---------------------------------------------------------- To subscribe to our activists list, send any message to: renaissance-network-subscribe@cyberjournal.org Help create the Movement for a Democratic Rensaissance ---------------------------------------------- crafted in Ireland by rkm ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon From rozov@nsu.ru Tue Sep 15 22:16:32 1998 Wed, 16 Sep 1998 11:04:00 +0700 (NOVST) From: "Nikolai S. Rozov " To: PHILOFHI@YORKU.CA, wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 11:07:09 +0000 Subject: Re: Livable and sustainable societies Reply-to: rozov@nsu.ru In-reply-to: Thank you Richard for sharing with us your brave and wide-scope ideas on the new fair world. Sometimes ago Richard's localism seemed to me suspicious but now you have removed these doubts. In spite of author's refusal the 4th chapter is essentially utopian, but it is not bad at all because Utopia is one one of most intellectually and ideologically powerful cultural traditions in history. I would like to put Richard's version of international Utopia into intellectual tradition. We know at least three basic paradigms: a liberal one, presented by Adam Smith in his book on richness of nations, an isolationist paradigm that from my viepoint is presented best of all by Fichte's "A Closed Trade State", and via media - a confederative paradigm, presented by Kant in his 'Idea of Universal History..." and the tractatus on "Eternal Peace". I support Richard's balanced theses on international trade that indicate this version of Utopia to belong to Kantian, not Fichtean tradition (the last was in fact realized in international politics of communist countries - the Northern Korea with its chuchkhe is the last bastion). The next question is how this version of Utopia relates to known deep essential and trends of world development. In my book 'The Structure of Civilization and the World Development Trends" (1992, in Russian), I have outlined three main megatrends (stable complexes of positive reinforcing conncetions between trends from various societal spheres): the Megatrend 1: the Westernization and Globalization (or the 'Smithonian' ) megatrend, which is the main target for Richard's criticisms; the Megatrend 2: the international isolationism combined with domestic authoritarianism and repressions; nationalism, fundamentalism, extremist 'patriotism' belong also to this stream (one can compare it with Fichtean 'Closed State'); the Megatrend 3: multipolar partnership and change of direction of technoeconomic development ((the Kantian line) I wrote the the Third Megatrend is still rather weak, presented mainly in writings and heads of intellectuals. Sure i subscribe to the Third Megatrend and i am glad that similar ideas emerge again and again independantly. That's why i think we are allies with Richard in principle and instead splitting hairs on minor contradictions in views it would be better to focus on the crucial problems of realization (rise of the Third Megatrend in my terms). Why indeed so nice ideas are not realized? we can gues that they contradict some deep and essential traits of the very nature of human societies and powerful social groups. It is a very large topic and what i wish to do here is only to focus attention on three prominent modern theoretical approaches: world-system analysis (Wallerstein, Frank, Arrighi, Chase-Dunn, et al), geopolitics (especially Collins), and environmental problems (resources' exhaustion, pollution, etc). WS-analysis tells about inevitable hierachization in any international market system. Indeed, semiperiphery 'sees' richness of the core and will do everything to gain the similar level (in spite of all moralistic utopian sermons). In the very core TNCs exploit periphery not (only) to become more rich, but in context of a very tough (mortal?!) struggle between themselves. It is also well known that not only TNC's but both powerful state elits and all population (common people) of core democratic state are also objectively interested in exploitation of periphery ("South America is a place where our bananas grow"). Even more severe is geopolitical(GP) reality. Collins demonstrated that inevitable shifts in GP resources (population and richness) sooner or later lead to changes (spread-contraction) in territorial power of states. It means 'natural' waves of expansion, endless weapon races, strenghth of military and military-industrial elits in all societies, etc. I analysed theoretically possible interplay between escalation of environmental crisis and geoeconomic, geopolitical, geocultural areas. The result was strengthening of positive, not negative (balancing and neutralizing) connections. It means that future ecological crises will lead to more severe exploitation, more severe geopolitical behavior of nations, more severe ideological struggle. What should be a strategy for realization any global preoject of 'livable and sustainable societies' (f.e. Richard's one) in the context of geoeconomic and geopolitical realities outlined above? isn't it a central question for theoretically oriented design of global praxis? best from Siberia, Nikolai ****************************************************** Nikolai S. Rozov, PhD, Dr.Sc. Professor of Philosophy E-MAIL: rozov@nsu.ru FAX: 7-3832-397101 ADDRESS: Philosophy Dept. Novosibirsk State University 630090, Novosibirsk, Pirogova 2, RUSSIA Welcome to PHILOFHI (the mailing list for PHILosophy OF HIstory and theoretical history) http://www.people.virginia.edu/~dew7e/anthronet/subscribe/philofhi.html and Philosophy of History Archive (PHA) http://www.nsu.ru/filf/pha/ ********************************************************************* From p34d3611@jhu.edu Wed Sep 16 01:26:57 1998 by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (980427.SGI.8.8.8/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) 16 Sep 1998 03:26:30 -0400 (EDT) Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 03:26:30 -0400 (EDT) From: Peter Grimes Subject: [Fwd: URGENT ALERT: IMF!] (fwd) To: WSN BOUNDARY="-2133065211-1809880870-905930790=:17933" This message is in MIME format. The first part should be readable text, while the remaining parts are likely unreadable without MIME-aware tools. Send mail to mime@docserver.cac.washington.edu for more info. ---2133065211-1809880870-905930790=:17933 ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 22:59:13 -0400 From: Barbara Larcom Subject: [Fwd: URGENT ALERT: IMF!] ---2133065211-1809880870-905930790=:17933 15 Sep 1998 15:32:34 -0700 (PDT) 15 Sep 1998 15:25:08 -0700 (PDT) Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 15:25:08 -0700 (PDT) From: Njoki Njoroge Njehu Subject: URGENT ALERT: IMF! Sender: owner-50-years@igc.apc.org To: 50-years@igc.org ***URGENT IMF ALERT*** 50 Years Is Enough: U.S. Network for Global Economic Justice 1247 E Street, S.E. Washington, DC 20003 202/463-2265; fax: 202/544-9359 wb50years@igc.org ***URGENT IMF ALERT*** It is no exaggeration to say that this alert concerns one of the most important actions you could ever take to promote global economic justice. The U.S. Congress, because of the undemocratic structure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has disproportionate influence over its fate. We often protest that fact, but right now we have a very good chance to use it to do some real good for the world. We urge everyone in the U.S., and U.S. citizens not currently in the country, to act now. (This urgent alert will not rehearse the case against the IMF. If you would like background information -- i.e., reasons to act -- please contact us.) The U.S. House of Representatives will very possibly be voting on IMF funding next week. We need *everyone* in the U.S. to call their Representative and urge them to vote against adding any funding to the current appropriations bill. The situation is this: last week the House Appropriations Committee approved a Foreign Operations bill to be sent to the full House. In a victory for IMF opponents, the Committee declined to add $14.5 billion for the IMF quota increase that President Clinton has been pushing very hard for. It is a virtual certainty, however, that one of the President's allies (likely a Republican) will propose an amendment to add the money when it reaches the House floor. The United States is the largest shareholder in the IMF. The other members wait until the U.S. commits its quota increase funds before they commit theirs. If the U.S. approves the $14.5 billion, the others will almost certainly fall in line, with the result that the IMF would get over $80 billion in new funding. This would expand its capital base by a full 45%, and thus greatly increase its overall power and influence in the world. Such an expansion would be very hard to reverse in the future. On the other hand, if the quota increase is defeated in the U.S., the expansion would be killed. Defeating this move to expand the IMF would be a very significant victory. For the first time, this arrogant institution that more than any other single player is responsible for deepening poverty and increasing inequality around the world would be rebuffed. There could be no bigger boost to bringing about a more just global economy. ***The message for Representatives is straightforward: oppose amending the Foreign Operations appropriations bill to include more money for the IMF.*** It should be noted that the existing bill already includes $3.4 billion for the New Arrangement to Borrow (NAB), a credit line to the IMF for emergency bailouts. We have made a tactical decision to not base our fight on opposing this money. Most people committed to "our side" do oppose it, but some of our allies do not. With the money in there, we can say that Congress is not totally freezing the Administration and the IMF out, thus making the rejection of the quota increase seem less "radical." The main issue here is not whether another bailout or two can be funded, but whether the IMF will be expanded permanently. ***Call your Representatives today. The number of the switchboard at the U.S. Capitol is 202/224-3121. If you do not know who your Representative is, please contact us. If you can, please also call other Representatives from your state's delegation.*** (You can also write, if you do so immediately. The address: U.S. House of Representatives / Washington, DC 20515) ---2133065211-1809880870-905930790=:17933-- From p34d3611@jhu.edu Wed Sep 16 01:28:55 1998 by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (980427.SGI.8.8.8/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) 16 Sep 1998 03:27:07 -0400 (EDT) Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 03:27:07 -0400 (EDT) From: Peter Grimes Subject: [Fwd: ACTION ALERT: NO IMF $$$ Without Debt Relief] (fwd) To: WSN This message is in MIME format. The first part should be readable text, while the remaining parts are likely unreadable without MIME-aware tools. Send mail to mime@docserver.cac.washington.edu for more info. ---2133065211-621987969-905930827=:17933 ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 22:52:17 -0400 From: Barbara Larcom Subject: [Fwd: ACTION ALERT: NO IMF $$$ Without Debt Relief] ---2133065211-621987969-905930827=:17933 15 Sep 1998 11:09:35 -0700 (PDT) Tue, 15 Sep 1998 11:08:41 -0700 (PDT) Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 11:08:41 -0700 (PDT) From: Njoki Njoroge Njehu Subject: ACTION ALERT: NO IMF $$$ Without Debt Relief Sender: owner-50-years@igc.apc.org To: 50-years@igc.org September 14, 1998 Action Alert ISSUE: Support the McKinney Amendment to Provide Real Debt Relief for Poor Countries Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney plans to introduce an amendment to the Foreign Operations Appropriations bill that would condition new funding for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to changes in IMF debt relief policy. This amendment would provide highly indebted poor countries with genuine hope of managing their debt burdens and meeting the needs of their people. The McKinney amendment stipulates that in order for the IMF to receive new money from the U.S., the IMF must change its policy with respect to debt service. The amendment calls for a cap on debt service of 10% of a countrys annual export earnings, and calls on the IMF to refrain from any agreement or loan which requires a country, including countries participating in the HIPC debt relief program, to spend more than 10% of exports on debt service payments. This cap would still be more than double the level of debt service that was required of Germany after World War II, but would still cut the debt service of poor countries like Mozambique by more than half, allowing them to spend money on desperately needed public services like health care. ACTION: Contact your Representative this week and urge him/her to support Rep. McKinney's amendment to relieve the debt service burden of the poorest countries. (The Foreign Operations Appropriations bill is expected to be voted on in the House of Representatives next week.) Specifically, ask members of Congress to: Vote for the McKinney Amendment to the Foreign Operations Appropriations bill that will provide genuine relief from onerous debt service requirements and free up resources for important spending in social services, human development, and infrastructure. Capitol Switchboard: 202-225-3121 Write: The Honorable ___________, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, DC 20515 ------- Talking points: the Case for Targeting the IMF on Debt Relief The IMF is one of the most important institutions in the world in shaping policies concerning the unpayable external debt of poor countries. The IMF has tremendous influence over poor countries economic policies, including debt relief. This is because the IMF (and World Bank) have preferred creditor status, and must have their debts repaid first. (Therefore, half of the debt service of poor countries goes to the IMF and the World Bank.) The IMFs "seal of approval" over countries economic policies and debt service is also important in catalyzing new aid flows from other creditors. The IMF has been using the HIPC initiative as a way of financing its ESAF program. The IMF should not receive a capital expansion until it recognizes its role in providing debt relief to poor countries and changes its stance on debt relief. The IMFs participation in HIPC has been grudging and stingy. It refuses to commit substantial resources to debt relief until its Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) is fully financed and self-sustaining. The IMF is essentially holding debt relief hostage to a self-sustaining ESAF, a program which has been unsuccessful and which goes beyond the IMFs mandate. To date, the IMF has also been the major blocking agent in individual countries negotiations for debt relief within HIPC. Despite having significant reserves which could be used for debt relief, the IMF has pledged to contribute only SDR 180 million (about $250 million) in HIPC debt relief. The 20 unsustainable or possibly stressed HIPC countries owe over $5 billion to the IMF. This amounts to less than 5% debt relief. The IMF has significant resources and reserves it could use toward debt relief. For example, the IMF has about $37 billion in gold, a portion of which could be sold and the proceeds used to finance debt relief. The IMF could also use the ESAF Reserve Account. The ESAF Reserve account is set up to cover losses that may arise from defaults or arrears on ESAF loans. Currently, creditor countries to ESAF demand an unreasonable 100 percent collateral coverage for their ESAF loans. If the rich creditor countries did not demand full coverage, but settled for a still generous 25 percent, then the IMF would have an extra SDR 675 million (over $1 billion) to use for debt relief. The Special Disbursement Account (SDA) similarly contains excess reserves from an old loan facility of the IMF. The IMF bears a responsibility for the debt crisis of developing countries, and should provide debt relief as a way of recognizing that responsibility. IMF structural adjustment loans have added more debt to countries without putting them on a sustainable path to development. Many IMF borrowing countries have become "IMF addicts", acquiring more IMF loans rather than exiting from IMF borrowing after a few years. While the IMF was conceived to provide short term financial assistance to countries, many of the poorest countries have been borrowing from the IMF since the 1980s. Rather than creating the conditions for locally led development, countries have struggled under IMF conditionality, acquiring unsustainable debt burdens and little economic growth. In fact, a 1997 internal IMF report of its ESAF program found that ESAF countries per capita income fell further behind the rest of the developing world. The IMF responsibility for the debt crisis also includes its loans to corrupt leaders, often with the knowledge that the money was benefiting well-connected officials. The IMF loaned to undemocratic regimes such as Zaires Mobutu Sese Seko and Kenyas Daniel arap Moi, despite knowledge that these loans were directly benefiting political elites and were siphoned away from initiatives that would have helped local people. In the current Indonesia bailout program, press reports say that the IMF cannot account for how $3 billion of its loans to Suharto were spent. Now the citizens of these countries are paying back these loans. The US Congress is one of the few institutions that the IMF pay attention to, and therefore can play an important role in pushing for reform in IMF debt relief practices. The US is the IMFs largest donor and IMF funding requests are debated by the US Congress, unlike in most other countries where IMF funding is rubber stamped by the finance ministry. Since IMF funding requests do not come up every year, Congress has an important opportunity to debate IMF debt relief policies that should not be missed. In 1989, the US Congress called on the IMF to contribute resources to debt relief. The IMF ignored this directive, and only pledged to contribute to debt relief in late 1996. The IMF has historically proved intransigent to reforms unless its funding is on the line. This $18 billion request in new IMF funding is an especially powerful opportunity to link an expansion of the IMFs capital base to meaningful changes by the IMF in the debt relief that it offers to poor countries. ----- BACKGROUND: More than 40 poor countries are struggling under an enormous-- and often unpayable -- burden of foreign debt. According to the World Bank, the 41 heavily indebted poor countries (33 of which are in Africa) owed $217 billion to foreign creditors in 1996. The bulk of this debt is owed to wealthy governments and to multilateral lending institutions such as the World Bank, the IMF, and the African Development Bank. To repay this debt, governments shift scarce financial resources away from the necessary investments in human, social, and physical infrastructure including schools, health services, roads, agriculture, and other areas that lay the foundation for sustainable development. Huge debt burdens also discourage private investors, who fear that debt might lead to more taxation or inflation. All of this serves to prevent these countries from getting on a path of sustainable, equitable economic growth. This year, the Clinton Administration has requested $37 million for debt reduction through the Paris Club (a periodic meeting of creditor nations) as part of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. The HIPC Initiative addresses all debts that countries owe, that is, not merely to the US but to a variety of governments, international institutions, and commercial banks. However, the HIPC initiative provides too little debt relief to too few countries. Under HIPC, a country is expected to make annual debt payments worth 20-25% of the countrys export revenue. This ratio is exorbitant and will not sufficiently relieve countries that are burdened by high levels of debt and poverty. This ratio also stands in stark contrast to the treatment that countries such as Germany received after World War II. In recognition of the Germanys need to rebuild its economy and country, the German government was required to service debts worth only 3.5% of exports. It was concessions such as this that enabled Germany to put its political past behind and rebuild its war-torn economy. Todays indebted, impoverished nations merit similar treatment. The International Monetary Fund has been one of the main obstacles to a more effective HIPC Initiative. It has provided few resources to the program and has argued against a shorter waiting period and against more generous terms of debt relief. This year, the Clinton Administration is asking Congress to approve a dramatic expansion in the IMFs resources, including a $14.5 billion increase in the IMFs general lending resources. In the past, the US Congressional debate over IMF funding has been one of the few points of leverage to push for reform of the IMF, including debt relief policy. The FY99 Foreign Operations Appropriations legislation, which provides for U.S. foreign aid spending -- including IMF funding and debt relief -- is scheduled for a vote next week. When the bill come to the House floor, Members need to support the McKinney amendment to condition new money for the IMF on a reduction of debt service requirements to 10%. ===== * = * = * = * = * = * = * ==== Njoki Njoroge Njehu Public Outreach Coordinator 50 Years Is Enough Network 1247 E Street, SE Washington, DC 20003 - USA Email: wb50years@igc.org Web: www.50years.org ---2133065211-621987969-905930827=:17933-- From chriscd@jhu.edu Wed Sep 16 06:45:50 1998 Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 08:45:50 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: URGENT ALERT: IMF!]] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------55664EB2F6344F0F8FCD71A4 comments? --------------55664EB2F6344F0F8FCD71A4 15 Sep 1998 23:08:50 -0400 (EDT) 15 Sep 1998 23:08:31 -0400 (EDT) 15 Sep 1998 23:05:04 -0400 (EDT) Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 22:59:13 -0400 From: Barbara Larcom Subject: [Fwd: URGENT ALERT: IMF!] To: Bill Harvey , Bob Purvis , Carl Chatski , Charito Avery , Charles Petersen , Chris Chase-Dunn , Chuck Johnson , Dave Schott , Denis Nikitin , Dick Ochs , Erika White , Frida Berrigan , Howard Ehrlich , Howdy Burns , Jim Lunday , Joe Duncan , Jon Kerr , Leslie Bilchick , Lynn Yellott , Marcy Breslow , Mary Kerr , Max Obuszewski , Mike Totten-Reid , Nan McCurdy , Paulette Hammond , Peter Grimes , Rafi Sharif , Shirley Hubalek , cp3 , drm2 , pmwinke , aem1 , yukiok , jcurry , gdr1 , Sue Hunt , Timmons Roberts , Tom Dial , Walda Katz Fishman , Mike Bardoff This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --Boundary_(ID_MH2RC9fjnTZ0Kh3VhjQYrA) --Boundary_(ID_MH2RC9fjnTZ0Kh3VhjQYrA) 15 Sep 1998 15:32:34 -0700 (PDT) 15 Sep 1998 15:25:08 -0700 (PDT) Date: Tue, 15 Sep 1998 15:25:08 -0700 (PDT) From: Njoki Njoroge Njehu Subject: URGENT ALERT: IMF! Sender: owner-50-years@igc.apc.org To: 50-years@igc.org ***URGENT IMF ALERT*** 50 Years Is Enough: U.S. Network for Global Economic Justice 1247 E Street, S.E. Washington, DC 20003 202/463-2265; fax: 202/544-9359 wb50years@igc.org ***URGENT IMF ALERT*** It is no exaggeration to say that this alert concerns one of the most important actions you could ever take to promote global economic justice. The U.S. Congress, because of the undemocratic structure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has disproportionate influence over its fate. We often protest that fact, but right now we have a very good chance to use it to do some real good for the world. We urge everyone in the U.S., and U.S. citizens not currently in the country, to act now. (This urgent alert will not rehearse the case against the IMF. If you would like background information -- i.e., reasons to act -- please contact us.) The U.S. House of Representatives will very possibly be voting on IMF funding next week. We need *everyone* in the U.S. to call their Representative and urge them to vote against adding any funding to the current appropriations bill. The situation is this: last week the House Appropriations Committee approved a Foreign Operations bill to be sent to the full House. In a victory for IMF opponents, the Committee declined to add $14.5 billion for the IMF quota increase that President Clinton has been pushing very hard for. It is a virtual certainty, however, that one of the President's allies (likely a Republican) will propose an amendment to add the money when it reaches the House floor. The United States is the largest shareholder in the IMF. The other members wait until the U.S. commits its quota increase funds before they commit theirs. If the U.S. approves the $14.5 billion, the others will almost certainly fall in line, with the result that the IMF would get over $80 billion in new funding. This would expand its capital base by a full 45%, and thus greatly increase its overall power and influence in the world. Such an expansion would be very hard to reverse in the future. On the other hand, if the quota increase is defeated in the U.S., the expansion would be killed. Defeating this move to expand the IMF would be a very significant victory. For the first time, this arrogant institution that more than any other single player is responsible for deepening poverty and increasing inequality around the world would be rebuffed. There could be no bigger boost to bringing about a more just global economy. ***The message for Representatives is straightforward: oppose amending the Foreign Operations appropriations bill to include more money for the IMF.*** It should be noted that the existing bill already includes $3.4 billion for the New Arrangement to Borrow (NAB), a credit line to the IMF for emergency bailouts. We have made a tactical decision to not base our fight on opposing this money. Most people committed to "our side" do oppose it, but some of our allies do not. With the money in there, we can say that Congress is not totally freezing the Administration and the IMF out, thus making the rejection of the quota increase seem less "radical." The main issue here is not whether another bailout or two can be funded, but whether the IMF will be expanded permanently. ***Call your Representatives today. The number of the switchboard at the U.S. Capitol is 202/224-3121. If you do not know who your Representative is, please contact us. If you can, please also call other Representatives from your state's delegation.*** (You can also write, if you do so immediately. The address: U.S. House of Representatives / Washington, DC 20515) --Boundary_(ID_MH2RC9fjnTZ0Kh3VhjQYrA)-- --------------55664EB2F6344F0F8FCD71A4-- From kpmoseley@juno.com Wed Sep 16 15:24:20 1998 From: kpmoseley@juno.com To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 16:01:06 -0700 Subject: Matilda Weekes : Fwd[3]:[crinmail] UDHR 50th Anniversary drive X-Juno-Line-Breaks: 0-59,61-71,73-79,81-91,93-128,130-154 --------- Begin forwarded message ---------- From: Matilda Weekes To: LEONENET@MITVMA.MIT.EDU Subject: Fwd[3]:[crinmail] UDHR 50th Anniversary drive Date: Wed, 2 Sep 1998 11:57:49 -0400 read on and act if you wish. ____________________Forward Header_____________________ Subject: Fwd[2]:[crinmail] UDHR 50th Anniversary drive Author: Maria Rocco Date: 9/2/98 11:04 AM Indeed, it is not just another form letter. Maria ______________________ Forward Header __________________________________ Subject: Not just another form letter Author: Ian Small at Internet Date: 8/14/98 2:12 PM To celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Amnesty International is collecting signatures for a pledge to support this very important United Nations declaration. Amnesty already has 3 million signatures (real and virtual) world wide, and wants 8 million (which would be 1/1000 of the world's population). The UN Secretary General has already agreed to be present either in person or live by satellite, if he has to be in New York, to receive the pledge as a tangible statement of the people of the world's commitment to an international agenda of human rights. The most simple way to add your name to the pledge is to send an email to udhr50th@amnesty.org.au Put YOUR NAME in the SUBJECT and the following text in the message: "I support the rights and freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights for all people, everywhere." * Forward this message to as many people as you can. For further information, contact the SA branch of Amnesty International at saaia@ozemail.com.au ----------------------------------- Medecins Sans Frontieres Aral Sea Area Program Tashkent Office PO Box 333, Tashkent, Uzbekistan Phone/fax: (7) 3711 - 20 70 72 (7) 3712 - 55 25 19 email Head of Mission: msfh-tashkent@amsterdam.msf.org VISIT OUR WEB SITE: www.msf.org/aralsea Link Return-Path: +0500 From: Ian Small To: "Alisher Kasymov (E-mail)" , "Andre Griekspoor (E-mail)" , "Anita Beers (E-mail)" , "Anneli Folkesson (E-mail)" , "Barbara Kancelbaum (E-mail)" , "Ben Chapman (E-mail)" To: "Bill Davoren (E-mail)" , "Catherine Harper (E-mail)" , "Charles Jaimet (E-mail)" , "David Dewitt (E-mail)" , "Didier Goetghebuer (E-mail)" , "Erika Dailey (E-mail)" To: "Erika Simpson (E-mail)" , "Esmeralda de Vries (E-mail)" , "Esther van Rooyen (E-mail)" , "Frans Wong (E-mail)" , "Geoffrey Dabelko (E-mail)" , "Glenny Hirsch (E-mail)" To: "Gunilla KUPERUS (E-mail)" , "Guy Janssen (E-mail)" , "Heather Carlisle (E-mail)" , "James Lane (E-mail)" , "James Orbinski (E-mail)" , "Janny Stevens (E-mail)" To: "Jessica APPLESTONE [Jessica_APPLESTONE@newyork.msf.org] (E-mail)" , "Jos Nolle (E-mail)" , "Kathleen Dennis (E-mail)" , "'kboka@iaw.on.ca'" , "Kees Van Baar (E-mail)" , "Kim Stitt (E-mail)" To: "Liana Ibragimova (E-mail)" , "'Maarten TE KULVE'" , "Marcel VAN SOEST [mas@amsterdam.msf.org] (E-mail)" , "Marie Kranendonk (E-mail)" , "Martin Oudman (E-mail)" , "Michael Glantz (E-mail)" To: "Miles Woolgar (E-mail)" , "MSFH-Tashkent-Admin (E-mail)" , "MSFH-Tashkent-Info (E-mail)" , "MSFH-Tashkent-Log (E-mail)" , "Nancy Howell (E-mail)" , "Paul Bergne (E-mail)" <100756.1666@CompuServe.COM> To: "Petra Meyer (E-mail)" , "Pierre Dillenbourg (E-mail)" , "Polly Markandya (E-mail)" , "Rachel (E-mail)" , "Richard Bedell (E-mail)" , "Richard Denham (E-mail)" To: "Richard Heinzl (E-mail)" , "Richard Sladeter (E-mail)" , "Rob Stevens (E-mail)" , "Robbie Chase (E-mail)" , "Ross Upshur (E-mail)" , "Samantha Bolton (E-mail)" To: "Sascha Gabizon (E-mail)" , "Steve Ashby (E-mail)" , "Susan Murray (E-mail)" , "'tim@irex.org.uz'" , "Tunde-Agnes Madaras (E-mail)" , "Ulrike Von Pilar (E-mail)" To: "Valery Tchernjavskii (E-mail)" Subject: Not just another form letter Date: Fri, 14 Aug 1998 14:12:14 +0500 --------- End forwarded message ---------- _____________________________________________________________________ You don't need to buy Internet access to use free Internet e-mail. Get completely free e-mail from Juno at http://www.juno.com Or call Juno at (800) 654-JUNO [654-5866] From kpmoseley@juno.com Wed Sep 16 15:24:26 1998 From: kpmoseley@juno.com To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 17:16:19 -0700 Subject: "Kathos J. Mattai" : Re: Human Rights for Whom?......The Victim or the Aggressor? X-Juno-Line-Breaks: 0-12,14-17,19,21,23,25-27,29,31-36,38-39,41-43,45, 47-49,51-57,59,61,63-64,66-67,69-73,75-80,82-85,87,89-103, 105-107,109,111,113-125,127-130,132,134-143,145-146,148-151, 153-155,157-160,162-164,166,168-173,175-178,180,182-191,193-198, 200,202,204-208,210-219,221-225,227,229,231-236,238,240-246, 248-250,252-255,257-260,262-265,267,269,271,273-280,282,284,286, 288-289,291,293,295,297-299,301-305,307-309,311,313-316,318-324, 326,328-332,334-339,341-356 --------- Begin forwarded message ---------- From: "Kathos J. Mattai" To: LEONENET@MITVMA.MIT.EDU Subject: Re: Human Rights for Whom?......The Victim or the Aggressor? Date: Thu, 10 Sep 1998 23:51:29 EDT Universal Declaration of Human Rights (other language versions and materials) Adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1948 Preamble Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in cooperation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge, Now, therefore, The General Assembly, Proclaims this Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. Article I All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2 Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3 Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4 No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5 No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6 Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7 All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8 Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law. Article 9 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. Article 10 Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him. Article 11 Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence. No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed. Article 12 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks. Article 13 Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country. Article 14 Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution. This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 15 Everyone has the right to a nationality. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality. Article 16 Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution. Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses. The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State. Article 17 Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property. Article 18 Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. Article 19 Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Article 20 Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. No one may be compelled to belong to an association. Article 21 Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives. Everyone has the right to equal access to public service in his country. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures. Article 22 Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co- operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality. Article 23 Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment. Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work. Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection. Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests. Article 24 Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay. Article 25 Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection. Article 26 Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. Article 27 Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author. Article 28 Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. Article 29 Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible. In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society. These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 30 Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein. ) Copyright 1997 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Geneva, Switzerland --------- End forwarded message ---------- _____________________________________________________________________ You don't need to buy Internet access to use free Internet e-mail. Get completely free e-mail from Juno at http://www.juno.com Or call Juno at (800) 654-JUNO [654-5866] From kpmoseley@juno.com Wed Sep 16 15:25:27 1998 From: kpmoseley@juno.com To: rkmoore@iol.ie Date: Wed, 16 Sep 1998 15:49:59 -0700 Subject: Re: GRI/I.3 (2/2) - "Capitalism: the growth imperative, the finite Earth, and the monopoly endgame" X-Juno-Line-Breaks: 4 Yes, but surely a good deal of this devastation is unintended, as it undermines capitalism itself in the longer run and creates troublesome "downsides," crises, etc. in the shorter term (e.g. current global financial problems). Would it not be better to emphasize deliberate goals and structural effects? KPM _____________________________________________________________________ You don't need to buy Internet access to use free Internet e-mail. Get completely free e-mail from Juno at http://www.juno.com Or call Juno at (800) 654-JUNO [654-5866] From r.barendse@worldonline.nl Thu Sep 17 02:02:43 1998 From: "Dr. R.J. Barendse" To: Subject: Member publication: Arabian Seas 1640-1700 Date: Tue, 16 Jun 1998 12:30:40 +0200 boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0015_01BD9922.92C58D40" Dit is een meerdelig bericht in MIME-indeling. ------=_NextPart_000_0015_01BD9922.92C58D40 charset="x-user-defined" Since this publication - mainly because of its inordinate length - has = appeared with a very small publisher it may be permitted to announce = separately the publication last week of=20 =20 R.J. Barendse, The Arabian Seas 1640-1700, 465 + xvii pages (Leiden, = CNWS publicaties) 60 Dutch guilders, ISBN: 90-5789-009-7 =20 Cover:=20 =20 "The Arabian seas 1640-1700 deals with the coastal zones of the Red Sea, = Persian Gulf and Western India. It also discusses the relations between = these coastal lands and the agrarian empires of Mughals, Safawids and = Ottomans." =20 Virtually completely based on unpublished material from Dutch, = Portuguese and English archives and discussing literature in fourteen = languages Arabian seas is an economic history of the western Indian = Ocean during the incipient spread of European expansion:=20 =20 Summary of Contents: =20 Chapter Two discusses the pattern of rise and fall of ports in the = Arabian seas and their relations with the hinterland. Chapter Three deals with European settlements (social build-up, = recruitment and relations between Europeans) European armies and = freebooters in the Arabian seas. Chapter Four discusses the relationship between Indian and Persian = merchants and rulers and between the European companies and local and = imperial courts with special attention to Maharastra and Persia. Chapter Five deals with the pattern of markets, merchant = communities, transport and the way of obtaining information with special = attention to Basra, the Yemen and Gujarat. Chapter Six argues for the existence of a seventeenth century crisis = in the Western Indian Ocean focussing on the trade in bullion, textiles, = indigo and pepper (from Kerala). Chapter Seven deals with the relation between mercantilism and free = trade in the Portuguese empire, discussing Portuguese trade in the = second half of the seventeenth century, between Asia and Europe, trade = within Asia and the relation between state and free-merchants discussing = in detail the Persian Gulf, Sind and the Swahili Coast. Chapter Eight deals with central policy making and illegal private = trade in the Dutch East India Company. Chapter Nine explains the financial and commercial pattern of = English country-trade in the Arabian seas and compares this with the = Dutch and Portuguese. Chapter Ten deals with illegal trade and piracy, focussing on the = involvement of ports in colonial North America in the slave trade to = Madagascar. =20 Dealing in detail with the commodities involved and the organisation = of Asian, American and European trade in the early modern period this = book should be of interest to both students of early modern commerce and = of societies in the Arabian seas. =20 While a US- edition is being discussed with M.E. Sharpe, the Dutch = edition of Arabian seas can now be obtained with the =20 Research Shool CNWS, PO Box 9515, 2300 RA, Leiden, The Netherlands CNWS@Rullet.leidenuniv.nl =20 =20 Yours =20 R.J. Barendse International Institute of Asian Studies, Leiden r.barendse@worldonline.nl ------=_NextPart_000_0015_01BD9922.92C58D40 charset="x-user-defined"
Since this = publication - mainly=20 because of its inordinate length - has appeared with a very small = publisher it=20 may be permitted to announce separately the publication last week of=20
 
R.J. Barendse, The = Arabian Seas=20 1640-1700, 465 + xvii pages (Leiden, CNWS publicaties) 60 Dutch = guilders, ISBN:=20 90-5789-009-7
 
Cover:
 
"The Arabian = seas 1640-1700=20 deals with the coastal zones of the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Western = India. It=20 also discusses the relations between these coastal lands and the = agrarian=20 empires of Mughals, Safawids and Ottomans."
 
Virtually completely based on = unpublished=20 material from Dutch, Portuguese and English archives and discussing = literature=20 in fourteen languages Arabian seas is an economic history of the western = Indian=20 Ocean during the incipient spread of European expansion:
 
Summary of Contents:
 
    Chapter Two = discusses the=20 pattern of rise and fall of ports in the Arabian seas and their = relations with=20 the hinterland.
    Chapter Three = deals with=20 European settlements (social build-up, recruitment and relations between = Europeans) European armies and freebooters in the Arabian = seas.
    Chapter Four = discusses the=20 relationship between Indian and Persian merchants and rulers and between = the=20 European companies and local and imperial courts with special attention = to=20 Maharastra and Persia.
    Chapter Five = deals with the=20 pattern of markets, merchant communities, transport and the way of = obtaining=20 information with special attention to Basra, the Yemen and = Gujarat.
    Chapter Six = argues for the=20 existence of a seventeenth century crisis in the Western Indian Ocean = focussing=20 on the trade in bullion, textiles, indigo and pepper (from = Kerala).
    Chapter Seven = deals with=20 the relation between mercantilism and free trade in the Portuguese = empire,=20 discussing Portuguese trade in the second half of the seventeenth = century,=20 between Asia and Europe, trade within Asia and the relation between = state and=20 free-merchants discussing in detail the Persian Gulf, Sind and the = Swahili=20 Coast.
    Chapter Eight=20 deals with central policy making and illegal private trade in the Dutch = East=20 India Company.
    Chapter=20 Nine explains the financial and commercial pattern of English = country-trade in=20 the Arabian seas and compares this with the Dutch and=20 Portuguese.
    Chapter Ten deals with illegal trade and = piracy,=20 focussing on the involvement of ports in colonial North America  in = the=20 slave trade to Madagascar.
    
    Dealing in detail = with the=20 commodities involved and the organisation of Asian, American and = European trade=20 in the early modern period this book should be of interest to both = students of=20 early modern commerce and of societies in the Arabian seas.
 
    While a US- = edition is=20 being discussed with M.E. Sharpe, the Dutch edition of Arabian seas can = now be=20 obtained with the
 
Research Shool CNWS, PO Box 9515, = 2300 RA,=20 Leiden, The Netherlands
CNWS@Rullet.leidenuniv.nl&n= bsp;  
   
Yours
 
R.J. Barendse = International Institute=20 of Asian Studies, Leiden
r.barendse@worldonline.nl
------=_NextPart_000_0015_01BD9922.92C58D40-- From rkmoore@iol.ie Thu Sep 17 08:21:43 1998 Date: Thu, 17 Sep 1998 15:21:28 +0100 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu (world-system network), philofhi@yorku.ca (philosophy of history) From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: Re: Livable and sustainable societies & capitalism 9/16/98, "Nikolai S. Rozov " wrote: > Sometimes ago Richard's localism seemed to me suspicious but >now you have removed these doubts. In spite of author's refusal >the 4th chapter is essentially utopian, but it is not bad at all >because Utopia is one one of most intellectually and ideologically >powerful cultural traditions in history. Dear Nikolai, I agree that Chapter 4 reads like a utopian vision, in terms of its desirability, but I contest that it is utopian in the sense of "unrealizable" or "impractical". In many essentials, it merely describes a return to earlier proven systems; it is not a call to experiment with some untried intellectual creation. (God save us from philosopher kings!) > I support Richard's balanced theses on international trade that >indicate this version of Utopia to belong to Kantian, not Fichtean >tradition (the last was in fact realized in international politics of >communist countries - the Northern Korea with its chuchkhe is the >last bastion). Ah! It seems you allow for your utopias to be realizable... that takes some sting off the label, but still, the common usage implies unrealizability. >... Megatrend 3: multipolar partnership and change of direction of >technoeconomic development ((the Kantian line) > >I wrote the the Third Megatrend is still rather weak, presented >mainly in writings and heads of intellectuals. Sure i subscribe to >the Third Megatrend and i am glad that similar ideas emerge >again and again independantly. > That's why i think we are allies with Richard in principle and >instead splitting hairs on minor contradictions in views it would be >better to focus on the crucial problems of realization (rise of the >Third Megatrend in my terms). Thanks Nikolai, this is music to my ears... solidarity is the prime requirement of movement building. Also Third Megatrend exists more than in the writings of intellectuals... see comments below re/movements in India and Brazil. >What should be a strategy for realization any global preoject >of 'livable and sustainable societies' (f.e. Richard's one) in the >context of geoeconomic and geopolitical realities outlined above? I suggest that your assumptions rule out any solution. If you assume international relations must always be based on exploitation, then any solution must be _truly utopian, such as some kind of benevolent, omiscient, and omnipotent world government. The excesses of globalization have created a situation where nearly everyone, if they can be educated by a growing movement, can see that the capitalist system is no longer serving their interests. Unrelenting exploitation continues in the periphery (3rd World), but has been also now extended increasingly to the core (1st World). In US opinion polls, majorities want corporate power to be reduced; in Canada a very large movement is struggling for national sovereignty and is opposed to NAFTA and the MAI. In Brazil and India there are massive and well-organized peasant's networks which, temporarily at least, are making gains toward local self-determination. If such seeds can be turned into a global movement, with decisive political results, then one could expect the conditions for a new geoeconomic and geopolitical paradigm. I suggest, if I have understood you correctly, that your proposed restrictions on our investigation of solutions are too limiting. rkm ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 9/16/98, KP Moseley wrote to wsn, re: "Capitalism, growth imperative...": >Yes, but surely a good deal of this devastation is unintended, as it >undermines capitalism itself in the longer run and creates troublesome >"downsides," crises, etc. in the shorter term (e.g. current global >financial problems). Dear KP, Crisis and devastation do not have downsides for capitalism. Wars, the largest of crises, are extremely profitable, in both consumption of materials and in the financing of same. Not only that, but devastation leads to immense growth opportunities in postwar construction. Furthermore, the victors enjoy the advantages of sphere-of-interest adjustments, which in many cases were the ultimate reason for the conflict. Depressions also offer great benefits to capitalism. Banks can repossess valuable farm land; the punters are knocked out of the stock market, and the big players can buy up shares for peanuts. The air is cleared for another round of growth, under more concentrated ownership. The kind of crises being currently stirred up by the IMF are very well-managed affairs, with the shocks being carefully targetted. It's kind of a slow-motion designer-depression. And big capital is coming up roses: all the IMF funds go to repaying the investors! Western taxpayers fund the IMF; South East Asia suffers the consequences; capitalism makes a profit... where is the crisis for capitalism?? How is capitalism undermined?? Just the reverse. These conditions only create a crisis for capitalism if the people rise up in response! >...Would it not be better to emphasize deliberate goals >and structural effects? KPM Those are precisely what I _have been emphasizing. These "crises" _are deliberate projects, with "deliberate goals", and they are succeeding. The "structural effects" are that the Tigers have been tamed, and are being beaten into submission to the predatory global regime; Japan has been put under economic pressure, weakening its long-term ability to have a sovereign economic policy within the global economy; over-production in automobiles, electronics, and other global market sectors, has been to some extent eased, to the benefit of the remaining producers, providing some breathing room for growth. Western stock markets rebounded rapidly from the secondary shocks, and why shouldn't they? Western fundamental were only improved by the crisis; capital must flee _somewhere, and Western economies are the boats that no one expects to sink. In a crisis people want dollars. all the best, rkm http://cyberjournal.org ------------------------------------------------------------------------ From mkdorsey@umcc.ais.org Fri Sep 18 00:11:36 1998 via sendmail with smtp id (Smail-3.2.0.93 1997-Apr-12 #3 built 1997-Apr-19) Date: Fri, 18 Sep 1998 02:11:16 -0400 (EDT) From: Michael Dorsey To: Radical Anarchy List , World Systems Network , "Int'l Political Economy List" , "Env. & Latin America Network" Subject: CLEAN ENERGY ACTIVISTS HELD BY OIL TOWN SYSTEM!! (fwd) Colleagues: PLEASE FLOOD THE PHONE LINES IN TEXAS TO HELP SOME FRIENDS OF MINE IN BIG TROUBLE for just trying to SAVE THE PLANET. Numbers are below. I will try to get the fax numbers for the Sheriff in Texas as well, and post them tomorrow, in the meanwhile you can call their directly. Thanks, Michael Dorsey ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 17 Sep 1998 20:36:24 -0700 (PDT) From: Steve Kretzmann Subject: CLEAN ENERGY ACTIVISTS HELD BY OIL TOWN SYSTEM!! WATCH THIS SPACE TOMORROW FOR UPDATES AND WHAT YOU CAN DO... PROJECT UNDERGROUND RAINFOREST ACTION NETWORK Media Advisory - September 17, 1998 Press Contact - Mark Westlund: (713) 523-3777 #430 Steve Kretzmann, Shannon Wright: (281) 235-4339 PRESS CONFERENCE * PRESS CONFERENCE * PRESS CONFERENCE * PRESS CONFERENCE BANNER-HANGING ACTIVISTS CURRENTLY HELD ON $1,000,000 BAIL: DEFENSE TEAM TO ADDRESS MEDIA AT 11 AM TOMORROW. WHAT: The defense team representing the five environmental activists arrested Wednesday for hanging a banner off of a crane adjacent to the meeting of the World Energy Council's Congress, will address media subsequent to their criminal court hearing with justice Jan Krocker. The five peaceful protesters currently are being held on on charges of felony criminal mischief, with bail set at $1-million total. The banner read: "Houston, We Have a Problem - No New Oil Exploraton!" The defense team is Houston attorneys Terence O'Rourke, John Wells, David Kiatta, Frank Svetlick and Rachel Capote. Steve Kretzmann of Project Underground and Shannon Wright of Rainforest Action Network will also speak at the press conference. WHEN: 11AM, Friday September 18. WHERE: In front of Harris County Courthouse, 301 San Jacinto Street, Houston. __________________ ATTN NEWS MEDIA: Attorney Terence O'Rourke has authorized Harris County Sheriff Tommy Thomas's office to grant media access to the defendants. The Sheriff's main office is at 1301 Franklin Street; please call 713/755-6044 to arrange access. ATTORNEY'S STATEMENT: TERENCE I. O'ROURKE Case Status Report: State of Texas v. John Sellers, Genevieve Raymond, Danny Kennedy, Jon Callender, and Troy Jones. Criminal Numbers: 793022-793026 Five environmental activists hung a banner off a crane outside the World Energy Council meeting yesterday in Houston. The unfurled banner read, "Houston, We Have a Problem - Stop New Oil Exploration!" They were arrested and charged under Texas law with a serious felony crime, "Criminal Mischief". If convicted, the environmental activists could face years in prison. Outrageous and excessive bail was set. The average bail for murder in Houston is $20,000; these nonviolent environmental activists demonstrating to save the rainforests and global habitat from oil drilling have had their bail set at $200,000 each! Here in Houston, the "oil capital of the world" the district attorney is overreacting to a free speech message which many people do not want to hear..."Oil exploration and production is destroying the global habitat". This morning I appeared before Judge Jan Krocker of the 184th Criminal District Court where the charges are pending. She set my motion to reduce bail for tomorrow Frida at 9:00 AM in her court. I authorize Harris County Sherriff Tommy Thomas' office to grant access to members of the news media for interviews. #### _______________________________________________________ Steve Kretzmann 510-705-8982 - office Oil Campaign Coordinator 510-705-8983 - fax Project Underground Supporting communities threatened by the mining and oil industries 1847 Berkeley Way http://www.moles.org Berkeley, CA, 94703, USA _______________________________________________________ From slayman@2nature.org Fri Sep 18 11:30:14 1998 From: "Stephen Layman" To: "EFS Announcements" Date: Fri, 18 Sep 1998 13:29:12 -0400 Subject: Workshop on Education for Sustainability - Second Nature Boundary="0__=3mQyaQlpTt6NPYz8T29MosHnSg00ONTn4dbs0MPv4QZnVFrLvcMm6sjw" --0__=3mQyaQlpTt6NPYz8T29MosHnSg00ONTn4dbs0MPv4QZnVFrLvcMm6sjw ** apologies for cross-postings ** Further information is available on the Second Nature website < http://www.2nature.org >. SECOND NATURE Regional Workshops & On-site Clinics Presents Southeast Regional Workshop on Education for Sustainability November 6-8, 1998 Heifer Ranch Perryville, Arkansas Second Nature invites you to attend our 1998 Southeast Regional Workshop on Education for Sustainability. The focus of this workshop is on connecting curriculum development to campus sustainability initiatives. Curriculum can be an effective leverage point for transforming colleges and universities into an environment where students learn skills, knowledge and values to live and work in an environmentally sustainable and just manner. During this workshop, you will have the opportunity to: * deepen your understanding of sustainability and the role of higher education in helping society become more sustainable * learn about tools, techniques and resources to help you develop and implement sustainability activities on your campus * gain perspective on how your efforts connect with work that is currently being done at your institution, in the region and in the larger Education for Sustainability movement * make connections with colleagues from other institutions * develop a plan of action for when you return to your institution Workshop Format and Approach This workshop will help you enhance your skills and knowledge in many different areas of sustainability education. In addition to the content that is covered, the design of the workshop and specific exercises model the processes that can facilitate promoting sustainability through higher education. Because we believe that there are no --0__=3mQyaQlpTt6NPYz8T29MosHnSg00ONTn4dbs0MPv4QZnVFrLvcMm6sjw ?experts? as yet in the EFS movement, we create formal opportunities for you to share successe= ss and challenges that can help us move forward in our efforts. The setting is also an important component of the regional workshop. = We have selected a conference center that will enhance the overall learni= ng experience by allowing us to utilize the natural environment as part o= f the workshop. The accommodations are simple yet sufficient. These facilities promote provocative dialogue as well as quiet reflection. Who Should Attend This workshop is targeted to individuals from the higher education community who are interested in incorporating sustainability into curriculum and across campuses. We strongly encourage the participati= on of interdisciplinary teams of three or four people. Workshop Location Heifer Ranch Route 2, Box 33 Perryville, Arkansas 72126-9695 Tel: 501/889-5124 = Fax: 501/889-5124 The Heifer Ranch is a nonprofit, 1,100 acre facility located in the Ouachita Mountain Range of western Arkansas. As well as providing conference services, the Ranch serves as a hands-on campus for educati= onal activities that model sustainable and organic agriculture. It is loca= ted 42 miles northwest of Little Rock, Arkansas on U.S. Highway 10 near Perryville, Arkansas. For a fee, the Ranch will provide transportatio= n from Little Rock National Airport, bus or train stations. For information, call 501/889-5124. Rooming will be double occupancy or m= ore. Workshop Fees Registration fees are $450 each for individuals and $400 each for team= s of two or more individuals. Fees include all workshop presentations, activities, materials and meals plus three nights lodging: Thursday, Friday and Saturday November 5-7. Please note that if you are with a = team of three or four people and willing to sleep in bunk beds, the registration fee would be reduced to $375 per person! How to Register To ensure the quality of your experience, workshop enrollment is limit= ed. Registration requests received after Thursday, October 1, 1998 will be= accepted based on availability. Reserve your space now! Complete the= attached form and mail with payment in full to: Second Nature Attention: Southeast Regional Workshop 44 Bromfield Street, 5th Floor Boston, MA 02108?4909 Comments from previous workshops: ?This workshop has extended my lifelong learning goals. It has opened= my mind to new and exciting vistas. Thank you.? Dr. Michael Hubbard, Meharry Medical School, ?97 Southeast Regional Workshop participant ?Most useful things: meeting some wonderful people, making some terrif= ic new contacts, being exposed to presentations by first-rate experts, an= d being energized by all of them to renew and redouble my own efforts.? Dr. Jim Norwine, Texas A&M University - Kingsville, ?98 West Regional Workshop participant About Second Nature Second Nature is a nonprofit organization committed to advancing human= and environmental well-being through learning. Our purpose is to increase= institutional and individual capacity to make environmentally just and= sustainable living a central part of the educational experience at colleges and universities. For more information on Second Nature prog= rams and services, please visit http://www.2nature.org or call (617) 292-77= 71 extension 131. = --0__=3mQyaQlpTt6NPYz8T29MosHnSg00ONTn4dbs0MPv4QZnVFrLvcMm6sjw-- From arnomd@online.no Sun Sep 20 04:56:36 1998 Sun, 20 Sep 1998 12:56:21 +0200 (MET DST) From: "=?iso-8859-1?Q?Arno_Mong_Daast=F8l?=" To: "TOES 97 (E-mail)" , "IPE (E-mail)" , "World Systems Network sender (E-mail)" , "DEV-L Technology Transfer in International Development (E-mail)" , "MAI-not (E-mail)" , "ITCP International Trade and Commercial Policy (E-mail)" , , "Public Policy (E-mail)" Subject: FW: Sachs's G-16 proposal Date: Sun, 20 Sep 1998 12:54:32 +0200 charset="iso-8859-1" It seems like Jeff Sachs (somewhat belatedly) has learnt a lot of lessons from his shock therapy adventures! A very worthwhile article. Greetings! Arno -----Original Message----- From: owner-pkt@csf.colorado.edu [mailto:owner-pkt@csf.colorado.edu] On Behalf Of Zhiyuan Cui Sent: Sunday, September 20, 1998 5:51 AM To: POST-KEYNESIAN THOUGHT Subject: Sachs's G-16 proposal Making it work Jeffrey Sachs from "The Economist" 12-Sep-98 THE collapse of the emerging markets and its ricochet effect on advanced economies may not be the end of globalisation. But it is certainly the end of an era. Since the miraculously peaceful fall of communism, Washington has aspired to stage-manage the transition to global capitalism. America, in concert with Europe and Japan, would ensure security and arrange deals on world trade and regional stability; the International Monetary Fund would do the financial plumbing, to connect Russia, Africa, Latin America and South Asia, back to the world economy. This approach is rapidly collapsing. In the short term, there is now a crying need for globally co-ordinated interest-rate cuts to shore it up. But in the longer term, if the current crisis is used creatively, a sounder basis for globalisation is required. If neither of these things is done, we may be entering a highly dangerous new period of confusion and confrontation. At the simplest level, the story is an old one: you just can't find a good plumber when you need one. The IMF, and the institutions that it co-ordinated (the World Bank, the regional development banks, the Paris Club of creditors), have proved technically ill-equipped for the challenge. But the IMF was having too much fun running 80 countries in the world to take heed. Organised as a secretive institution, all of its programmes carefully stamped "confidential" until recently, the IMF has lacked moderation, outside review, and the competitive pressures needed to keep it up to date. The American government has found it a handy instrument of financial diplomacy and quick-disbursing funds, but did not realise that its repeated technical failures could threaten the greater vision. At a deeper level, the problem is one of basic approach. America has wanted global leadership on the cheap. It was desperate for the developing world and post-communist economies to buy into its vision, in which globalisation, private capital flows and Washington advice would overcome the obstacles to shared prosperity, so that pressures on the rich countries to do more for the poorer countries could be contained by the dream of universal economic growth. In this way, the United States would not have to shell out real money to help the peaceful reconstruction of Russia; or to ameliorate the desperate impoverishment and illness in Africa. In essence, America has tried to sell its social ethos: the rich need not help the poor, since the poor can enjoy rising living standards and someday become rich themselves. Washington became skittish at anything or anybody that challenged this vision. When developing-country leaders pointed out that development was much harder than it looked; that their economies were falling further behind in technology; that they were being destabilised by financial flows they could neither track nor understand; that falling commodity prices were taking them further from the shared prosperity that they had been promised; that unattended disease was ravaging their societies; that the wreckage of Soviet communism would take real aid, not just short-term loans to overcome; or that they were still drowning in debt ten years after America acknowledged the need for debt relief; all these honest reflections were taken as hostile challenges to the vision of shared prosperity, because they put at risk the notion of cost-free American leadership. Time for a G16 As a result, for a decade we have had a phony Washington consensus on how to achieve shared prosperity-and almost no real discussions between rich and poor countries on the challenges facing a world of greater income inequality than ever before in history. The Americans seem to fear the potential budgetary costs of being honest about the manifold obstacles to global development, and they fear the consequences of stirring up isolationists in Congress and in the wider public. Such fears are overblown. The American people, no less than any others, are deeply worried about a world increasingly lacking convincing answers on the way forward. Instead of the next G8 summit, we should immediately begin preparations for a G16 summit: the G8 plus eight counterparts from the developing world. Such a meeting would not seek to dictate to the world, but to establish the parameters for a renewed and honest dialogue. One standard should apply for participation: democratic governance, since the only reliable way to build for the future is through participatory political processes. Four core members of the eight developing countries would be Brazil, India, South Korea and South Africa. We can hope that soon a democratic Nigeria will be in place to help represent the 200m people of West Africa. Smaller democratic countries that carry disproportionate credibility in the world, such as Chile and Costa Rica, would be valued participants. A sense of shared stewardship between rich and poor could do a great deal to calm panicky financial markets. Part of the problem is that naive 25-year-old investment bankers who do not know much about world politics think that the will to reform hangs by a thread in emerging markets; that Russia will bolt from the world scene; that India has turned inward; that Malaysia is irredeemably xenophobic; and that South Africa lacks the stomach to reform. These are all false propositions-these countries deserve the benefit of the doubt. But there is no convincing way to prove this. Getting them to pay obeisance to the IMF has not worked, since IMF dictates from Washington rile up local politics. Even more important than calming panicked markets is giving poorer countries a stake in a shared future. Global capitalism genuinely is the best chance for the developing world to gain a foothold on the economic-growth ladder; but with current institutions, global capitalism will not succeed widely enough or credibly enough to create a stable world system. Giving the developing world (that is, 85% of humanity) a serious role in shaping the new global institutions is the surest way to achieve that end. As Paul Samuelson once said, the best way to convince somebody of something is to give them a half-finished theorem, and let them fill in the rest. A development agenda Precisely because intensive discussion is needed more than diktats, there is no merit in offering a detailed blueprint for global reform: the process of discussion is part of the solution. Yet the G16 summit would need an opening agenda, a basis for reflection, debate, and negotiation. So herewith, a modest pair of proposals. The first concerns global financial markets. The summit should take up the question of international financial reform. Washington's dream of a quick move to global financial liberalisation is in ruins. It is hard to believe that just a year ago the IMF was trumpeting a new global commitment to unfettered capital flows. Almost all observers now concede that premature liberalisation of capital markets (often pushed by the IMF itself) was one cause of the current crisis. It was financial-market "reform" that allowed Thai and South Korean banks to tap into short-term international loans in the early 1990s, thereby bringing these banks together with excited young investors who were happy to be in Bangkok and Seoul for the first time. Hundreds of billions of dollars of loans flooded in. Now, the panicked flight of such loans is at the root of the emerging-markets debacle. The IMF worked mightily, and wrongheadedly, to make the world safe for these short-term money managers. The IMF bought into the investment bankers' mantra: exchange-rate stability above all else. The Wall Street Journal parroted an even stronger line in favour of wholly fixed exchange rates. After all, if central banks devote their reserves to a defence of the exchange rate, and if the IMF dedicates its funds to the defence of central banks, lending to emerging markets is like shooting fish in a barrel. Or so it seemed-until a stampede began in the other direction. The IMF encouraged central banks from Jakarta to Moscow to Brasilia to raise interest rates to stratospheric levels to protect their currencies, lest they lose the confidence of the money managers. Of course the money managers could see one step beyond the IMF: investors do not gain confidence when short-term rates are pushed to dozens of percent, as they have been in Russia, South Korea, South Africa and Brazil at some points this year. The more these economies tried to defend their currencies, the more they incited panic. Milton Friedman was right, as usual, about two big things. First, let exchange rates float. It is neither worthwhile nor feasible to twist monetary policy to soothe panicky investors, especially at the cost of internal depression. (The only real exception to floating rates comes at the start of stabilisation from extreme inflations, when exchange-rate targeting is more efficient than monetary targeting). Second, small shocks can have huge effects when they destabilise fractional-reserve banking systems. In his classic monetary history of the United States, Professor Friedman argued that banking panic, unattended by the Fed, created the Great Depression. So this free-marketeer has long championed government-mandated deposit insurance as a protection against bank runs. We now need an international equivalent, to forestall panics in international lending. The best idea around is that developing countries should impose their own supervisory controls on short-term international borrowing by domestic financial institutions. To avoid panicky capital outflows, it is best to prevent banks from exposing themselves to excess short-term indebtedness in the first place. Chile does this by taxing short-term flows; other approaches may be worth exploring. We also need vastly improved ways for creditors and debtors to extricate themselves from trouble once a crisis has begun. Otherwise East Asia is going to be buried in bad debt for half a decade or more. Already, Washington is complacently writing down its medium-term forecasts of Asian growth. This is wrongheaded. Asian factories, which fuelled two decades of rapid growth, have not suddenly vanished. They have been smothered in bad debts, which prevent companies from getting working capital to keep producing. The IMF has no answers, other than case-by-case bankruptcy proceedings, which already look like a recipe for a lost decade of growth. Much bolder approaches are needed, such as across-the-board debt write-downs and mass conversions of debt to equity. The second proposal concerns conditionality and foreign aid. The IMF and the World Bank have behaved with stunning arrogance in developing countries. The sequence is familiar: the IMF 's negotiating positions are settled in Washington; the mission team goes to the client country to convey Washington's conclusions; the financial markets wait breathlessly to see whether the country will comply; the American government repeats the mantra "Obey the IMF "; and journalists assess the "seriousness" of reforms according to whether countries bite the bullet to carry out the IMF dictates, whatever they are. This process is out of hand. It has undermined political legitimacy in dozens of developing countries, especially since the IMF is often happy to conspire with governments to make end runs around parliaments in the interests of "reform". The contents of IMF programmes are too flawed to be a standard of good or bad performance. Markets are realising this, so IMF programmes do less and less to rally them. Publicly breaking with the IMF, however, still carries a huge cost in market panic. Help and self-help A G16 summit should take up fundamental reform of the international assistance process itself. The aim should be to restore legitimacy to local politics, and abandon the misguided belief that the IMF and World Bank can micro-manage the process of economic reform. There is a better model of conditionality than the current Washington-based approach. A large part of foreign aid should be channelled through regional organisations (such as ASEAN in South-East Asia, Mercosur in Latin America, or the SADC in Southern Africa) that would put peer pressure rather than Washington pressure on their members. This is essentially the mechanism that underlay the most successful aid programme in history, the Marshall Plan. TheAmericans told the Europeans to work out the details on allocating aid. Countries watched each other; they prevented backsliding; they channelled funds into collective infrastructure; they deepened institutions of regional co-operation. Even more fundamental questions need to be asked about aid. What function does it fulfill, when long-term capital is available to build roads, telecoms networks, ports and power plants? It cannot be merely to keep the World Bank in operation or to lend governments new money to pay off old debts. The answer is that there is a continuing need for aid, almost certainly on a bigger scale than ever before-but of a completely different kind to today's. Many current aid programmes could be scaled back by following three steps. First, the agony of the debt crisis that began 20 years ago should be ended, by simply cancelling most of the debt owed by the poorest countries. The current strategy, known as the Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative, is too slow and too stingy. Under the HIPC, debts are cancelled after years of delay and only to a point that leaves the countries still heavily in the red (post-cancellation debt is meant to equal 200% of exports). Maybe it is the Washington bureaucrats' ideal: countries do not collapse, but they never get better. Second, all infrastructure aid that can be privately financed with long-term capital (ie, most big projects) should be ended. The World Bank could then privatise a large part of its operations. And third, IMF bailouts of the sort that have failed in Asia and Russia should be ended. They do not work. And they would not be needed if exchange rates floated, if supervisory standards limited short-term capital inflows and if orderly private workouts rather than public bailouts were encouraged. This would then enable aid flows to be redirected. Aside from humanitarian emergencies, and special cases like post-conflict countries or the end of 75 years of Soviet communism, the main function of aid should be to respond to the fact that private markets do not attend to many international public goods-goods that heavily influence the success or failure of the poorest countries. Much of the developing world is burdened by disease and environmental stresses that are deeply debilitating the lives of millions of people. Malaria, for instance, afflicts around 500m a year, but global public spending on a vaccine has been less than ten cents per case in recent years. The WHO has wisely launched a renewed anti-malaria effort, but it must be financed. Similarly, hookworm undermines the health of millions of people throughout the tropics, but almost no public money is spent on basic epidemiology or vaccine research. The developing world lacks basic scientific and technical means to address the environment, health, population and agriculture. Ever more hard economic evidence suggests that development problems in the poorest countries come not merely from a lack of political will, as fondly believed in Washington, but also from a lack of knowledge of what to do. The heady technological advances of the rich economies do not automatically translate into benefits for the impoverished tropics. So we need the World Bank not as yet another bank, but as our pre-eminent international institution for mobilising the knowledge to address the problems of the developing world. Yet the World Bank currently makes its money from loans. It finds itself stuck in a banking business where it is little needed, and not in the knowledge business where it could truly serve the world. Restructuring the Bank, so that it had the means to mobilise real knowledge creation, would cost a lot. This is part of the price tag feared by the American government. The world will have to decide whether to remain on the cheap, or to make the investments in knowledge that could promote a more prosperous future. Getting there Do the developing countries want to change the system? The current one has, after all, become a relationship of mutual dependency. Developing-country governments, even those that recognise the shortcomings of the Washington advice, wait patiently for the IMF and World Bank to send their next team of experts. They are addicted to aid flows, partly to refinance old debts; they are resigned to having little voice and little scope for initiative. Washington will not easily cede the initiative either. Yet in the end, the developing countries must become masters of their own fate, or they will be dragged under in a widening spiral of financial distress. Even with all of the turbulence and value destruction of the past year; even with the failures of IMF-World Bank programmes in Africa in the past decade; even with the collapse of the post-communist transition in Russia; even with all of these things, no developing countries are closing the doors on markets and globalisation. In Malaysia and Russia, certainly, there has been a backlash. But even there, policymakers know they cannot get by without the outside world. They know that technology and capital can come only from outside; and they know that only markets can deliver the chance of sustained growth. In short, developing countries are not trying to overturn Washington's vision of global capitalism, but rather to become productive players in it. Only if they are shut out might they change their minds. But the developed world should not fear dialogue with the developing world. It should join it urgently, for our mutual well-being. * Jeffrey Sachs is professor of international trade at Harvard and director of the Harvard Institute for International Development. He has long argued that the IMF is mishandling the emerging-markets crisis. From aidc@iafrica.com Mon Sep 21 03:31:08 1998 (envelope-from aidc@iafrica.com) Date: Mon, 21 Sep 1998 11:27:14 +0200 From: AIDC Reply-To: aidc@iafrica.com To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: AIDC web site updated Dear friends, Apology for cross posting The Alternative Information and Development Centre, a non government organisation based in Cape Town South Africa focuses on issues of economic justice, the impactof globalisation, neo-liberalism etc. Our web site has been updated and you will be able to access great material on globalisation, debt and the Jubilee 2000 Campaign, the Apartheid Caused debt Campaign, material on big business' attempt to recolonise the world through the Multilateral Agreement on Investment and much, much more. Thank you, Sibongile From arnomd@online.no Tue Sep 22 10:52:18 1998 Tue, 22 Sep 1998 18:52:03 +0200 (MET DST) From: "=?iso-8859-1?Q?Arno_Mong_Daast=F8l?=" To: "World Systems Network sender (E-mail)" , "Public Policy (E-mail)" Subject: FW: Sachs's G-16 proposal (Who is J. Sachs?) Date: Tue, 22 Sep 1998 18:50:51 +0200 charset="iso-8859-1" Jonathan Larson has supplied this interesting background for Jeffrey Sachs' new policies. Jon writes me, that the article on Sachs comes from an essay written by M.Levine in 1993 called "The Rot at the Top". Where he did not write. For all criticism against that piece I would I think still agree with Jon in saying that, >Even so, Sachs promoted austerity on one of the poorest nations on >earth--THAT claim cannot be disputed. And as for the facts that cocaine >became widely available in every small town in USA during the middle 1980s, >they cannot be disputed either. Whether Levine's assertion that these two >events were related is the only item open for dispute. However there is also info on this in Sachs' own book: Sachs, Jeffrey and Juan Antonio Morales. (1988). Bolivia 1952-1986, San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth. a related book is: Aaslund, Anders, Jeffrey Sachs et.al. (1993). Changing the Economic System in Russia, London: Pinter Publishers Ltd. Arno -----Original Message----- From: Jonathan Larson [mailto:eltechno@clear.lakes.com] Sent: Monday, September 21, 1998 12:10 AM To: Arno Mong Daastøl Subject: Re: Sachs's G-16 proposal (Who is J. Sachs?) >It seems like Jeff Sachs (somewhat belatedly) has learnt a lot of lessons >from his shock therapy adventures! A very worthwhile article. Greetings! >Arno > Thanks Arno for the posting! For Jeff Sach to criticize the IMF for its failings is a little like a hog criticizing someone for their foul odor. I am including a piece of an essay written in 1993 called "The Rot at the Top" about J. Sachs. For those who do not know the man and his work, I hope this is a helpful primer. ************************** Ignorance is Dangerous Jeffery Sachs must be considered, quite legitimately, as representative of Harvard University. In fact, he is a Harvard hotshot who was granted a full professorship with tenure at the still-tender age of 36. He is such a star in their intellectual firmament that they regularly give him time off from his other duties to advise foreign governments on matters of public policy. Sachs is an economist. Modern economists are ranked by their ability to mathematically model human behavior with highly complex equations. Modeling specialists are called "quant jocks" for their dedication to the highly specialized gymnastics of advanced math. Make no mistake, if mathematic modeling were an Olympic sport, Sachs would be a medal contender. For an economist, Sachs borders on hip. His writing is not exactly exciting, but unlike most of his peers', it can be read by the general public. He wears his hair in the mop-top style of the 1964 Beatles and projects the persona of a caring individual who is at ease with the responsibilities of a public intellectual. Coming from a distinctly middle-class background, Sachs has none of the clenched-teeth snobbery usually associated with Ivy League schools. He is even good on television-that ultimate litmus test in American culture. There is no reason to believe that he is not loved and admired by his wife, children, students, or dog. In spite of this, Jeffery Sachs has become one of the most hated Americans around the world. Because he is obviously not evil, stupid, lazy, or socially inept, the only option for this seemingly bizarre outcome is ignorance. And if Sachs is ignorant, there is rot at the top of the American educational system. Obviously, this transformation from respected academic superstar to a person considered to be an enemy of humanity is a case worth studying. Sachs' first foreign adventure in public policy formation took place in Bolivia in 1984. Bolivia was an economic basket case caught in a debt spiral caused by corrupt overborrowing by a succession of military juntas. American banks had loaned billions that had been spent on weapons or simply squandered on payoffs that had increased the numbered bank accounts of anyone who could get their hands on the money. All of this lending was based on the shaky assumption of former Citibank Chairman Walter Wriston who made famous the saying, "Countries do not go bankrupt." Besides, Bolivia was a prime source of vital natural resource-tin. Tin is used for food packaging and electronic circuits. But in the go-go lending days of the 1970s, so many banks simultaneously took Wriston's advice seriously, Bolivia's income from tin was borrowed against many times over. Then the worst happened, the international price of tin collapsed as consumers around the world found substitutes-especially for food packaging. By 1983, it was obvious that there was no way that Bolivia could even pay a fraction of the interest it owed on the money it had borrowed. Not only had the price of tin collapsed, but none of the money borrowed had been used to create alternative sources of income. The money had been spent or stolen-not invested. With money over committed for debt service, virtually none remained to import anything. Severe shortages of goods triggered an outbreak of hyperinflation sometimes running as high as 1600% a month. Sachs' job was to bring some order out of this chaos. His recommendations followed essentially standard practices for such situations. In return for modest debt restructuring, Bolivia was forced to "rationalize" the tin mines, sell off their publicly-owned companies, severely restrict the money supply, and embark on a course of fiscal austerity. By forcing the banks to take a small "haircut" in the deal, Sachs even gained a reputation for innovative and enlightened behavior in the eyes of the major Western business presses. In fact, some thought he had given the Bolivians too good a deal. From the point of view of the Bolivians, their chaos was replaced by utter desperation. This is one of the world's poorest countries. Che Guevarra was killed in Bolivia where he had gone to export the Cuban revolution. He had selected Bolivia precisely because he considered social conditions so desperate that the country was ripe for a revolution. Fighting inflation by restricting the supply of money obviously did nothing to increase the supply of goods. To the average citizen of La Paz, rapidly inflating money was better than having no money at all. The thousands of tin miners who lost their jobs were forced into an economy with few alternatives. Of the ways to survive, only one held any realistic possibilities-coca farming. In 1984, the C.I.A. engineered a coup d'état to ensure that there would be a government that would agree to professor Sachs' austerity recommendations. According to Michael Levine in his book The Great White Lie, which deals with his work in the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the new government of Bolivia consisted almost exclusively of known international cocaine dealers. Whatever the validity of Levine's claim, it is a fact that the 1984 change in the government of Bolivia was called the Cocaine Coup throughout Latin America. Levine suggests that the C.I.A. knowingly installed a government of drug dealers because they were the only folks in Bolivia who had any chance whatsoever of servicing the debts to the international banks. He further suggests that the C.I.A. promised protection for drug shipments and in some cases shipped the drugs themselves in order to show their support for the new regime. But such were the sordid details. Sachs was a hero who had protected the income stream of the banks by demonstrating that the calls for economic structural adjustments could be flexibly applied in even the worst-case scenario. The fact that he an author of an agreement that would help swamp American cities with cheap crack probably never even entered his head. No economic model demonstrates a link between tin mining and drug addiction so for Sachs, it didn't exist as a possibility. Flush with his "triumph" in Bolivia, Sachs would take his traveling economic salvation show to Poland. This was uncharted waters. No one had ever converted a Communist state-run economy to a Capitalist one before. But Sachs seemed not to have any doubts about his prescriptions that were called "Shock Therapy." Poland was to make its currency convertible so that they would become part of the international system of trade, deregulate prices and otherwise relax state controls, privatize state-owned industries, and close down inefficient operations. Any or all of these suggestions sounded perfectly logical on the face of things. Sachs, however, insisted that all of these things must happen together. Again, he offered the incentive of debt restructuring and since Poland was also so deeply in debt that even interest payments were impossible, this convinced the otherwise skeptical Poles who, in any case, had few alternatives. "Shock Therapy" was implemented to the cheers of the western financial press. And again, the results were utter chaos. Rents and food prices skyrocketed. Poland's shops filled with shiny western goods but people could not afford them. Government services that held together the social fabric like day-care were eliminated. Many Polish cities relied on a single industry. If they were deemed "inefficient" and closed, whole cities lost their very reason to exist. Forty percent unemployment rates became common in such areas. Massive unemployment drove people to flee-causing immigration problems in the rest of Western Europe. The unemployed who stayed behind were forced to become petty black marketers or worse. Crime became an epidemic. None of this seemed to trouble Sachs-if he had any awareness of the problems he had caused. More likely, he dismissed the cries of pain boiling up from the population as merely a sort of birth trauma for the new order. Sachs would tell whoever would listen that his prescriptions would lead to the prosperity of the West. For a while, the Poles believed him. But as the birth trauma disintegrated into social chaos, the rumblings of discontent began to sound pre-revolutionary. In 1992, a parliamentary election was held and the largest party turned out to be the Communists. Sachs' prescriptions had been so absurd that after 44 years of Stalinist misrule, Poland was ready to return to the "good old days." Sachs was on a roll-by 1989 he and his advice formed a corporation with offices in Helsinki. Yeltsin assumed power and Sachs became an official advisor to the fledgling Russian government. The results were even more devastating than in Poland. Opposition to Sachs' ideas began to solidify in the Parliament. In 1993, Yeltsin dissolved the Parliament and attacked his opposition with tanks. Elections were held and the biggest vote-getter was a 1930s-style Fascist named Vladimir Zhiranovsky. In fact, Yeltsin's "reformers" got less than 15% of the total vote. Sachs was a campaign issue in this election because, almost incredibly, he appeared on Russian television to sell the Yeltsin version of economic reform. His Russian counterpart, an economist named Yegor Gaidar, was blamed for the social disintegration of a country that had been a superpower. Following the elections, Gaidar was forced to resign as Yeltsin's chief economic advisor and Sachs quit his job shortly thereafter. He went home to the USA to write his own account of the Russian debacle in The New Republic. He was utterly unrepentant for causing the chaos that literally put a Hitler in line to run a country with over 10,000 nuclear weapons. His advice was sound, he maintained steadfastly, the only problem was that the Russians had not acted on his ideas quickly enough. One can sympathize with Sachs. How could HE have caused this chaos? By any standards he knew, he was not wrong. He had almost never been wrong in his life, how could he be wrong now? Every move he had made in almost a decade had brought him nothing but cheers from precisely the sort of people he respected the most. He was an academic superstar at the most prestigious university in the land and commanded a healthy six-figure annual income. How could he be wrong? Yet what can one think of a person who leaves in his wake a desperate cocaine economy in Bolivia, a renewed Communist Party in Poland, and a Russia on the brink of civil war with a Fascist offering to restore order and greatness? If these are not signs of error, what are? Sadly, Sachs' mistakes are so common to Americans abroad that his debacles went almost totally unnoticed by the American media or public. Given his cultural and educational background, he was virtually programmed to make these mistakes. His were simply larger and more public because he had been granted more responsibility. Of course, Sachs' biggest errors stemmed from the occupational hazards of being an economist in the late 20th century. Economics is an oddly evolved profession that first appeared as a branch of moral philosophy. It was not until the 19th century that economics became a discipline unto itself. To remove the taint of ethical dilemmas, economics became increasingly reliant on the language of mathematics. Math made economics appear less politically or culturally driven. By the time Sachs learned his trade, the great economic debates of history had been buried beneath a tide of complex formulas and computer printouts. This focus on math had made economics, so economists would choose to believe, more scientific than the rest of the social sciences. Even the Nobel Prize committee, with strong encouragement of the banking establishment of Sweden, determined that economics was now scientific enough to be included among the other science prizes such as physics, chemistry, or medicine. Because economics now assumes the existence of everything else, economists tend to discount the importance of the complexity of human experience. With this worldview, cultural, historical, and political motivations for human behavior are reduced to messy but ultimately irrelevant details. In 1945, American economists had been called on to give advice to the utterly destroyed nations of Japan and Germany. Judging by the post-war success of these two economies, their advice must have been superb. (Too damn good, in the opinion of many.) This was the last generation of economists trained before economics came to be considered a science. "Quant jock" economists are caught in a trap of their own making for they are forced by their main assumption to translate the workings of the real economy into the symbols of math. Reducing everything to numbers means that such economists can only track the flow of money, or other symbols for wealth such as stocks and bonds. This is very exciting for the "quant jock" because money moves so rapidly-in fact, money now moves at the speed of light from one point on the planet to another. This assumption is flawed because the real economy moves at a much slower pace. Folks can take years to make major buying decisions like a house or car. Moving factories requires months or years of planning. Most importantly, the ability to invent and build the nuts and bolts of the industrial infrastructure takes generations to develop. For example, Germany was unified by Bismarck in 1870 and a conscious social decision was made that Germany should overtake England in industrial capacity. It took until just shortly before World War I in 1914 to pull even. Because of the destruction of two wars, Germany's absolute superiority in European industrial capacity did not clearly emerge until around 1960. Ninety years is considerably more time than it takes to wire some money somewhere. On the quicker-than-a-hiccup time-frame of economic assumptions, Sachs had peerless qualifications. What did him in were the 90-year time-frame type problems of economic development. In fairness, this problem plagues the whole economic profession-especially in the English-speaking parts of the globe, but Harvard can legitimately be considered a main center of fruit-fly-attention-span economics. Another serious drawback to the economics of tracking money, is that the only economic transactions that can be tracked are at the point of sale. According to this assumption, nothing happens until money changes hands. That is why it is called market capitalism. By this thinking, growing a tree does not show up as an economic statistic worth sending through a computer-it is only when the tree is cut down and sent to market that it becomes important. This is a cultural assumption created by the necessity of only seeing symbols. Unfortunately, an economic worldview that can assume and then ignore the creative natural forces that combine energy and matter to grow a tree, is but a short cognitive leap away from ignoring the creative forces of the people who invent, build, and operate the real economy. Even though Sachs had professional reasons to be ignorant of the cultural, historical, and political realities of the economies he was tinkering with, his problems were made infinitely worse by the fact that a generalized knowledge of these subjects is not assumed to be important for the American layperson. For example, How could Sachs understand the Russian comment that because of him, anti-American sentiment had now reached heights not seen in Russia since 1921? In 1921, American troops in Russia were assisting the White forces in their Civil War. How could he know that?-few Americans, even history professors, do. Did he understand the passions involved in the tin mining industry of Bolivia that caused Che Guevarra to take his revolution there first? How could he? Such news analysis does not appear on PBS, or the New York Times. Did Sachs understand enough of Marxism to have any vague notion of what the Russians had been teaching each other for the last 75 years? Of course not. What American under the age of 50 knows anything about Marxism? Certainly none in the Harvard economics department. Even the parlor Marxists of Harvard Yard have no conception of what it means to be a Marxist while operating a coal mine or a tractor factory. In truth, outside of his narrow specialty of tracking the flow of money, Sachs was utterly unqualified to advise anyone on anything-especially in a foreign setting. Acting with almost childlike innocence, Jeffery Sachs caused violent chaos wherever he traveled. In this case, the Ugly American had been replaced by the Utterly Ignorant American. Sadly, the damage done may last a generation. And if the historic opportunity of 1989 is lost in Russia and the world becomes more dangerous, the ignorance of Jeffery Sachs must be considered a significant reason. ----- regards jon web page at: http://clear.lakes.com/~eltechno/ From austria@it.com.pl Wed Sep 23 01:44:13 1998 Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: Fw: Le Monde diplomatique en anglais Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 09:42:49 +0200 ---------- > From: Le Monde diplomatique > To: info-diplo > Subject: Le Monde diplomatique en anglais > Date: Dienstag, 22. September 1998 15:39 > > > > Le Monde diplomatique > et The Guardian Weekly > > > > Le Monde diplomatique > en anglais > > > Le 20 septembre, The Guardian Weekly a publié > le premier numéro du Monde diplomatique en anglais, > dans un supplément de seize pages. > > > * > * * > > > PROCHAINES PARUTIONS > > 25 OCTOBRE ET 22 NOVEMBRE > > > Pour toute demande d'information, écrire à Patrick Ensor, > The Guardian Weekly, 75, Farrington road, London EC1M 3HQ > > > > > Le Monde diplomatique en anglais est également disponible > sur Internet : http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/ > > > Comme celles de nos éditions en allemand (Berlin et Zürich), > italien (Rome), espagnol (Madrid et Mexico), grec (Athènes) > et arabe (Beyrouth), la réussite de cette édition en langue > anglaise est d'une première importance à nos yeux et pour la > diffusion de nos idées. > > > Merci de bien vouloir nous aider à la > faire connaître, par exemple en adressant > à vos correspondants anglophones le texte > ci-dessous. > > > ____________________________________________________________ > > > This week (20 September) will see the first of three > supplements of Le Monde diplomatique which are being printed > and distributed by The Guardian Weekly (GW) on a free trial > basis (September, October, November). > > The GW is part of Guardian Publications Ltd., UK, and it is > distributed worldwide, sold mainly by subscription. > > We hope this will be the start of a regular printed edition > of Le Monde diplomatique to which you or your friends may > wish to subscribe, jointly with The Guardian Weekly. > > For more information please contact Patrick Ensor, > The Guardian Weekly, 75, Farrington road, London EC1M 3HQ > > > To secure a copy of this first edition, contact your local > newsagent or the Guardian Weekly to place an order. The GW > can be contacted for regular subscriptions at > . > > > > In this first issue, Ignacio Ramonet writes: > > Le Monde diplomatique > Taking a stand > > We are delighted to welcome readers of The Guardian Weekly > into the family of people who are regular readers of Le > Monde diplomatique... > > Our desire to broaden the readership of Le Monde > diplomatique beyond the confines of France is not a recent > thing. Already one third of total sales of our > French-language edition are to readers overseas. From the > start, we have been not a French newspaper that happens to > sell abroad, but an international paper that happens to be > based in France. Not only does our newspaper offer broad > coverage of major world developments, but we also open our > pages to intellectuals, experts, journalists, writers and > public figures from all around the world. This has been a > major contributing factor in our success. > > Le Monde diplomatique is in excellent health. Over the past > ten years our circulation has doubled - rising from 135,000 > copies at the end of 1987 to 270,000 by late 1997. Our > readers tend to be young - 81% of them are under 49 and 41% > under 34. We were the first paper in France to have its own > site on the Internet, and visits to our French-language site > are now approaching 200,000 per week... > > Newspapers today are going through a bad patch. So what we > have achieved is good news for all who care about freedom of > expression, and who want to see that freedom operating in > the interests of reliable reporting, a concern for justice > and an ethic of solidarity... > > Our readers appreciate us because we are serious about our > journalism. They like the fact that, in dealing with the > news, we dig deeply into issues of economics, sociology, > politics, science, technology, ecology, culture and > ideology. They want to understand the complexities of the > global economy, and what it means for the world in which we > live. They want to know about new problems emerging in our > societies, about the strategies of the world’s major powers, > and about the new kinds of conflicts that are shaking the > world’s major regions. > > This is the logic underlying our efforts in the past few > years to build foreign-language editions and partnerships > with newspapers outside France. Le Monde diplomatique is now > published on a monthly basis in seven different national > editions: in Italy with Il Manifesto; in Germany with > Tageszeitung; in Switzerland with WochenZeitung; in Spain > with the publisher L-Press; in Mexico with Editorial Sans > Frontières; in Greece with the daily Eleftherotypia; and in > the Arab world with the Beirut daily An-Nahar. The newspaper > is also available on the Internet in a Japanese version > published out of Tokyo. In addition, our bimonthly magazine > Manière de Voir is published in both Greek and Portuguese. A > printed English edition is long overdue to complement the > existing Internet and email editions. > > This is a major project. We believe it promises well for the > future. And within this continuing activity we attach the > greatest importance to the success of our collaboration with > The Guardian. > > IGNACIO RAMONET > Director of Le Monde diplomatique > > From austria@it.com.pl Wed Sep 23 01:44:41 1998 Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: Fw: Le Monde Diplomatique publication: Taking a stand Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 09:47:33 +0200 regards arno tausch ---------- > From: Le Monde diplomatique > To: English edition dispatch > Subject: Taking a stand > Date: Mittwoch, 16. September 1998 10:46 > > > > Dear readers, > > This week (20 September) will see the first of three > supplements of Le Monde diplomatique which are being printed > and distributed by The Guardian Weekly (GW) on a free trial > basis (September, October, November). > > The GW is part of Guardian Publications Ltd., UK, and it is > distributed worldwide, sold mainly by subscription. > > We hope this will be the start of a regular printed edition > of Le Monde diplomatique to which you or your friends may > wish to subscribe, jointly with The Guardian Weekly. > > To secure a copy of this first edition, contact your local > newsagent or the Guardian Weekly to place an order. The GW > can be contacted for regular subscriptions at > . > > > > In this first issue, Ignacio Ramonet writes: > > Le Monde diplomatique > Taking a stand > > We are delighted to welcome readers of The Guardian Weekly > into the family of people who are regular readers of Le > Monde diplomatique... > > Our desire to broaden the readership of Le Monde > diplomatique beyond the confines of France is not a recent > thing. Already one third of total sales of our > French-language edition are to readers overseas. From the > start, we have been not a French newspaper that happens to > sell abroad, but an international paper that happens to be > based in France. Not only does our newspaper offer broad > coverage of major world developments, but we also open our > pages to intellectuals, experts, journalists, writers and > public figures from all around the world. This has been a > major contributing factor in our success. > > Le Monde diplomatique is in excellent health. Over the past > ten years our circulation has doubled - rising from 135,000 > copies at the end of 1987 to 270,000 by late 1997. Our > readers tend to be young - 81% of them are under 49 and 41% > under 34. We were the first paper in France to have its own > site on the Internet, and visits to our French-language site > are now approaching 200,000 per week... > > Newspapers today are going through a bad patch. So what we > have achieved is good news for all who care about freedom of > expression, and who want to see that freedom operating in > the interests of reliable reporting, a concern for justice > and an ethic of solidarity... > > Our readers appreciate us because we are serious about our > journalism. They like the fact that, in dealing with the > news, we dig deeply into issues of economics, sociology, > politics, science, technology, ecology, culture and > ideology. They want to understand the complexities of the > global economy, and what it means for the world in which we > live. They want to know about new problems emerging in our > societies, about the strategies of the world’s major powers, > and about the new kinds of conflicts that are shaking the > world’s major regions. > > This is the logic underlying our efforts in the past few > years to build foreign-language editions and partnerships > with newspapers outside France. Le Monde diplomatique is now > published on a monthly basis in seven different national > editions: in Italy with Il Manifesto; in Germany with > Tageszeitung; in Switzerland with WochenZeitung; in Spain > with the publisher L-Press; in Mexico with Editorial Sans > Frontières; in Greece with the daily Eleftherotypia; and in > the Arab world with the Beirut daily An-Nahar. The newspaper > is also available on the Internet in a Japanese version > published out of Tokyo. In addition, our bimonthly magazine > Manière de Voir is published in both Greek and Portuguese. A > printed English edition is long overdue to complement the > existing Internet and email editions. > > This is a major project. We believe it promises well for the > future. And within this continuing activity we attach the > greatest importance to the success of our collaboration with > The Guardian. > > IGNACIO RAMONET > Director of Le Monde diplomatique > > > From austria@it.com.pl Wed Sep 23 01:44:44 1998 Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: MAI-new Le Monde publication Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 09:45:23 +0200 regards to the wsn colleagues arno tausch ---------- > From: Le Monde diplomatique > To: info-diplo > Subject: Lumiere sur l'AMI - un livre en ligne > Date: Donnerstag, 17. September 1998 10:55 > > > L'OBSERVATOIRE DE LA MONDIALISATION > L'Esprit frappeur > et Le Monde diplomatique > > à l'occasion de la semaine internationale d'initiatives > et d'action contre l'Accord multilatéral sur > l'investissement (du 21 au 28 septembre 1998) > > vous proposent un livre en ligne > > ______________________________________________________________________ > > > > > L U M I È R E S U R L' A.M.I. > > Le test de Dracula > > > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/ > > > > > > I. Un curieux A.M.I. qui avance masqué > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/11.html > > Une négociation très discrète... > > Dans un château nommé « La Muette » > > La résistance s'organise > > La campagne contre l'A.M.I. en France > > La « suspension », reculer pour mieux sauter ? > > > II. Honneur et protection aux « investisseurs » ! > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/21.html > > Un accord de faible portée ? > > L'investissement, un terme avec plusieurs sens... > > ... et de très importants enjeux > > Le rôle des lobbies dans l'élaboration de l'A.M.I. > > Un A.M.I. destiné à protéger aussi les spéculateurs > > > III. Intentions claires, rédaction obscure... > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/31.html > > Des intentions claires > > Une obscurité aux causes diverses > > Traitement national et bénéfice de la clause de > la nation la plus favorisée > > Interdiction des obligations de résultat > > Privatisations et régimes spéciaux d'actionnariat > > La politique de fixation des prix des monopoles publics > > Expropriations et « mesures d'effet équivalent » > > Les « troubles civils » > > > IV. Un verrouillage juridique savant et draconien > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/41.html > > En cas de ratification... > > Les États traînés devant des tribunaux de commerce internationaux > > L'exemple du traité de Marrakech > > Irréversibilité de la libéralisation > > > V. Défendre la culture tout en signant l'A.M.I. ? > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/51.html > > Les premiers à se mobiliser > > Une réserve pour mieux marchander ? > > > VI. À mort Dracula ! Vive la démocratie ! > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/61.html > > Un combat commun au « Nord » et au « Sud » > > Contre la privatisation de l'espace public > > Pour l'arrêt complet des négociations > > Combattre l'A.M.I. en se tournant vers l'avenir > > > Glossaire > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/glossaire.html > > > > > > « Lumière sur l'A.M.I. » est disponible > > en librairie, 75 pages, 10 F. > > > Voir aussi : > > * Le programme de la semaine d'action > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/livre/lumiere/action.html > > * Le dossier A.M.I. du Monde diplomatique > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/ami/ > > * L'observatoire de la mondialisation > http://www.ecoropa.org/obs/ > > * Le dossier A.M.I. de l'association Attac > http://Attac.org/ami/ > > > _________________________________________________________________ > > COMMENT GÉRER VOTRE INSCRIPTION À LA LISTE 'info-diplo' ? > > Un formulaire permet de vous inscrire ou de vous désabonner > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/forum/info-diplo/ > > > EN CAS DE CHANGEMENT D'ADRESSE... > > Pour modifier votre adresse d'inscription, veuillez quitter > la liste à partir de votre ancienne adresse, puis vous inscrire > à partir de votre nouvelle adresse. > > From austria@it.com.pl Wed Sep 23 01:44:45 1998 Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: Fw: New Le Monde publication: UN AUTRE MONDE EST POSSIBLE Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 09:48:22 +0200 ---------- > From: Le Monde diplomatique > To: info-diplo > Subject: UN AUTRE MONDE EST POSSIBLE > Date: Dienstag, 15. September 1998 16:40 > > __________________________________________________________ > Manière de voir 41 septembre-octobre 1998 > > > > UN AUTRE MONDE > > EST POSSIBLE > > > (45 F) > > > > ___________________ s o m m a i r e ____________________ > > > INTRODUCTION > > Besoin d'utopie > Ignacio Ramonet > > > 1. VERS UNE ÉCONOMIE SOLIDAIRE > > La tempête boursière qui frappe toutes les places > financières de la planète le confirme : ce sont les > fondements mêmes de l'économie financière, telle qu'elle > s'est emballée depuis plus de dix ans, qu'il est temps de > repenser, notamment en désarmant les marchés qui ont acquis > un pouvoir démesuré. Il faut inventer une nouvelle économie, > plus solidaire, qui remette l'être humain au coeur des > préoccupations. Ce développement, fondé sur la > redistribution des richesses, un revenu d'existence pour > tous, une diminution du temps de travail et une remise en > cause, au moins partielle, de l'économie monétaire et de > marché au profit de l'économie de don et de réciprocité, > créera un nouvel art de vivre ensemble. > > Les « dix commandements » citoyens > Bernard Cassen > > Une économie de don et de réciprocité > François Plassard > > Demain, l'économie de proximité > Jean-Paul Maréchal > > Pour une redistribution des richesses > Chantal Euzéby > > De l'allocation universelle au « deuxième chèque » > Jean-Paul Maréchal > > Instaurer un revenu d'existence > Yoland Bresson > > Désarmer les marchés > Ignacio Ramonet > > Le travail, front principal des luttes > Robert Castel > > > 2. RÉINVENTER LA CITOYENNETÉ > > La démocratie est en crise, minée par l'affaiblissement de > l'Etat-nation et par les scandales qui, des Etats-Unis au > Japon, frappent les responsables politiques. Pourtant, dans > de nombreux pays, au Nord comme au Sud, des expériences se > mettent en place, fondées sur une participation plus ample > des citoyens. La multiplication des associations en France > et en Europe, la mobilisation des communes en Scandinavie, > le « budget participatif » à Porto Alegre, au Brésil, sont > autant d'exemples qui montrent comment se met en place une > nouvelle citoyenneté. Partout se conquièrent des droits > humains supplémentaires, à la fois individuels et > collectifs, qui dessinent les contours d'un autre avenir. > > Les associations, repères civiques > Christophe Dabitch > > Le défi des communes suédoises > Ingrid Carlander > > Innovations en Norvège > Ingrid Carlander > > Le modèle d'une Suisse fédéraliste > Ulrich Im Hof > > L'exemple de Porto Alegre > Bernard Cassen > > Anatomie d'un pouvoir populaire > Bernard Cassen > > Se réapproprier les droits humains > Ignacy Sachs > > > 3. CES EXEMPLES VENUS DU SUD > > Du Sud nous parviennent avant tout des images de guerres, de > famines, de désastres naturels. Pourtant, dans tous les > domaines, économiques, sociaux, politiques, une multitude > d'initiatives montrent l'extraordinaire dynamisme dont > peuvent faire preuve les citoyens de ces pays que l'on dit > sous-développés. Organisation des paysans dans un village > malien, création de coopératives dans le Sahel, > alphabétisation au Sénégal, sauvetage des enfants des rues > au Brésil, autant d'exemples qui s'appuient, souvent, sur > les plus démunis. Car c'est d'eux que dépend le > développement, à condition qu'on les aide, comme le prouve > l'étonnante expérience de la Grameen Bank au Bangladesh. > > Pour une agriculture écologique > Christian de Brie > > La nouvelle société civile africaine > Colette Braeckman > > Réseaux coopératifs dans le Sahel > Véronique Donnat > > Sanankoroba, ce stupéfiant village malien > Patrick Coupechoux > > A Saam Njaaï, tout a commencé par l'alphabet > Roland-Pierre Paringaux > > Sauver les enfants des rues au Brésil > Damien Hazard > > Une banque pour les pauvres > Muhammad Yunus > > > 4. NOUVEAUX HORIZONS > > Un autre monde sera fondé d'abord sur l'éducation, dont la > place et le sens ont profondément changé depuis un siècle. > Mais tous les domaines de la vie en société devraient être > affectés, et les technologies de l'information - notamment > Internet - pourraient jouer un rôle crucial dans ces > évolutions, à condition d'être libérés des pesanteurs des > lois du marché. Il faudra également découvrir les nouveaux > horizons de la vie en commun, imposer un droit égal pour les > homosexuels, donner la parole aux exclus. Toutes ces > dynamiques supposent, loin des sirènes de la mondialisation > et des replis identitaires, l'invention d'un nouvel > internationalisme. > > Faire de la vie un apprentissage permanent > Roger Sue > > Refonder l'éducation populaire > Bernard Cassen > > Un droit égal pour les homosexuels > Eric Fassin > > Internet sauvera-t-il l'Afrique ? > Fabrice Hervieu Wané > > Libérez les logiciels ! > Bernard Lang > > La parole des exclus > Armand Gatti (avec Hélène Châtelain) > > CONCLUSION > > Recréer l'internationalisme > Alain Gresh > > > > __________________________________________________________ > > Vous pouvez vous procurer « Manière de voir » en kiosque, > ou en vous adressant à : > > Le Monde diplomatique > Boutique > 21 bis, rue Claude Bernard > 75242 Paris cedex 05 > > Prix (port compris): > 51 F (France) > 56 F (Autres pays) > > > From austria@it.com.pl Wed Sep 23 01:45:02 1998 Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: Fw: Le Monde Dipl. August-September 1998 Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 09:49:01 +0200 regards Arno Tausch ---------- > From: Le Monde diplomatique > To: English edition dispatch > Subject: August-September 1998 > Date: Donnerstag, 10. September 1998 18:05 > > LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE > _________________________________________________________________ > > Le Monde diplomatique > > english edition > > August-September 1998 > > edited by Wendy Kristianasen > > > > > LEADER > > Holy war * > > by Alain Gresh > > The United States invoked self-defence as a justification for its > retaliatory raids on a pharmaceuticals factory in Sudan and > "terrorist bases" in Afghanistan. But what we are witnessing is the > start of a new policy of deterrence - one which unfortunately is > likely to alienate the peoples of the Muslim world still further. > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/09/01leader.html > > Translated by Wendy Kristianasen > > > DOMINATING THE ELECTRONIC ERA > > Towards a new century of American imperialism > > by Herbert I. Schiller > > What will be the shape of the next century? And how will the > world's two hundred states apportion the various roles? If some > will have more influence than others, one - the United States - is > doing everything to use its economic, military and cultural > strength to maintain its undeniable primacy. In particular, it > intends, unilaterally and for its sole benefit, to fix the rules of > the game of the "electronic era" in order to assure itself global > electronic mastery in the next century. > > Original text in English > > The Microsoft stranglehold * > > by Philippe Rivière > > Microsoft's huge profits are not built on out-of-the-ordinary > technological expertise but on a mechanism that acts effectively as > a tax on the world's computer equipment. Manufacturers of > computers, printers, software etc. need common industrial standards > in order to ensure the compatibility of equipment. But the giant > corporation is now coming under increasing criticism. > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/09/03gates.html > > Translated by Ed Emery > > > A REPLY TO ARAB INTELLECTUALS > > Israel-Palestine: a third way * > > by Edward W. Said > > This summer's decision by the Israeli government to accelerate > settlement of occupied Palestinian territories - and judaise East > Jerusalem - confirms the failure of the Oslo accords, if > confirmation were needed. The impasse has revived the debate among > Arab intellectuals concerning their responsibilities regarding the > Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Many of them - with some rare and > brave exceptions - support the French writer Roger Garaudy, who was > convicted earlier this year on charges of holocaust denial, for > defending an Islam now under siege from the West. Edward Said > incisively debunks this trend. > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/09/04said.html > > Original text in English > > > A SOCIETY SCARRED BY CIVIL WAR > > Mafia threatens Algeria's economy > > by Fayçal Karabadji > > Not content with their policy of bloody repression, the military > who are in control of Algeria are also plundering the country's > wealth. Privatisations are frequently a way for a > political-economic mafia to enrich itself; and independent private > companies trying to set themselves up are subject to threats, > blackmail and violence. Meanwhile, the public sector is under > threat from entrepreneurs who would gladly see manufacturing > industry go to the wall so they can have the rich pickings of > foreign imports for their private import/export companies. In which > exports are sadly lacking. > > Translated by Malcolm Greenwood > > > FROM MISSILE CRISIS TO EU MEMBERSHIP > > Cyprus hostage to Athens-Ankara confrontation > > by Niels Kadritzke > > Together, Greece and Turkey have more tanks than the United > Kingdom, France, Germany and Italy combined. They devote 4.7% and > 3.8% of their gross domestic product respectively to defence > (compared with an average 2.2% for the other members of NATO). > Athens is now planning to spend $24 billion over eight years to > expand and modernise its arsenal, Ankara $31 billion over ten > years. This escalation illustrates the scope of the "missile > crisis" that began with the announcement of the Greek Cypriots' > purchase of Russian S-300 ground-to-air missiles. > > Translated by Malcolm Greenwood > > > Turkish Cypriots dream of Europe > > by Niels Kadritzke > > Northern Cyprus is to all intents and purposes a Turkish > protectorate: people feel at protected, but also denied the freedom > to make their own decisions. The Turkish Cypriots' minority > position and the risk of being swallowed up by Turkey has > strengthened their sense of identity. Nowhere else in Europe will > you find such convinced - or desperate - Europeans. > > Forty years of confrontation * > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/09/08cyprus.html > > Translated by Malcolm Greenwood > > > US PRESS OBSESSED WITH LOCAL ISSUES > > Myopic and cheapskate journalism > > by Serge Halimi > > Already under fire for its obsessive treatment of President > Clinton's alleged sexual improprieties, American journalism has > recently been shaken by a number of scandals which cast doubt on > the professionalism of some of the country's major news media: CNN, > NBC, Time, the Boston Globe, etc. Invented stories, plagiarism and > testimonies obtained under pressure come high on the list. However, > what is fundamentally at issue is the whole money-making ethos of > today's news journalism. Journalism which succeeds because it is > easier and more profitable, which entertains rather than informs, > and which ignores the international dimension of news. > > Translated by Ed Emery > > > SETBACK FOR US NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION POLICY > > Asia after the bomb > > by Paul-Marie de La Gorce > > Japan and the United States responded initially to the nuclear > tests by India and Pakistan by imposing sanctions - something which > Europe, although condemning the tests, was unwilling to do. In > fact, both the bombs and the reactions to them are symptomatic of > the changes in the balance of power in Asia. The leaders of the > international community, starting with the United States, can no > longer afford to ignore Asia's three major powers, Japan, China and > India. > > Translated by Lorna Dale > > > BETWEEN "HISTORIC COMPROMISE" AND TERRORISM > > Reviewing the experience of Italy in the 1970s * > > by Toni Negri > > Toni Negri was one of the historic leadership of the Italian > revolutionary group Potere Operaio and is currently serving a > prison sentence in Rebibbia prison, Rome. Negri gave himself up on > 1 July 1997 after 14 years' exile in Paris in a bid to close a > chapter in his own personal "judicial history" and that of other > far-left militants still in exile. Now waiting for a general > remission (indulto) from the Italian parliament which has not as > yet materialised, he was allowed to work on day-release at the end > of July. In the following article, he recalls the political > experience of the 1970s in Italy. > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/09/11negri.html > > Translated by Ed Emery > > > FROM PLO TO STATE > > The Palestinians dream on > > by Alain Gresh > > At the end of August, uncertainty still reigned over the progress > of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Binyamin Netanyahu made a > stream of contradictory declarations while forging ahead with > settlements. Meanwhile, Yasser Arafat desperately needs an > agreement to bolster his authority, thus hoping to consolidate a > state structure that the Palestinian leadership has built up over > 30 years through the PLO, in response to the Palestinians' strong > desire for a unifying framework within which to express their > aspirations. But will this strategy lead to a viable state? > > Translated by Wendy Kristianasen > > > STERN TEST FOR CAPITALISM > > Will the world catch Asian flu? > > By François Chesnais > > Three weeks ago analysts were still proclaiming that, since Russia > only represents 1% of world trade, it could only affect the global > economic situation marginally. This approach discounted the extreme > vulnerability of the financial markets and the "unrealistic level" > of share prices that Alan Greenspan, chairman of the US Federal > Reserve Bank, warned of in July. It also discounted the extent to > which politics and economics are intermeshed. The collapse of the > Russian financial system has battered stock exchanges around the > world and brought the global economy closer to recession. Yet the > EU's political leaders still claim that the crisis will not affect > Europe... > > > > > (*) Star-marked articles are available to every reader. Other > articles are available to paid subscribers only. > > Yearly subscription fee: 24 US $ (Institutions 48 US $). > > > > ALL RIGHTS RESERVED - Le Monde diplomatique > ______________________________________________________________ > > For more information on our English edition, please visit > > http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/ > > To subscribe to our free "dispatch" mailing-list, send an > (empty) e-mail to: > dispatch-on@london.monde-diplomatique.fr > > To unsubscribe from this list, send an (empty) e-mail to: > dispatch-off@london.monde-diplomatique.fr > > > From RHolt1234@aol.com Wed Sep 23 10:16:35 1998 From: RHolt1234@aol.com Date: Wed, 23 Sep 1998 12:16:21 EDT To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: James Galbraith on-line seminar Seminar on Created Unequal with James K. Galbraith Jamie Galbraith online in a pkt (post Keynesian thought) Seminar October 26 to November 2, 1998. Welcome is the latest of a series of on-line seminars conducted under csf and pkt-seminars. Our current seminar features James Galbraith, author of Created Unequal. See what the critics have said about his book: >From The Kirkus Reviews, May 26, 1998 "A tour de force by an economist not so handicapped by theoretical orthodoxy that clear thinking is impossible. Economist Galbraith's (Univ. of Texas, Austin) central concern is America's growing inequality... At the core of the contemporary less-than-full-employment strategy, Galbraith argues, is the Federal Reserve's anti-inflation campaign. While many commitments are necessary to maintain full employment, maintenance of low, stable interest rates is fundamental, and as long as the Fed sees interest rates as a weapon in the war against inflation, full employment will be sacrificed..." The Los Angeles Times Sunday Book Review, Joanne B. Ciulla "Created Equal is not light reading, but Galbraith's elegant arguments, passionate expostion and profound conclusions make it worth the trouble." If you would like to subscribe to this seminar, please send your request to: listproc@csf.colorado.edu In the body of the message type: subscribe pkt-seminars Yourfirstname Yourlastname You can also subscribe through the pkt web page: http://csf.colorado.edu/pkt/ The seminar is open for subscriptions now but no mail will be distributed until Monday, October 26, 1998. You may purchase a copy of the book via our website at: http://csf.colorado.edu/pkt/Book_order.html If you have any questions about the seminar, please write to Ric Holt e-mail: rholt@sou.edu or Gary Langer e-mail: glanger@interaccess.com. From kpmoseley@juno.com Thu Sep 24 12:46:15 1998 From: kpmoseley@juno.com To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Thu, 24 Sep 1998 14:32:28 -0700 Subject: : NY Times Article X-Juno-Line-Breaks: 0-131 --------- Begin forwarded message ---------- From: "Taylor-Kamara, Obai A." To: LEONENET@MITVMA.MIT.EDU Subject: NY Times Article Date: Tue, 22 Sep 1998 12:33:58 -0400 September 22, 1998 THE UNITED NATIONS: BRITAIN Remodel World Bank and I.M.F., Blair Urges Related Articles The United Nations: Clinton Urges World Action on Terror Economists Debate How to Protect Europe From Global Financial Chaos (Sept. 19) Forum Join a Discussion on the Role of International Economic Institutions By AGIS SALPUKAS EW YORK -- Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain on Monday urged a revamping of the way the world's financial institutions deal with global economic turmoil, and said the procedures of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank had to be updated. He noted that the IMF and the World Bank, set up 54 years ago at a conference in Bretton Woods, N.H., "were constructed for a world of fixed exchange rates and capital controls, when capital flows were much smaller." "The current crisis illustrated the weakness of the existing international financial system," Blair said. "It needs to be modernized to meet the challenges of a new century." "Reform there has got to be," he said, departing from his text and glancing up at the group of 24 top executives and other officials in the ornate boardroom of the New York Stock Exchange. Many were sunk deep in leather chairs around a huge table, the walls adorned with portraits of past Exchange chairmen. "We should not be afraid to think radically and fundamentally," Blair told the group, which listened silently, then rose to applaud him at the end and followed him to a luncheon. He cut short his speech since he was running late after speaking at the United Nations, where he urged greater world cooperation against terrorists. The prime minister, who is the current chairman of the Group of Seven leading industrial nations, said he was considering calling a meeting of the group's government leaders to push for the reforms. Blair outlined a series of changes that he believed were needed to deal with the current and future global economic turmoil. He said there was a need for greater openness and transparency, which would include the setting up of international accounting standards. He welcomed an attempt by the IMF to come up with a code on more fiscal openness. He also called for improving financial supervision and regulation and said that the IMF and the World Bank needed to give this a much higher priority. The world, he continued, had to develop better ways to respond to a short-term crisis of liquidity when a country has trouble converting its money into other currencies. "The IMF does not and cannot play this role -- the finance it provides is strictly limited and is usually provided in return for specific demands negotiated over a period of time," he said. The IMF, which has lent about $25 billion in the past year, has run into sharp criticism in nations like Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea, where its aid has been coupled with requirements for tough changes such as closing down weak financial institutions. Interest rates have also been pushed up sharply in those countries. As a result, governments have been forced to cut spending, which led to the killing of social programs and public works programs. Blair noted that the vast flows of capital in the current economic crisis posed some new challenges. "It is vital that global investors assess more carefully the risks associated with their lending decisions and price their loans accordingly," he said. "We need a new mechanism to insure close and regular contact between governments and the private sector that can provide early warning of problems." He also called for greater openness and accountability by international financial institutions. "I would like to see improved openness in procedures and more systematic external evaluations of IMF policies," he said. "It is important, too, that programs should take full account of their impact on the poorest sections of society." He said that to put through the current reforms "we will have to reach out to a wider community -- both the developing nations and outside experts -- including financiers, economists and businessmen." Blair said the resources of the IMF needed to be strengthened. Last week some members of Congress blocked a move by President Clinton to increase the funding of the IMF. --------- End forwarded message ---------- _____________________________________________________________________ You don't need to buy Internet access to use free Internet e-mail. Get completely free e-mail from Juno at http://www.juno.com Or call Juno at (800) 654-JUNO [654-5866] From dasmith@orion.oac.uci.edu Thu Sep 24 15:37:04 1998 Date: Thu, 24 Sep 1998 14:36:54 -0700 (PDT) From: David Smith Reply-To: David Smith To: world-system network Subject: URGENT!!! Join the PEWS Section of the ASA! As the current chair of the Political Economy of the World-System (PEWS) section of the American Sociological Association, I would like to strongly urge any and all WSNers who are sociologists to make sure that they are current section members. The PEWS section currently has 394 dues paying members -- we need 400 members to insure that we will be able to sponsor our usual three themed panels at next years ASA annual meeting in Chicago. Based on discussions at our section business meeting in San Francisco at the 1998 ASA annual meeting, we have put together an exciting, topical, program for next year. Our three themed panels will be: 1) "Gender and World-System Analysis: Alternative or Complementary Research Programs," Nancy Forsythe (University of Maryland) and Beverly Silver (Johns Hopkins University), organizers. 2) "East Asia: From Economic Miracle to Economic Crisis," David A. Smith (UC-Irvine), organizer. 3) "Population Flows in a Changing World System: Global Cities and Economic Regionalization," Patricia Fernandez-Kelly (Princeton University), organizer (this panel is co-sponsored by the International Migration section of ASA). We will also have our regular open roundtable session, organized this coming year by Peter Grimes (Johns Hopkins University) and Miles Simpson (North Carolina Central University). They will be accepting papers on a wide range of issues. BUT: IF WE DO NOT GET ANOTHER 6 MEMBERS BY SEPTEMBER 30TH, ONE OF THESE SESSIONS WILL HAVE TO BE CANCELLED!!!! So I would strongly encourage anyone who has a strong interesting in world-system analysis and is also a member of the ASA to QUICKLY send in a section membership renewal form. If you don't have one handy they are available on line at http://www.asanet.org (if you'd like to see our PEWS section page add: /Sections/polecon.htm). Or you can e-mail the ASA at Sections@asanet.org. Or you can call them at 202-833-3410, ext. 389. Section membership is actually quite cheap: it is only $12 a year for regular ASA members and $5 for students. With that membership you get our PEWS NEWS newsletter that comes out four times a year -- soon there will be listserve for section members, too. So, particularly if you are already a member of ASA, this is a bargain! Since time is getting VERY short and the ASA Offices sometimes are not always the model of efficiency, I would strongly encourage anyone who does decide to join to do so "electronically" via e-mail or FAX. Sometimes applications that have been mailed (even a week or two ahead of the deadline) have not been "counted." Please feel free to contact me personally if you have any questions. Thanks! David A. Smith UC-Irvine Chair, PEWS Section From spector@calumet.purdue.edu Thu Sep 24 16:36:06 1998 Date: Thu, 24 Sep 1998 17:35:58 -0500 From: Alan Spector Reply-To: spector@calumet.purdue.edu To: PROGRESSIVE SOCIOLOGISTS NETWORK , "ahs-talk@listserv.ncsu.edu" , WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK , revs@csf.colorado.edu Subject: More biological determinism nonsense Note from Alan Spector: To PSN, WSN, REVS and AHS, with apologies to those who are on more than one of these list and will receive duplicates---I found the following posting on another e-mail network (yes, I do have a life away from the computer screen...) and I thought it was relevant to interests expressed on all three lists. If the tone of the posting seems a bit "negative" and/or sarcastic, keep in mind the genocidal, "negative" impact on Jews and others, the last time biological determinism became a dominant ideological force in a country torn by alienation, with its population split between nihilistically denying all and embracing live-for-the moment decadence and ultra-relativist theory in the face of massive social crisis and those who dogmatically reached for dangerous forms of mystical spiritualism along with its pseudo-opposite, pseudo-science, both of which provide "easy" answers to relieve the pain of confronting massive social crisis. I'm referring, of course, to Nazi culture and philosophy, with some unsettling parallels to intellectual currents today (post-modernism, political fundamentalist religion & biological determinism). Here comes the repost-(feel free to repost elsewhere): ---------------------------------------------------- The Sept. 18 issue of The Chronicle of Higher Education has an article "Are Human Behavior and Culture Products of Our Biology?" Featuring a photo of E.O. Wilson, the article reports on the Association for Politics and the Life Sciences, an offshoot of the American Political Science Association that recently met in Boston. Wilson gave the keynote address, calling for the biologization of the social sciences that this conference represented. James Q. Wilson, co-author with Richard Herrnstein of "Crime and Human Nature" back in the mid-1980s, told the conference that biologically evolved behavior has three characteristics: "It should be found in all human cultures, it should serve a useful purpose, and it should be inherited." The article went on to describe several examples of the application of work inspired by E.O. Wilson's call for "Consilience." The first example was research by U. of Georgia ecology professor Patricia Adair Gowaty. Based on study of animal sexual behavior, she asserted that women who are dependent on men would have extramarital affairs with men who could provide better resources. Women with more resources, that is, "competent or lucky women," are more likely to have affairs with men who "turn them on." Men married to such women are more likely to have affairs themselves, because their wives are self-reliant. What brilliant research! But you ain't heard nothin' yet! Two researchers, Neil I. Wiener and Christian G. Mesquida, at York University in Toronto, studied 153 countries and concluded that those with large proportions of young males aged 15 to 29 have suffered more deaths in wars. More youthful males means more collective aggression, which at its biological core comes from competition for women to mate with. So that is what Rwanda and Yugoslavia are all about! EO Wilson is such a great inspiration! Finally, it turns out that these scientific geniuses have discovered that democracy is impossible. Humans generally cannot make conscious rational decisions, because unconscious parts of the brain rrespond more quickly. And they have discovered members of the House of Representatives who wear beards are more liberal than those who are clean shaven. That is because liberals are more maternal, while conservatives are more paternal, and liberals grow beards to remind voters that they really are males. But the same pattern doesn't hold for the Senate, where no one, liberal or conservative, wears a beard. It is hard to find words to describe this pathetic pseudo-science. The only thing I can think of to say is we should respect our fascist academic enemies strategically, but despise them tactically. Their rump gathering of sociobiological wannabes certainly belong together with Bill and Monica, fashioning stupid explanations for why degenerate presidents have tawdry affairs and why capitalism produces genocidal wars. In the same issue of The Chronicle, by the way, there is a back page article by Bruce Robbins, editor of Social Text, discussing the disciplinary imperialism of the consilient sociobiologists and the relativist postmodernists. It is mainly a liberal call for live and let live. We must step up our organizing against these fascists. Even the stupidist biological determinists and postmodernists can flourish if we do not organize against them. -------------------- end of repost -------------------- From OWENJACK@FS.isu.edu Thu Sep 24 17:43:57 1998 24 Sep 98 17:51:29 +600 From: "J B Owens" To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Thu, 24 Sep 1998 17:50:52 -0600, MDT Subject: CFP: WHA ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- Date: Tue, 22 Sep 1998 10:13:41 -0600 From: Heidi Roupp Reply-to: roupp@csn.net To: Rocky Mountain World History Association Subject: WHA Goes North WHA `99 GOES NORTH Next year the World History Association's "International Conference" goes north of the border to Canada. The dates are June 24-27, 1999. The place is Victoria, British Columbia, a medium-sized Canadian city that combines natural beauty with historical interest. Founded in 1843 as the main Hudson Bay Company trading post on Vancouver Island, Victoria became North America's westernmost outpost of the British Empire. It also became a terminus for trans-Pacific emigration, at one time having the second-largest Chinatown in North America. The architecture of the city, notably the British-India-inspired Parliament Buildings, reflect those global influences, as do the numerous gardens which flourish in this ocean-moderated climate. In addition to the natural scenic attractions of the Pacific Northwest, Victoria is close to Seattle and Vancouver, both of which are linked to the island by car ferries and passenger ferries. You can also fly directly to the Victoria International Airport. In keeping with the city's colonial heritage, the main theme of the conference will be: "Colonialism: Its Impact and Legacies." This should provide an avenue for exploring many of the issues that concern world historians. Paper proposals on any of the sub-themes (see accompanying call for papers) are especially welcome, but members should fee free to present proposals on any topic. One final attraction for those coming from the 49th parallel, currently one U.S. dollar equals approximately $1.50 Canadian (i.e., knock one-third off all prices listed). >From the flyer-- The Eighth Annual WHA International Conference will be held June 24-27, 1999 at the University of Victoria in British Columbia, Canada. Keynote speakers will be Li Bozhong, Chinese Academy of Social Schiences, Thomas Metcalf, University of California, Berkeley, and Margaret Strobel, University of Illinois, chicago. The main Theme for the conference will be "Colonialism, its Impact and Legacies". There will be special emphasis in the folliwng areas: 1. Colonial Policy and Native Land 2. Environmental Consequences of Colonialism 3. Gender Issues inColonial Contexts 4. Colonialsim and the Early Modern World Economy 5. Representations and Resistance in Art and Architecture 6. Teaching Colonialism in World History Paper and panel proposals in any of these areas, or on any aspect of colonialsim, are especially welcom, but members should feel free to submit proposals on any subject having to do with the conceptualization, research or teaching of world history. Please contact: Ralph Croizier, History Department, University of Victoria, PO Box 3045, Victoria B.C. V8W 3P4, phone: 250-721-7404; e-mail: oldcro@uvvm.uvic.ca. Deadline for paper proposals, Jan 5, 1999. As part of the WHA's continuing commitment to classroom teaching there will be a specially designed one-week institute for high school teachers on "Comparative Civilizations and World History." The instructors will be Jim Ross, Spectrum High School, Victoria and Peter Seixas, Faculty Educatio, University of British Columbia. It will run from June 24-30. Academic credit is Education is available. The registration fee will be approximately $160 U.S. and there is inexpensive housing on campus. For more information contact: Bernice Wood, Continuing Studies in Education, University of Victoria, Victoria, B.C., V8W 3P4, e-mail: bwood@uvcs.uvic.ca. FORWARDED BY: ******************************************************** J. B. "Jack" Owens, Professor of History Project Coordinator, Computer-Mediated Distance Learning Idaho State University, Pocatello, ID 83209 USA e-mail: owenjack@isu.edu www: http://www.isu.edu/~owenjack fax: 208-236-4267 ******************************************************** From rkmoore@iol.ie Sat Sep 26 07:08:05 1998 Date: Sat, 26 Sep 1998 14:07:05 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: GRI.c5 (2/2) -- re: achieving functional democracy [continued...] ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Functional democracy -- is it a utopian vision? ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ So far this chapter has been an investigation into functional democracy, an attempt to identify why Western systems fail to be democratic, and an attempt to identify the processes necessary for functional democracy. In this investigation, perhaps ironically, models from sound corporate management practices have proven to be particularly useful. In this investigation, I have not simply invented models -- my goal is not to be a creative designer of societal systems. What I have tried to do is to look closely at the problems to be solved, based on the requirements of functional democracy, and to seek to identify how similar problems are routinely solved in today's societies. I have tried to follow a scientific approach: analysis followed by synthesis, with each step carefully argued and substantiated by due consideration of all relevant issues. An interesting question at this point can be asked regarding the uniqueness of the solutions that have been articulated. Are there other systems which would be equally promising or more promising, in the achievement of functional democracy? In some sense this question is difficult to answer -- who can guarantee, in any situation, that better approaches might not come along? But in another sense, I don't think there is that much room for fundamental variation in solutions to the problem of achieving functional democracy. Our citizens' test is a very strong requirement, and certain basic characteristics must be present in a society for that requirement to be satisfied: Necessary characteristics of a functional democracy ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ If a general sense of participation is to be assured to the members of society, then local communities must, as communities, have a similar sense of control over their own destiny. In order for communities to develop such a sense, the people must work together as a community in addressing the problems they face as a community. In order that the wider society include the needs of all in its problem solving, localities must work out their agendas regarding society-wide issues and those agendas must be represented at society-wide (central) collaborative sessions. It is difficult to see how functional democracy could be reliably achieved without at least the above fundamental characteristics being present in the solution. If any one of these characteristics is not in some way satisfied, there is a clear feedback problem: the information necessary to achieve functional democracy either won't be generated, or it won't be reliably delivered to where it is needed, or it won't be appropriately incorporated into societal problem solving. If indeed we have succeeded in identifying the essential and necessary characteristics of a functional democracy, several questions naturally arise. There is the question that heads this chapter: Is functional democracy itself, along with the characteristics that have been identified, utopian? Or can such systems be realistically implemented, and will they function as intended? These kinds of questions can only be answered empirically -- by testing in the real world. Fortunately, there are real-world examples we can look at, and even better, the examples are current ones. There are societies today in which the fundamental elements that have been identified above have in fact been implemented, and where very promising results have been achieved in terms of functional democracy and certification by the citizens' test. The first example is one most readers have probably never heard of, and the second example is one that most readers have heard about frequently in the mass media, but most of what they've heard has been untrue. The first example is a participatory budgeting project ("PB-POA") that has been going on since 1989 in Porto Alegre, capital city of Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost state of Brazil. The second example is the political system of Cuba. These examples will be presented in the two following sections. Both are based on local citizen collaboration in problem solving, both have achieved remarkable results in terms of sound societal operation, and in both cases general citizen satisfaction with the system is very high. These examples demonstrate that the principles of functional democracy developed in this investigation are neither utopian nor limited to theory: the principles can be implemented, they can perform as intended, and they can achieve functional democratic governance. The claim being made in this chapter is a rather strong one: There are certain principles of democratic governance, enumerated above, that are both necessary and sufficient to achieve functional democracy, provided that the principles are appropriately implemented, and that surrounding conditions permit them to operate effectively. In other words: functional democracy is achievable, its implementation must incorporate certain essential characteristics, and those characteristics have been identified. If this claim is a valid one, then these characteristics can be of considerable value in informing a movement to overcome elite domination and move toward livable, sustainable societies. The characteristics can guide the operation of the movement itself, making it both democratic and effective at solving movement problems. And an understanding of the requirements of democracy and of sustainability informs the political agenda of the movement, so that it can focus its efforts on achieving systemic societal transformation, and avoid the pursuit of reforms which may be superficially appealing, but which do not lead to functional democracy, and hence can never overcome elite domination nor achieve sustainable societies. PB-POA -- local democracy in Brazil ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Following the adoption of a new Federal Constitution in 1988, and spurred by the inability of the central government to provide adequate services, Brazil has experienced an unprecedented period of decentralization during the nineties. There has been a strengthening of civil society and a good deal of innovation in the development of local, participatory, democratic systems. [footnote to be provided to a paper by Zander Navarro] Of particular interest to this investigation are the experiences of the Participatory Budgeting project (PB) in Porto Alegre. In this project, community associations and other organized social sectors were mobilized to solve the problem of how to best utilize municipal funds. The project has been a considerable success in several different ways. First, the mobilization itself was successful. The level of participation has been high enough that the entire city feels itself involved in the process. Second, the problem-solving process used is collaborative and inclusive, rather than factional. Mechanisms have been developed so that city-wide policies can be harmonized from the requirements determined by the various constituencies. Third, the results for the city were outstanding. Porto Alegra has a solid record of healthy financial management, and municipal services are indeed carried out according to the democratically determined priorities. In this example, the functional democratic process occurs outside of the electoral political system. The various community organizations, and the overall PB organizing structure, have no official governmental mandate. They are institutions of the civil society, and the validity of the budget they develop arises solely from the fact that everyone knows that it expresses the will of the people generally. The elected city officials routinely accept the PB-developed budget; any other course would make little political sense. Porto Alegra is an example of what we have been calling a locality within the larger Brazilian society. Within its borders, and within the domain of budgeting, it seems fair to say that Porto Alegra has achieved a functional democracy, and one that has the essential characteristics previously identified. The system in Porto Alegra is multi-level, so it even demonstrates, in microcosm, that it is possible to harmonize problem-solving among several smaller localities by appropriate use of delegates. If Brazil as a whole employed a similar system. Porto Alegra would be well-prepared to make its contribution to problem solving in the larger society by sending a representative delegation. Some readers may be skeptical at this point, asking themselves if there is a dark side to this Brazilian story, if there are failures in this PB system. There may be some failures, but that misses the point. No system is perfect, but a system that has the basic formula right is capable of being improved over time. A system that has the basic formula wrong, as do Western democracies, can never be made right, although there are infinite opportunities for would-be reformers to expend their energy in pointless attempts. Cuba -- functional democracy on a national scale ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ I must assume that many readers, when they see the name Cuba, immediately think "dictatorship" and "refugees". To such readers it must seem absurd to cite Cuba as an exemplary democratic system. I can only say that Cuba has been the subject of decades-long disinformation campaign, particularly in the US media. The successes of socialist Cuba show the lie of capitalist rhetoric, and a defamatory media campaign has been the chosen rebuttal, along with embargoes and all other manner of harassment by the US. >From sources outside the mass media one gets a quite different picture of Cuba, one that can by no means be characterized as a dictatorship. One particular observer, Charles McKelvey, has investigated Cuba's political system and discovered remarkably effective democratic processes at work. He is a Professor of Sociology at Presbyterian College, in Clinton, South Carolina, and has been to Cuba several times. He describes his experience as follows: "I have been to Cuba four times since 1993. Last summer, I was there for ten weeks, and my activities included in-depth interviews of university professors and leaders in the Popular Councils concerning the political process in Cuba. In addition, I talked to many different people that I met informally, sometimes through families with which I was connected and other times with people I met as I traveled about Havana by myself. I do not consider myself an expert on Cuba. I would describe myself as someone who is knowledgeable about Third World national liberation movements and is in the process of learning about the Cuban case. My general impression is that the revolutionary government enjoys a high degree of legitimacy among the people. Occasionally, I came across someone who was alienated from the system. There disaffection was not rooted in the political system but in the economic hardships that have emerged during the "special period." The great majority seemed to support the system and seemed very well informed about the structures of the world economy and the challenges that Cuba faces. Many defended the system with great enthusiasm and strong conviction. I had expected none of this prior to my first trip, recalling my visit to Tanzania in 1982, by which time many had come to view "ujamaa socialism" as a faded dream, at least according to my impressions during my brief visit. But to my surprise, I found much support for the revolutionary project in Cuba. I could not help but contrast this to the United States, where there is widespread cynicism in regard to political and other institutions. "The Cuban political system is based on a foundation of local elections. Each urban neighborhood and rural village and area is organized into a "circumscription," consisting generally of 1000 to 1500 voters. The circumscription meets regularly to discuss neighborhood or village problems. Each three years, the circumscription conducts elections, in which from two to eight candidates compete. The nominees are not nominated by the Communist Party or any other organizations. The nominations are made by anyone in attendance at the meetings, which generally have a participation rate of 85% to 95%. Those nominated are candidates for office without party affiliation. They do not conduct campaigns as such. A one page biography of all the candidates is widely-distributed. The nominees are generally known by the voters, since the circumscription is generally not larger than 1500 voters. If no candidate receives 50% of the votes, a run-off election is held. Those elected serve as delegates to the Popular Councils, which are intermediary structures between the circumscription and the Municipal Assembly. Those elected also serve simultaneously as delegates to the Municipal Assembly. The delegates serve in the Popular Councils and the Municipal Assemblies on a voluntary basis without pay, above and beyond their regular employment. " [source document to be noted] For those who remain skeptical regarding Cuba, I can suggest looking at some of the material in the bibliography. Especially notable are the achievements of Cuba in the areas of human rights, health care, and education. My own conclusion after reviewing material from many sources, is that McKelvey's report above can be essentially accepted at face value. On that basis, it appear that Cuba has achieved a general functional democracy at a national scale. It passes the citizens' test, and it has each of our essential characteristics: local problem solving, delegation to central bodies of agendas instead of personalities, and a collaborative, harmonizing approach to solving societal problems. Functional democracy -- how can it be achieved in the West? ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ For Western nations, the situation is comparable to Brazil: there are pre-existing electoral structures around which a functional democratic process would have to be created. In the West, then, the path to functional democracy is the path of a strong civil society. As in Brazil, local organizations need to be mobilized and frameworks need to be created so that these constituencies can collaborate in addressing local and societal issues. These structures then need to be repeated at various levels, right up to the national level. The output of this process is the development of a comprehensive policy agenda for every level of governmental policy, an agenda which has the overwhelming support of the society generally, and which includes variation in solutions depending on local needs and preferences. The role of Western elected officials, given a strong and universally supported civil society, would simply be to implement the articulated agenda, in the same way that the officials in Porto Alegre implement PB's budget. The role of an elected official becomes that of a civil servant, with a job to do; the game of power-brokering disappears and with it the professional politician. Candidates would presumably be active and recognized participants in their local civil societies, and their loyalties would be firmly in line with the consensus that had arisen from the collaborative process. The problem of achieving functional democracy in the West is not a technical one. As described above, and as exemplified in Brazil, there is no inherent reason why a strong civil society cannot be developed and operate harmoniously within existing constitutions and electoral systems. And as exemplified in Cuba, the processes of functional democracy can work effectively even when there are several intermediate levels of government involved. The problem in the West is not technical, it is motivational and organizational. Before people in the West can achieve functional democracy, they must be motivated, they must feel an urgent need to change the existing system. (It is noteworthy that both of our examples were developed only under great pressure -- the poverty of Brazil and the US enmity which confronted Cuba.) If a sense of general urgency does develop in the West, then the creation of the civil society structures will be a formidable organizing task. These observations suggest directions for the efforts of those citizens, activists, leaders, and writers who are already motivated to achieve democracy, and who would like to bring about the conditions necessary for the creation of strong civil societies. In order to generate societal motivation for change, the problem is one of public education. People need to be made aware that global capitalism is destroying our societies and that economic and social conditions are only going to get worse. They need to understand that national sovereignty is being transferred to corporate-dominated bureaucracies, and that police state laws and infrastructures are being systematically developed to control populations. They need to see that the little democracy we have in the West is being rapidly taken away, and that only a brief window of opportunity remains in which to rise up and make our democracies work. Most of all, they need to realize their own empowerment, to become aware that they have a much bigger role to play in running society than to mark a ballot every once in a while. All their lives they've been told they are a free people; it is time for them to believe it. Organizing the civil society is a task that can begin immediately, and what it amounts to is primarily a shift in perspective on the part of those activists and organizers who are already involved in the hundreds of reformist movements and citizens organizations currently in existence. Their perspective needs to be strategically informed: there can be no small victories over the capitalist system; there can only be a general victory. Activist energy must be directed toward the development of collaboration between different organizations, and the creation of the infrastructures of a civil society. Education and organizing contribute synergistically to one another. As more people become motivated, their participation strengthens existing organizations, and as organizations begin to collaborate with one another, the growing movement begins to take on the characteristics of a strong civil society. Presumably a point of critical mass will occur, a turning point, where the wider society becomes generally aware of the budding civil society. After that, the movement could be expected to grow very rapidly, and the quality and integrity of the infrastructures developed would be put to the test. In Chapter 7, the problems of movement building and public education will be investigated in more detail. For now I would like to summarize the results of this chapter's investigation: Functional democracy is achievable, and it must be based on the principles of localism, collaborative problem solving, and inclusive harmonization of all societal interests. In Western societies, the process of functional democracy can be achieved through a well-organized civil society, working within the constraints of existing constitutions and electoral systems. In order to move toward the achievement of functional democracies, people in the West need to be educated as to the dire threats posed by capitalism and globalization, and activists and organizers need to focus their attention on building the infrastructures for a democratic civil society. [end Chapter 5] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- This material is a draft book in-progress. You are encouraged to send feedback to the author at editor@cyberjournal.org. Non-commercial forwarding is hereby authorized, in entirety, including this sig. Please keep in mind that this material is a preliminary draft, that the presentation is to be expanded, and that substantiating examples and references are to be included -- suggestions invited. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ a political discussion forum - cj@cyberjournal.org To subscribe, send any message to cj-subscribe@cyberjournal.org A public service of Citizens for a Democratic Renaissance (mailto:cdr@cyberjournal.org http://cyberjournal.org) ---------------------------------------------------------- To subscribe to our activists list, send any message to: renaissance-network-subscribe@cyberjournal.org Help create the Movement for a Democratic Rensaissance ---------------------------------------------- crafted in Ireland by rkm ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon From rkmoore@iol.ie Sat Sep 26 07:10:46 1998 Date: Sat, 26 Sep 1998 14:09:55 +0100 To: rkmoore@iol.ie From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: GRI.c5 (1/2) -- re: achieving functional democracy Globalization and the Revolutionary Imperative Part II - Chapter 5 - preliminary Copyright 1998 by Richard K. Moore 26 September 1998 - 5780 words book maintained at: http://cyberjournal.org/cadre/gri/gri.html ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Part II - Envisioning a livable world: common sense, not utopianism ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Chapter 5 - Democracy: collaboration and harmonization instead of competition and factionalism ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is democracy? -- a functional definition ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Democracy is, to put it mildly, an overused word. In the parlance of neoliberal globalization, democracy is equated with laissez-faire capitalism, as in democratic market reforms. In more general parlance, democracy is typically equated with multi-party elections, and for that reason Western nations are generally referred to as democracies -- even though citizen satisfaction is generally poor and steadily declining. For our purposes -- envisioning a livable world -- we need a functional definition of democracy: democracy is not a mechanism; democracy is a result. If people generally believe that they are involved in their society's governance, that their concerns matter, and that society is serving their interests as well as can be expected, then that would be strong evidence for a functioning democracy. If people are more inclined to say that government doesn't listen to them, and avoid political participation out of impotent apathy, that is strong evidence that democracy is absent. Such a citizens' test would not certify very many Western nations as being democratic. Any formal system, whether it be elections, political parties, or constitutions, can be corrupted and subverted. I have argued in earlier chapters that Western democratic institutions have in fact been corrupted by capitalism and that effective power has become concentrated in the hands of an elite oligarchy. I further argued that Western republics were set up intentionally to favor established wealthy interests over popular interests. In a functional survey of modern nations, I submit, the West would show up in the oligarchy column, not the democracy column. In this chapter we will look more closely at Western political systems, and try to identify why they do not lead to functional democracy. We will also at other models of governance, ask how they pass the "citizens' test", and see what they may have to offer us. My goal in this investigation is to develop enough insight into the dynamics of political systems so that we can begin to get a feeling for how robust democracy might be achieved in modern societies. Recall from the previous chapter: If livable societies are to be achieved and sustained, the most fundamental requirement is that stable, locally-based, democratic governance be established. Only democracy is based on popular will, only stable democracy can maintain social well being in a dynamic society, and only locally-based democracy can adjust to local requirements. Competitive factionalism -- a failed paradigm ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ There is a rationale for Western political systems, a theory by which they are supposed to work and achieve a rough-and-tumble version of democracy. The theory is that political parties will arise which represent various popular interests, and that by choosing among those parties people will be able to express their preferences. Competition among parties, the theory goes, will ultimately result in government agendas which reflect majority sentiments. In looking at how these systems work in practice, it becomes clear that they fail to live up to the theory at every single phase of their operations. The leading parties in the West are dominated by wealthy interests, and in recent years the policies of most major parties have converged into a single stream: corporate globalization. Little real choice is offered to the voters. Citizen preference itself has become generally meaningless because public information and debate are controlled by corporate-owned media. Elections, instead of being a way for policy priorities to be determined by voters, have become instead a way for corporate-beholden candidates to be sold to the electorate by sophisticated advertising campaigns. Such are the mechanisms of oligarchic rule in a paper democracy. There are so many things wrong with these political systems that a strong case can be made for reform almost anywhere you want to look. There are hundreds of citizen groups and organizations in the West pushing for reform of media, of campaign financing, or of corporate lobbying. There are groups pushing for proportional representation, others for minor political parties, and others who want everyone wired into some kind of online system of electronic "direct-democracy". The problem with such reformist approaches is that even if they were implemented, we would still be left with only a rough-and-tumble democracy, a competitive democracy based on factional politics. In what follows, I will endeavor to establish that competitive politics is itself incompatible with functional democracy. Rather than being aberrations, the various corruptions plaguing Western political systems are inherent in those systems. Already in the classical Roman Republic, before Roman Emperors arose, most of the modern Western corruptions could already be seen. Election districts were rigged to favor wealthy interests, and huge fortunes were typically expended in carrying out political campaigns. Roman politics evolved from republican democracy, to oligarchy via corruption, to direct rule by an Emperor. As we have seen in previous chapters, this same pattern is now being played out globally, with corporate bureaucracies (IMF etc) instead of the Emperor and his court, US and NATO elite forces instead of the Roman Legions, and television instead of circuses. Competitive politics, by its very nature, invites corruption. The goal of a political party, or faction, is to win power, and politics becomes a competition for power among societal factions. Alliances-of-convenience are formed to achieve majorities, and a politician class arises which is skilled at making deals and running election campaigns -- the game of politics becomes the game of power brokering. Wealthy interests would then be blind not to see the opportunities available from buying into the power game, concentrated as it is in the hands of power brokers and politicians, thereby gaining control over society's policy agenda. A political system based on factional competition ideally suits the purposes of the best-organized and best-funded faction, and the faction with the best access to media: the elite oligarchy. Even if some magical means were available by which such corruptions could be prevented, competitive politics would still be an unsound basis for functional democracy. If a majority can dictate policy to a minority, and ignore the interests of that minority, then a significant portion of the society, at any given time, is effectively disenfranchised. In a functional democracy, people generally, not just some temporary majority, must feel that society is responsive to their interests. >From a societal perspective, the purpose of politics is to adjudicate among interests and to provide a mechanism by which societal decisions can be made and societal problems solved. In a functional democracy, the adjudication process must be inclusive; it must involve the harmonization of interests, not the defeat of one by another. As any modern organizational consultant will readily tell you, a "win-lose" approach to business, or negotiations of any kind, is not as productive as a "win-win" approach. Overall benefit is greatest when the interests of all parties are served by an agreement or a contract. Just as business practices provided useful models for sustainability, so do organizational practices provide useful models for democracy: a win-win (inclusive) approach provides the most overall benefit. Only with an inclusive political process, which harmonizes among diverse interests, can a functional democracy be achieved. Only then can the societal problem-solving process take into account the interests of citizens generally. Ultimately the goal of politics is to enable societal problem solving. In a functional democracy the problem-solving process must be informed by the full range of societal interests. A profound paradigm shift occurs when you start thinking about politics as a problem solving process rather than a power competition. Any good corporate manager will tell you that problems are best solved when all viewpoints are carefully listened to. Often an unpopular minority view reveals problems that are critical to the success or failure of an endeavor. A competitive political paradigm suppresses minority views; a problem-solving paradigm welcomes minority participation. The contrast between the paradigms of problem-solving and power-competition can be best understood in microcosm, by comparing the processes of decision-making meetings in Western politics with those in modern corporations. The paradigm for political decision-making meetings is based on competitive factionalism, and is embodied in Robert's famous Rules of Order. Discussion continues, under these rules, until some faction feels that it has assembled a majority for its side. A vote is then called, and if a majority assents, the matter is settled and debate is ended. There is no incentive to pursue harmonization of interests beyond that which is required to achieve a majority block. And there is no incentive to listen to minority views at all. The failures of Western democracy can be already seen in the process of a typical meeting, as it might occur in a municipal council hall or on the floor of the US Congress. The competitive system, from bottom to top -- from meetings to elections -- is simply poor at solving societal problems. It merely provides a forum in which factions can battle over previously-determined partisan agendas. The paradigm for a decision-making meeting in a modern corporation is one of collaborative problem solving. A good manager listens to all views, attempts to harmonize conflicts, and seeks a solution that everyone can support. Corporations are in the end hierarchical, and the manager may make the final decision, even if it's unpopular -- but at least he or she, if competent, will listen to all views and seek consensus wherever achievable: that makes for a more effective team. Important work gets done at such a meeting; human creativity is exercised for collective goals; effective problem-solving is accomplished in pursuit of agreed objectives. Functional democracy, I suggest, must be based on a problem-solving paradigm rather than on competition and factionalism. Once again, sound business practices provide better societal models than do traditional Western political practices. This should really be no surprise: in our capitalist societies businesses are expected to operate effectively, while governments are set up to be subverted. Centralism vs. localism ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Another essential flaw in Western democratic systems is centralism. By centralism I refer to two characteristics: (1) the making of most significant societal decisions at the center -- in the society-wide governing body, and (2) the failure of politicians to represent the interests of the constituencies that elected them. In Western societies, parliaments and congresses have nearly unlimited power to make micro decisions for all levels of society, and the elected delegates are only nominally obligated to represent the interests of their constituencies -- in fact delegates generally represent the interests of party politics and of the corporate community, which dominates campaign funding. To survive in politics, a politician must get elected. What this means in today's world is Can the politician be sold to the constituency at election time? Achieving an affirmative answer to this question has much more to do with campaign funding and favorable coverage by media, than it has to do with the voting record of the candidate. The career imperative of a successful politician in the West is clear: serve the interests of the oligarchy, which has unlimited funding and media access available as needed. Both characteristics of centralism are inherently counter-democratic, according to our functional definition. By making most decisions at the center, popular will is diluted; no matter how conscientious the delegates may be, they must consider problems at the society macro level, and concerns of minor localities tend necessarily to be overlooked. And with no real obligation to represent constituencies, there is every incentive not to be conscientious at all, but to instead represent other interests, interests that provide greater benefit to the political career of the delegate. When centralism and factionalism are combined, as they are in leading Western nations, then functional democracy becomes all but impossible. With factions vying for power, wealthy interests busily buying influence, political power concentrated in a central governing body, and delegates free to support whatever policies they choose, it is little wonder that the will of the people plays little role in societal decision making and problem solving. One can hardly imagine a system better suited to the usurpation of power by an elite oligarchy. In the previous chapter, when focusing on societal feedback mechanisms, I argued that democracy must be locally based. Unless the solutions to local problems are agreed to locally, society lacks the feedback necessary to sustain democracy, to pass the citizens' test. In a functional democracy, we can assume that there must be some system of local governance which is inclusive of all local interests, employs a collaborative approach to problem solving, and which has considerable sovereignty over local affairs. Such local governance eliminates one of the characteristics of centralism: the making of most decisions on a society-wide basis. There are, however, many problems which cannot practically be dealt with locally. Transportation, communications, energy, allocation of scarce resources, trade policies, finances, and others, require society-wide problem solving, albeit with room for local variations in the implementation of solutions, and perhaps local approval of proposed solutions. After perhaps intermediate levels of government, there must be some kind of society-wide governing body that has responsibility for addressing society-wide problems. In a functional democracy, the problem-solving approach used by this central body must be aimed at harmonizing the wishes of the various localities, as represented by their delegations. The delegates do not come to the central body firmly committed to particular solutions, but rather with an informed understanding of the desires and requirements they are bringing to the discussion. If each delegate reliably represents their constituencies in the central deliberations, then the consensus solutions that are arrived at are likely to successfully harmonize the overall interests of society. But how to assure that delegates reliably represent their constituencies? In today's systems of democracy, delegates are selected, theoretically, on the basis of character, judgement, experience, integrity, intelligence, good sense, and other personality traits. When a candidate is elected, the presumption is that the electorate trusts him or her personally to do the right thing for the constituency. Needless to say, this system does not work very well. The problem is not that the wrong person might get elected in these systems, but rather that localities are focusing on delegate selection rather than on problem solving. In order for the locality to be represented properly in the central body, the locality must take the time to consider what position it wants taken to the central body for the important issues of the day. Without local deliberations on societal issues, the delegate lacks the information necessary to adequately represent the locality in central deliberations, regardless of how responsible and conscientious he or she might be. Even at the local level there are diverse interests, and no one person embodies the knowledge and needs of the whole community. Problem solving at the local level requires the participation of the whole community. Only by that means can the locality even become aware of what position it wants to be represented centrally. If the locality has no awareness of what it wants, as a community, then how could any elected official possibly be expected to represent its will? For this reason alone, it is no wonder that Western societies are not democracies. Local deliberation of society-wide issues is a necessary feedback mechanism in a functional democracy. The local governance system, then, is concerned with solving local problems itself, and with identifying its priorities regarding wider issues, as its contribution to society-wide governance. The role of a delegate in this system is clear: it is to take the local agenda to the central body and to represent it in the deliberations. It is not the judgement or character of the delegate which is of central importance -- although poor judgement or character would hardly be a recommendation -- but rather that the delegate can and will represent the local agenda, as articulated locally. In today's democracies, people represent localities, and society-wide policies are determined by the dynamics of centralism and factionalism; in a functional democracy, agendas represent localities, and society-wide agendas are harmonized from those through the collaboration of delegates. At the local level, a community agenda is harmonized from the interests of all; at the central level, a societal agenda is harmonized from the various local agendas, with the process possibly repeated at intermediate levels. This is the meaning of localism in the context of a functional democracy, and localism eliminates the counter-democratic characteristics of centralism. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ [continued...] From ncfs@islandnet.com Mon Sep 28 12:54:10 1998 Date: Mon, 28 Sep 1998 10:02:08 -0700 To: slayman@2nature.org From: National Centre for Sustainability Subject: Re: Workshop on Education for Sustainability - Second Nature In-Reply-To: <85256683.005FB136.00@2nature.org> Dear Mr. Slayman: Thank you for inviting us to your regional workshops on sustainability (your post of 13:29 18/09/98 -0400, with reference to your Website, which I visited). Your text began with: "Second Nature invites you to attend our 1998 Southeast Regional Workshop on Education for Sustainability.  The focus of this workshop is on connecting curriculum development to campus sustainability initiatives. Curriculum can be an effective leverage point for transforming colleges and universities into an environment where students learn skills, knowledge and values to live and work in an environmentally sustainable and just manner." etc.... (SNIP to save bandwidth) I have for questions about your organization and project: 1. What is your definition of sustainability? 2. Are you sure you are in a position effectively to do what you propose to do? In other words, are you sure your group can teach about sustainability and really create "an effective leverage point for transforming colleges and universities into an environment where students learn skills, knowledge and values to live and work in an environmentally sustainable and just manner." 3. Where are your operational funds coming from? 4. What is it you aim for really? Thank you in advance for your answer. Yves Bajard, Secretary, National Centre for Sustainability, Victoria and Vancouver, Canada. From rross@clarku.edu Wed Sep 30 23:01:41 1998 Received: from ollie.clarku.edu (ollie.clarku.edu [140.232.1.2]) by csf.Colorado.EDU (8.8.5/8.8.4/CNS-4.1p-nh) with ESMTP id XAA12057; Wed, 30 Sep 1998 23:01:00 -0600 (MDT) Received: from clarku.edu (d1.dial-22.mbo.ma.ultra.net) by CLARKU.EDU (PMDF V5.1-8 #D3060) with ESMTP id <01J2FRRCG3B494R1ZC@CLARKU.EDU>; Thu, 1 Oct 1998 01:02:36 EST Date: Thu, 01 Oct 1998 00:58:24 -0400 From: "Robert J.S. \"Bob\" Ross" Subject: [Fwd: TIAA-CREF Tobacco Divestment] To: Al Haber , Allen Young , Betty Garman Robinson , Cathy Wilkerson , Clark Kissinger <73447.1527@compuserve.com>, David Wellman , Dorothy Burlage , "Goldsmith, Steve" , "JAMES W. RUSSELL" , Jim Monsonis , Jim Russell , Joan Goldsmith , John Bancroft , Jonny Lerner , Laura Hammond , Marc Flacks , Marilyn Katz , Marilyn Webb , Mariya Strauss <71112.2765@compuserve.com>, Michael James , Michael James , Mike Klonsky , Mike Spiegel , Message-id: <36130BEF.F6771B6F@clarku.edu> MIME-version: 1.0 Content-type: multipart/mixed; boundary="------------EE5A79797ED4B10654553100" This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------EE5A79797ED4B10654553100 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit I beg pardon for useless or otherwise crosslisting this. A mass mailing seemed efficient. As I am writing about accountability in the apparel business as we speak, so to say, if I have inconvenienced or offended you, fire away. It is, I note, six years, three months, 24 days since my last puff. Bob -- Robert J.S. Ross, Ph.D 508 793 7376 Professor and Chair of Sociology fax: 508 793 8816 Clark University Mailto:Rross@clarku.edu 950 Main Street Http://Www.clarku.edu/~rross Worcester, MA 01610 --------------EE5A79797ED4B10654553100 Content-Type: message/rfc822 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Content-Disposition: inline Return-path: Received: from sph.umich.edu (dns.sph.umich.edu) by CLARKU.EDU (PMDF V5.1-8 #D3060) with ESMTP id <01J2FM84IK0G99RSQN@CLARKU.EDU> for rross@CLARKU.EDU; Wed, 30 Sep 1998 22:19:57 EST Received: from srvr1.sph.umich.edu (srvr1.sph.umich.edu [141.211.50.49]) by sph.umich.edu (8.8.8/8.8.8) with SMTP id WAA14365; Wed, 30 Sep 1998 22:00:19 -0400 (EDT) Date: Wed, 30 Sep 1998 22:00:19 -0400 (EDT) From: Eugene Feingold Subject: TIAA-CREF Tobacco Divestment To: Feingold@sph.umich.edu Message-id: MIME-version: 1.0 Content-type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII HELP SPREAD THE WORD: THERE'S ANOTHER CHANCE, IN EARLY OCTOBER, TO VOTE FOR GETTING EDUCATORS' CREF RETIREMENT SAVINGS OUT OF LETHAL TOBACCO Former Surgeon General C.Everett Koop, M.D., is co-sponsoring a tobacco divestment proposal which nearly two million CREF participants will have a chance to vote on this October. TIAA-CREF has confirmed that our proposal will appear on the mail-in ballot which CREF participants should receive in early October. If you have not received TIAA-CREF's mailing by October 15, phone them (800, 842-2733) to request it. In a supporting statement that will be included in the CREF mailing, Dr. Koop and his three co-sponsors declare it is financially risky and ethically outrageous that CREF has invested nearly $2 billion of educators' retirement savings in "tobacco products which when used as directed produce disease and premature death for a third of their longtime users, including our own students." The proposal calls for CREF to "begin an orderly divestment of all tobacco investments." Please be sure to vote FOR our proposal. If you can, use e-mail to urge your friends and colleagues to vote for it. Call prospective voters' attention to the fact that the issue will be on the ballot by making announcements at campus meetings and/or sending press releases or letters to the editor to campus newspapers. And consider attending the CREF annual meeting (10 a.m. on Tuesday, November 10, in the TIAA-CREF building, 730 Third Ave., New York City), to ask questions and/or speak for tobacco divestment. The TIAA-CREF mailing will include instructions about requesting a ticket to the annual meeting. Last year support for CREF tobacco divestment increased significantly. With your active help we can win this battle to end collegiate camouflage for cancer ! From: Educators for Tobacco-Free Investments by TIAA-CREF, Box 4151, Ann Arbor, MI 48106; Phone (734), 662-8788; FAX (734) 662-2713. --------------EE5A79797ED4B10654553100--