From ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au Wed Jan 1 00:13:01 1997 Date: Wed, 01 Jan 1997 18:11:52 +1100 From: "Bruce R. McFarling" Subject: Re: economic and demographic statistics in 14th century In-reply-to: <01IDJALG7U2OAKZKY0@cc.newcastle.edu.au> To: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU On Fri, 27 Dec 1996 U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU wrote: > Dear Bruce R. McFarling, > > You ask such good questions that I fear that, whilst there are lots of > statistics, some of them are quite bizarre or opaque as to what they might > actually mean. For instance, when the Mongol Yuan regime introduced > capitation tax, hitherto collected by them exclusively in North China, > to South China as well, to alleviate embarassing cashflow problems, the > population reported by the census of 1290 fell by 30 million from the > previous combined totals for North and South China, about 100 million, > without considering probable natural increase to a minimum of 115 million. > Central Place Theory," which you rightly emphasize, is the basis for G. > William Skinner's introduction of the construct of "Macroregions" into > the study of Chinese market hierarchies. See his three major theoretical > articles in George William Skinner (Ed.), The City in Late Traditional > China, Stanford, 1977. This applies best to the Qing period (1644-1912), > when population and commercial patterns were assuming the form in which > the Europeans found them. Before that, there are Very Serious Problems. > Specifically, discontinuities due to disease and warfare. > ... Thanks for the citation. In E.A.J. Johnson's argument, the critical feature seems to be the *extensive* high-frequency relationships between rural and urban producers, and given the dispersion of rural producers, that implies a large number of market towns filling the bottom levels of the urban hierarchy. Looking for places that have that type of central place hierarchy, we find, for example, portions of peninsular West Asia, in North America the U.S. "Northeast" heading into the "middle west", in South America Sao Paolo, in East Asia much of Japan (the Tokugawa Shogun's and their castle towns, etc.). Filling in this synchronic list, China would seem to be an interesting case for either supporting or undermining Johnson's thesis. Were China's 'moving market' market town hierarchies prevalent before the Bubonic Plagues? Were they perhaps a response of traders in fixed-market market town systems to demographic declines? Or did they emerge well after this whole period? And have the communes in the post WW-II period had the effect of re-establishing fixed market towns and/or filling in the lower levels of the market town hierarhcy? And, importantly, if either, where, and is there a spatial coincidence between this (these) effect(s) and more recent urban economic growth? Virtually, Bruce R. McFarling, Newcastle, NSW ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au From iwaller@binghamton.edu Mon Jan 6 06:42:46 1997 Date: Mon, 6 Jan 1997 08:42:33 -0500 (EST) To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu From: immanuel wallerstein Subject: tkh MEMORANDUM Date: January 6, 1997 From: Immanuel Wallerstein To: World Systems Network Subject: Terence K. Hopkins It is with a grievous heart that I announce to you the passing of Terence Kilbourne Hopkins at 2:03 pm on Jan. 3, 1997. He died peacefully in the hospital of cancer. I do not need to tell any of you how much Terry meant to all of us personally and to the Fernand Braudel Center. The Center was his idea and it was he who persuaded the Administration of the university to make it possible. He always served it tirelessly. Those of you who were lucky enough to attend either his retirement party at Binghamton in November 1995 or the day-long seminar his former students offered him at the time of the ASA meetings in New York City in August 1996 will remember how much each occasion was the manifestation of an outpouring of love and affection, as well as of admiration for the beautiful intellect he was. Condolences may be expressed to Gloria Hopkins, 248 Ackley Avenue, Johnson City, NY 13790. I take this opportunity to remind you once again that we have been trying to establish a TKH Archive here at the Center, and request that you send us xeroxes of the many hand-written memos he showered on all of us. Immanuel Wallerstein iwaller@binghamton.edu Fernand Braudel Center Binghamton University Binghamton, NY 13902-6000 USA Tel: (1) (607) 777-4924 FAX: (i) (607) 777-4315 From chriscd@jhu.edu Mon Jan 6 07:07:53 1997 From: chriscd@jhu.edu 06 Jan 1997 09:07:25 -0500 (EST) 06 Jan 1997 09:07:22 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 06 Jan 1997 09:08:30 -0500 Subject: [Fwd: wsn message on terence hopkins] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Organization: USA Fri, 03 Jan 1997 22:28:02 -0500 (EST) Fri, 03 Jan 1997 22:28:00 -0500 (EST) (ppp54.net21.binghamton.edu [128.226.21.54]) by bingnet2.cc.binghamton.edu 03 Jan 1997 22:24:27 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 3 Jan 1997 22:24:27 -0500 From: immanuel wallerstein Subject: wsn message on terence hopkins To: chriscd@jhu.edu MEMORANDUM Date: January 3, 1997 From: Immanuel Wallerstein To: World Systems Network Subject: Terence K. Hopkins It is with a grievous heart that I announce to you the passing of Terence Kilbourne Hopkins at 2:03 pm on Jan. 3, 1997. He died peacefully in the hospital of cancer. I do not need to tell any of you how much Terry meant to all of us personally and to the Fernand Braudel Center. The Center was his idea and it was he who persuaded the Administration of the university to make it possible. He always served it tirelessly. Those of you who were lucky enough to attend either his retirement party at Binghamton in November 1995 or the day-long seminar his former students offered him at the time of the ASA meetings in New York City in August 1996 will remember how much each occasion was the manifestation of an outpouring of love and affection, as well as of admiration for the beautiful intellect he was. Condolences may be expressed to Gloria Hopkins, 248 Ackley Avenue, Johnson City, NY 13790. I take this opportunity to remind you once again that we have been trying to establish a TKH Archive here at the Center, and request that you send us xeroxes of the many hand-written memos he showered on all of us. immanuel wallerstein fernand braudel center binghamton university binghamton, ny 13902-6000 usa tel: (1) (607) 777-4924 fax: (1) (607) 777-4315 email: iwaller@binghamton.edu From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Mon Jan 6 13:16:38 1997 Date: Mon, 06 Jan 97 13:59:10 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: markets and technology To: World Systems Network Bruce R. McFarling-- I forgot the most important thing. Whereas, in Europe, the efficiency of marketing networks, and of circulation and distribution in general, developed parallel or pari passu with technical change in production and innovation of new products and technologies since about the eighth century, in China this did not occur after the early fourteenth century. After that point, the development trajectory of China lurched, or was rudely shoved, onto a path where the development of marketing hierarchies continued to increase considerably in efficiency, complexity, and sophistication, while production technology stagnated. The result was what what Philip C. C. Huang called (in The Yangzi Valley Ecosystem: 1368-1988) the "involutional self-exploitation" of labour. In effect, individual peasant households worked their members' labour-power harder and harder to maintain the same, or declining, standard of living. Meanwhile, for example, the agricultural tools described in the General Handbook of Agriculture and Sericulture, published under Mongol rule, were still in use six hundred years later. Yours, Daniel A. Foss From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Tue Jan 7 11:29:22 1997 Date: Tue, 07 Jan 1997 15:39:24 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: markets and technology and Shamanism Daniel Foss wrote (Mon, 06 Jan 97 13:59:10 CST): >Meanwhile, for example, the agricultural tools described in the >General Handbook of Agriculture and Sericulture, published >under Mongol rule, were still in use six hundred years later. Perhaps because to an Asian poetry and prayer made more sense than science and technology, in conditions of epidemic disease and Mongol depredation. I have been reviewing your debates last year on the WSN list with great interest. I am sure you are right to reprioritise the epidemiological factors helping catalyse or arrest change and eventually making Europe the core. Have you given much thought to the psychological as well as economic feedback loops of plague? I have just finished writing a book about 13th century Mongolia and become increasingly interested in the Sino-Mongolian-Tibetan approach to death (the way one does!). Plague produces melancholy. Cf. the fugal mood of John Donne's poetry in plague-ridden 16th C England. But in a Europe whose collective mind is integrated to the cosmos along an axis of personal salvation and resurrection, fatalism and passivity in the face of one's friends and one's own imminent demise is not so likely a response to epidemics as in a society which has made a certain breakthrough in understanding the nature of gnosis and the possibility that correct preparation may produce nirvana or at least a higher state of being after (and through the psychophysical process of) death (or one may be thrown lower, if mistakes in the process of dying are made). Plague accelerated inherent opposite tendencies in each world-view. If I lived in Europe I might see my own survival while half the people around me died as a business opportunity or the chance of emigrating to the city, abandoning my servile status and getting a decent wage, or inventing the water-mill etc. But if I was a Mongol or Tibetan I might prefer to spin my prayer wheel harder and concentrate more on that magic moment when I pass through the gate of death. I would want to avoid metempsychosis and achieve nirvana. And I would believe it possible. Such a consolation would however be inconceivable to a backward European. For the Tibetan-Mongols had managed through the fusion of Bon and Buddhism to preserve a long-established and well-developed shamanic tradition, which had some success in penetrating the process of dying -- as our contemporary physics, biology and pharmacology of near-death experiences proves they had, but which can never be done within Christianity since the very idea of personal salvation is inimical to gnosis as the goal of life/death, and anyway mystics were burnt. Shamanic flight obviously penetrated some bourne still spiritually inaccessible to most of us, but we have at least the confirmation offered by science that the shamans who came back knew what they were talking about: the experiences the literature monotonously describes conform exactly to current neurophysiological and anecdotal descriptions of near-death experiences. This depth of knowldege must have given ordinary people faced with choices about using the time they had left, additional confidence in the general Daoist-Hindu-Buddhist credo of surrender of self, acknowledgement that this life is one of suffering and striving and the strongly- held belief that death itself is *under certain conditions* (mainly determined by arduous Tantric preparation for the actual ordeal of dying) the gateway to a preferred condition. It is seductive -- seeing one's foreshortened and mortal life as just a period for preparation. Why bother racking your brains to invent labour- saving devices? There is nothing of interest to us on earth. Nevertheless no-one denies that Consciousness- for-Itself, Nirvana, Thought-without-a-subject, the dark-light of the third stage after death, et cetera, is actually just a fancy way of talking about personal oblivion. Perhaps the whole European psychotic, dissociated-sensibility thing is just a detour we have all had to make to get us to the point where the evident transcending and extirpation of non- teleological DNA-based evolution, for all life forms as well as ours, and the imminent (historically-speaking, I do not think in terms of the mayfly quality of personal mortality) ending of the anthropomorphic nature of our existence - - the imminent somersault in the priority- relationship between the heretofore transient ontogene and the phylogenetic continuum of which it is the vehicle -- the obvious fact that we mayflies are about to take over evolution (in historical, not even geological time -- an unbelievably rapid process millions of times faster even than the blip which extinguished dinosaurs and inaugurated the Cenozoic era) and endow evolution with teleological intent (or perhaps we may only succed in extinguishing life) -- all implies the reinvention of ourselves as God, as the Consciousness with no external subject which the Asian way prefigured. We Euro-molochs have been beavering away at our instrumental tasks without noticing the really important things around us and now Presto! we leapfrogged the whole game and deconstructed gnosis (British Telecom actually have a research group called Soul Capture, which figures out downloading our memories onto chips). I much enjoy your stuff. I got engrossed in Wallerstein/Frank/Braudel twenty years ago (via Marcuse et al, then via a Capital-reading-group) -- then gave up on its eclecticism. I started reading Cassirer, Sohn-Rethel and other post- Kantians and rethinking Marxism. Then I went to Russia and buggered about while the place collapsed. Now I've come back and begun picking up the threads, I see that things have moved on. Not as much as they might perhaps, but a long way. Good. But the World Systems model has to make one more giant leap, to achieve the status of world religion. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From chriscd@jhu.edu Tue Jan 7 13:49:17 1997 07 Jan 1997 15:48:56 -0500 (EST) 07 Jan 1997 15:48:54 -0500 (EST) Date: Tue, 07 Jan 1997 15:50:13 -0500 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: Tupac Amaru Web site (fwd)] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu Organization: Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218 USA Tue, 07 Jan 1997 14:03:55 -0500 (EST) Tue, 07 Jan 1997 14:03:38 -0500 (EST) 07 Jan 1997 12:55:57 -0600 (CST) by mcfeeley.cc.utexas.edu (8.7.6/8.7.3/mcfeeley.mc-1.17) 07 Jan 1997 12:32:15 -0600 (CST) 07 Jan 1997 11:33:16 -0700 (MST) 07 Jan 1997 11:32:03 -0700 (MST) 07 Jan 1997 11:32:02 -0700 (MST) Date: Tue, 7 Jan 1997 13:31:12 -0500 From: Molly Molloy Subject: Tupac Amaru Web site (fwd) Sender: owner-lasnet@mcfeeley.cc.utexas.edu To: LASNET , lala-l Reply-to: mmolloy@LIB.NMSU.EDU I haven't looked at this site yet- It appeared on net-happenings. Looks interesting. Molly Molloy New Mexico State University Library Las Cruces, NM 88001 505-646-6931 mmolloy@lib.nmsu.edu http://lib.nmsu.edu/staff/mmolloy ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Subject: Tupac Amaru Web site You may be interested in knowing that the MRTA, or Tupac Amaru, holed up at the japanese embassy in Lima, have a web site. The site offers official communiques posted from inside the hostage scene and press clippings from third-party sources. URL: http://burn.ucsd.edu/%7Eats/mrta.htm have a nice day, _____________________________________________ Lars Michael Sorensen / COMA:Press Phone: +45/ 3297 2198 - 4093 2198 Copenhagen, Denmark mailto:lmsoren@dk-online.dk From br00196@bingsuns.cc.binghamton.edu Tue Jan 7 14:19:26 1997 From: br00196@bingsuns.cc.binghamton.edu Date: Tue, 7 Jan 1997 16:20:15 -0500 (EST) To: MA&NG Jones Subject: Re: markets and technology and Shamanism In-Reply-To: <32D26E2C.3F28@netcomuk.co.uk> Well now that's what you get! That's precisely what you get! Mark Jones' mother-of-all existential crises is exactly what you get for going on about a hyphen, or "Asian economic activity" or essential differences and similarities between East and West and what not! Serves y'all right, if you ask me... Sid From ROZOV@cnit.nsu.ru Wed Jan 8 01:08:30 1997 8 Jan 97 13:22:22 NSK-6 From: "Nikolai S. Rozov" Organization: Center of New Informational Tech. To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Wed, 8 Jan 1997 13:22:08 -0600 (NSK) Subject: Re: markets and technology and Shamanism just a small remark to: >But the World Systems > model has to make one more giant leap, to > achieve the status of world religion. > Mark Jones > majones@netcomuk.co.uk God save w-s model and any other scientific theory from this honour. Best, Nikolai *********************************************************** Nikolai S. Rozov # Address:Dept. of Philosophy Prof.of Philosophy # Novosibirsk State University rozov@cnit.nsu.ru # 630090, Novosibirsk Fax: (3832) 355237 # Pirogova 2, RUSSIA Moderator of the mailing list PHILOFHI (PHILosophy OF HIstory and theoretical history) http://darwin.clas.virginia.edu/~dew7e/anthronet/subscribe /philofhi.html ************************************************************ From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Wed Jan 8 08:32:14 1997 Date: Wed, 08 Jan 1997 15:29:35 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: Markets and technology and Shamanism I am humbled that anyone took that remark seriously (but not as humbled as Immanuel Wallerstein ought to be). No, the era of creating world religions is over -- it began with the invention and generalisation of coinage, about the time of Periclean Athens, and has always been associated with temples and abstract things like commodity-relations, abstract space and time and other notions deriving from commodity-fetishism one way or another (Moses Finley, q.v.).Obviously the epoch of world-religions is coming to an end together with commodity production itself. That was my point, in fact. Nikolai S. Rozov wrote: > > just a small remark to: > > >But the World Systems > > model has to make one more giant leap, to > > achieve the status of world religion. > > God save w-s model and any other scientific theory from > this honour. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From chriscd@jhu.edu Wed Jan 8 13:55:35 1997 08 Jan 1997 15:54:42 -0500 (EST) 08 Jan 1997 15:54:40 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 08 Jan 1997 15:55:49 -0500 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: New 1996 Paperback of WORLD SYSTEM book (fwd)] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu Organization: Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218 USA chriscd@jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu; Wed, 08 Jan 1997 10:26:53 -0500 (EST) chriscd@jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu; Wed, 08 Jan 1997 10:26:49 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 8 Jan 1997 10:24:49 -0500 From: "A. Gunder Frank" Subject: New 1996 Paperback of WORLD SYSTEM book (fwd) To: Chris Chase-Dunn ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 8 Jan 1997 09:45:54 -0500 (EST) From: "A. Gunder Frank" To: agf Subject: New 1996 Paperback of WORLD SYSTEM book Subject: THE WORLD SYSTEM: FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OR FIVE THOUSAND? edited by Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills London and New York: Routledge 1993 hardcover LSt 40, US$ 65 NOW OUT IN PAPERBACK AT ABOUT US$ 25. Excerpts from the publisher's blurb of orginal hardback edition: "THE WORLD SYSTEM confronts the idea that historic long term economic inter-connectedness did not begin, as some say, 500 years ago but rather 5,000. The book broadly poses a challenge to Eurocentric world history and offers a humanocentric alternative analysis addressed to a wide range of disciplines. The editors have gathered an impressive array of scholars involved in world system analysis, and include both statments of and responses to the various aspects and issues created by these controvesial and challenging theories of 'one world system.' Chapter title topics include: interdisciplinary introduction; imperialism in ancient world systems; civilizations, world economies and oikumenes; capital accumulation; hegemonic transitions; cycles, crises and hegemonic shifts 1700 BC to 1700 AD; ancient versus modern world-systems; discontinuities and persistence; world system versus world- systems; feudalism, capitalism, socialism. Contributors are: Foreword by William H. McNeill Preface by Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills In support of the theory, chapters by: A.G. Frank and B.K. Gills [5 chapters individually jointly] Kaisa Ekholm and Jonathan Friedman David Wilkinson Critical of the theory, chapters by Samir Amin Immanuel Wallerstein In part supporting, in part critical, chapter by Janet Abu Lughod Rejoinder and Conclusions by A. G. Frank and B.K. Gills From chriscd@jhu.edu Fri Jan 10 07:39:19 1997 10 Jan 1997 09:39:06 -0500 (EST) 10 Jan 1997 09:39:05 -0500 (EST) Date: Fri, 10 Jan 1997 09:40:09 -0500 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: wid fellowship To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu Organization: Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218 USA The WorldWID Fellowship Program in this announcement supports opportunities for U.S. citizens for assignments in Africa, Asia, Near East, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the NIS (former Soviet Republics) region. Consequently, I'm posting to several listserves. My apologies in advance for cross-posting. For additional information about the Program, please contact the e-mail address provided in this announcement. ANNOUNCING WORLD WID FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM Academic and Professional Development Opportunities WorldWID Fellowship Program provides a unique opportunity for US citizens who are technical experts in a wide range of fields related to the USAID's (United States Agency for International Development's) strategic concerns with (1) democracy, governance, legal, and human rights; (2) economic growth; (3) girl's primary education; (4) environment; (5) health, population and nutrition to increase their understanding of Women in Development (WID) issues and gender analysis and to apply this knowledge to the performance of WID-related tasks in a USAID office or field mission overseas. Normal appointment is for 12 months although shorter appointments will be considered. Fellowship includes a monthly stipend of $2500, domestic and international travel, as well as some support for overseas living expenses. Fellows must demonstrate strong institutional support and a position to return to after completion of the Fellowship. Minority participation os actively encouraged. Deadlines are March 1, 1997 and March 1, 1998. Contact: WorldWID, Office of International Studies and Programs, PO Box 113225, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611; Tel: (352) 392-7074; Fax: (352) 392-8379. E-mail: Wrldwid@nervm.nerdc.ufl.edu attachement SAMPLE TEXTS FOR ANNOUNCING WORLD WID FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM (October 15, 1996, 1996) Academic and Professional Development Opportunities (text: approx 140 words) WorldWID provides a unique opportunity for US citizens who are technical experts in a wide range of fields related to the USAID's (United States Agency for International Development's) strategic concerns with (1) democracy, governance, legal, and human rights; (2) economic growth; (3) girl's primary education; (4) environment; (5) health, population and nutrition to increase their understanding of Women in Development (WID) issues and gender analysis and to apply this knowledge to the performance of WID-related tasks in a USAID office or field mission overseas. Normal appointment is for 12 months although shorter appointments will be considered. Fellowship includes a monthly stipend of $2500, domestic and international travel, as well as some support for overseas living expenses. Fellows must demonstrate strong institutional support and a position to return to after completion of the Fellowship. Minority participation os actively encouraged. Deadlines are March 1, 1997 and March 1, 1998. Contact: WorldWID, Office of International Studies and Programs, PO Box 113225, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611; Tel: (352) 392-7074; Fax: (352) 392-8379. E-mail: Wrldwid@nervm.nerdc.ufl.edu ************************************************************************* * Della McMillan, Ph.D. * * Women in Development Project (WRLDWID) * * Office of International Studies and Programs * * P.O. Box 113225, 123 Tigert Hall * * UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA * * GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA 32611-3225 TELEPHONE: (352) 392-7074 * * EMAIL: DMCMILL@NERVM.NERDC.UFL.EDU FAX: (352) 392-8379 * ************************************************************************* * NOTICE: THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AREA CODE IS NOW 352 AND NOT 904. * ! IF YOU HAVE PROBLEMS DIALING 352, CONTACT YOUR PHONE COMPANY ! ! AND NOTIFY MY OFFICE. ! ************************************************************************* From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Fri Jan 10 14:40:13 1997 Date: Fri, 10 Jan 97 13:24:05 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: eschaton deficit in the west To: World System Network Professor Rozov, I believe that should have been, "God save the Tsar!" Which, I recall, was the last demonstrable Saving plausibly attibutable to the quondam Supreme Being; elsewise, I should have been born in Russia, not in the USA. For my ancestors reasoned, soundly enough, that whereas or wherein the god of the Christians saw fit to conserve the Supreme Autocrat when the latter was so egregiously expendable for so long, emigration was clearly dictated as the least of the three evils the tsar enunciated: "One third will convert, one third will emigrate, one third will starve." Now, when by inference the former Almighty cut His losses in 1918 and permitted dys-Saving upon the son-and-heir of *that* monarch, He, as He then was, should, in perspective, be credited with Salvation-to-excess of Tsars-in- general. Think upon the superfluity of your good fortune, Professor Rozov, to have not merely had a Direct Experience of the End of the World yourself, one of the hallmarks whereof being its Advent when, ideologically speaking, *things cannot get much worse* yet promptly do; but additionally perhaps heard in childhood the Elders' tales of the *previous* End of the World. Our friend Mark Jones, in Britain, is contrariwise bursting with religious yearnings attributable to living in an Eschaton-Deficit country in the Real West. (Where the West is by convention to increase in Realness in a steep gradient somewhere near the Atlantic Coastal regions of Europe till one crosses the mountain peaks of Wyoming or Idaho.) Thwarted of Nuclear Doom, we have got faddish about the Millennium, the calendrical one; just possibly, Something will End it All. Eschaton-Deficit regions await, hopefully howbeit at times camouflaged as Fear, impending doom of exogeneous as well as human-agency varieties. What with the discovery, off Yucatan, of the actual remains of the asteroid, six miles across when it struck the Earth, responsible for the mass- extinctions at the end of the Cretaceous, catastrophism is faddish even amid the sacred precincts of Geology and Biology; its prime beneficiary, Stephen J. Gould, has been severly chastised by Daniel C. Dennett, in Darwin's Dangerous Idea, for, when you come down to it, being more famous than himself. (It's hopeless, Dennett; Tufts may not prevail against Harvard.) Elsewhere amid the Broad Masses, ie, those ineligible for HIV, there was a brief vogue for the Ebola virus. But what can compare with good old Bubonic Plague. Doom via human agency took a body blow with the end of Class Contradictions as an emotionally compelling scenario. Replacements therefor are even less inadequate intellectually whilst seeming hardly less boring. Most widely ignored, and in my opinion, deservedly so, is the Lovolution of Doctress Neutopia, featuring its culminating "Massgasm." Whatever these words mean, it is to be expected that, like all sex fantasies of the autistic (don't ask me how I know that), this scenario would be far too silly to watch, let alone to do. For this reason alone, it is a project well worth funding. This has all left religion as the *faute de mieux* beneficiary. Now, of the Fundamentalists of this world, the Muslims seem indeed to have use for the supernatural; the Christian literalists are more likely in quest of prophylaxis against Social Deviance whilst inclined to legislate more Social Deviance requiring prophylaxis against. Whatever, Secularization is Dead, and the gods, howbeit senile dementia cases all of them, have been called forth from dishonourable retirement to shuffle about robotically for a while. At the other spiritual extreme is New Agerdom, wherein there is a prodigious crafting of niche-market religions for those ill-suited for Faith but willing to expend money upon whatever obsession will benignly self-destruct in no more than six months. Without religion, or at least the residue of religiosity, it is not possible to have a true Eschatological Experience without the Eschaton itself, which as I said only arrives when Things Seemingly Couldn't Have Got Much Worse, except when it happens out of a Clear Blue Sky. The Bubonic Plague of the fourteenth century was of the latter kind. Jewish Messianism was perhaps the prototype, unless you're inclined to give Zarathustra priority, which I am not, as it's not certain what he had priority for, if indeed his historicity is certain, which it is not. But for Jewish Messianism to propagate, it must be packaged into Christianity. Before Christianity and Mahayana Buddhism, religion was not "portable." It could not be abstracted from its ethno-cultural matrix of origin for Transplanting into the heads of Heathen or *kafir*s on some other continent. Clearly, in the instances of Christianity, Islam, and Mahayana Buddhism, a superlative job of packaging, ie, software portability, was accomplished: There is hardly any culture so refractory that, with a lot of propaganda and a bit of religiopolitical terror, its bearers are not susceptible to, in the end, taking it for granted that they are Sinful and Dirty. Buddhist Hells are as effective as Christian and Islamic ones, if they take a bit of appreciation by skeptical white folks. You've got to understand Yama as a Chinese magistrate, Doctoral Degree and all, and it'll all make sense. Once, at a party, I posed the problem of comparison shopping, in terms of cost-effectiveness, ie, more Salvation-bang for the buck (US$1.00; slightly cheaper in New Zealand), as between the Blessed Holy Virgin and the Bodhisattva Guanyin. I put my money on the Virgin. Because, "Can you imagine us, in contradistinction to the Japanese, having Blessed Holy Virgin 35mm cameras and copiers?" The people at the party, of course, wouldn't have me back. Virgin, with us, is an Airline, anyway. The difference should be readily apparent to anyone capable, as I am not, of explicating the theological importance of the Double Procession of the Holy Spirit. (I can, at best, situate the latter historically in terms of the endgame of Visigothic Arianism after 590, but that's it.) Without your world religions, you cannot have your world-destroyers and world-avengers. Call the Jewish Messiah mere local talent, he doesn't count. Which leaves us with the Second Coming, the Mahdi, the Hidden Imam, the Maitreya Buddha, the Manichaean Prince of Radiance, and a few odds and ends in secondary roles (Sts George, Michael, James; the relevant Archangels exclusive of that icebound port in Russia whither Good Queen Bess sent Sir Francis Dreco or somebody to make possible the Muscovy Company in pursuance of Creative Engagement with Ivan Grozniy (1533-1584, right?). No Girls Allowed; they aren't all that plausible, genderwise, to Level All with Flaming Sword in the Last Days to bring about Final Universal Justice and Equality On Earth as Foretold. Now, it is impossible to ascertain whether another Great World-Religion is possible. All we can say is, it hasn't been done recently. Also, it cannot be done by design; only by bizrre indirection, that is to say, "schizopolitically." Once you say to yourself, "Wouldn't it be nice, not just for me but for the whole trucking industry, if this entire Trade Route got unified under a single governmet," you have blown your scene. If you add to that, "Without, as an additional constraint, losing my own hometown's tourist traffic," you are a downright charlatan, and I'll have you Reported myself. For a Common-Law Fraud. With all you gotta *know*, these days, who can be bothered with Believing in any Faith with a straight face. Anyhow, For It Is Written, where? here, and you can quote me on this, "Sin is what uses God for a Crutch." Peace be unto ye, Daniel A. Foss From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Sat Jan 11 10:38:27 1997 Date: Sat, 11 Jan 1997 17:35:40 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: eschaton deficit in the west References: <199701102140.VAA05780@avalon.netcom.net.uk> Yo, dude. Totally scatophagous. Daniel A. Foss wrote: > > [snip] -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Mon Jan 13 12:59:31 1997 Date: Mon, 13 Jan 97 13:42:40 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: at first glance... To: World Systems Network The notion of God saving any scientific theory seemed at first glance very Drugged to me, but then I contextualized it with the no less bizarre prospect of Boris Yeltsin, assuming he was neither drunk nor dying, being the US candidate to save Russia from Communism-out-of-the-Crypt, followed almost instantly by the US media campaign on behalf of Aleksandr Lebed as the Man of the Hour to save Russia from Boris Yeltsin. But in the rather mediumish term, you can only boost your ratings so much by covering the End of the World happening elsewhere; you have got to, sometime, put on a Special of it happening right here, and *really* peddle that airtime! *Of course* the Revolution will be televised; the Broad Masses will stay home and watch it whilst they are needed in the Streets, so you must schedule the California Earthquake for the same time slot on another network to scare them outside agian. Of course, this is already archaic in terms of communications technology and political forms, but.... Regards, Daniel A. Foss From wwagar@binghamton.edu Mon Jan 13 14:26:56 1997 From: wwagar@binghamton.edu Date: Mon, 13 Jan 1997 16:27:48 -0500 (EST) To: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: Re: eschaton deficit in the west As a footnote, permit me to observe that the Doctress Neutopia is not autistic and would make a welcome addition to our little circle in WSN. Warren Wagar Binghamton University From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Mon Jan 13 18:16:41 1997 Date: Tue, 14 Jan 1997 01:15:53 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: at first glance... Only Laplace said 'I have no need of Him'. Everyone else from Aristarchus to Einstein began (and ended) with Him. Daniel A. Foss wrote: > > The notion of God saving any scientific theory seemed at first glance > very Drugged to me, [snip] Also wrote: > *Of course* the Revolution will be televised; the Broad Masses will > stay home and watch it whilst they are needed in the Streets, [snip] Don't be so bourgeois and world-weary. The revolution will happen *in* a studio and will be moderated by Oprah Winfrey. Incidentally, I meant what I said about the prayer-wheels. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Mon Jan 13 21:05:50 1997 Date: Tue, 14 Jan 1997 04:04:55 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Re: eschaton deficit in the west References: No, no. You won't get me this way -- I'm far too busy doing important Party work to spend time moving the china around your salon :-). Incidentally, or incidently as Americans prefer to say, I am autistic. For instance, I was always put off the work of your Grand Masters by a perceived eschaton deficit, but I was wrong and now I see eschaton all over the place -- some of you (well, Daniel Foss, actually)are positively steeped in the stuff, albeit too modest to proclaim the fact. I read something of yours the other day which impressed me very much. I intend to write to you at length and with due seriousness about it when I get time, ie when I have finished the novel about Genghis-khan am I writing (this is true) and which drew Daniel Foss to my attentioon in the first place. But I am going platonic for the next two weeks, unless unduly provoked. wwagar@binghamton.edu wrote: > > As a footnote, permit me to observe that the Doctress Neutopia is > not autistic and would make a welcome addition to our little circle in > WSN. > > Warren Wagar > Binghamton University -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From austria@it.com.pl Tue Jan 14 03:33:07 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Tue, 14 Jan 1997 11:33:09 +0100 (MET) Subject: transnational integration and national disintegration To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Message from Arno Tausch, Dep. of Pol. Science, Innsbruck University, Austria/Labour Attache, Austr. Emb. Warsaw I'd like to circulate the synthesis of a recent manuscript which I would like to submit for international publication soon, based on a 123 nations study of world development from 1980 onwards as well as on a re-analysis of Goldstein's data series. The synthesis reads as follows, and I'd like to receive comments from you all over the world: Transnational Integration and National Disintegration - A Synthesis Europe faces three very important decisions about the future: east-ward expansion of the European Union, European monetary union, and the structural internal reform of the Union. Faced with these decisions, an intellectual battle rages across the continent between euro-sceptics and integrationists, between federalists and nationalists, between centralists and regionalists. World systems research and development research provides radical, fascinating and novel answers to these old controversies. A quarter of a century ago, a Chilean economist, Osvaldo Sunkel, proposed in an article the idea, that transnational integration and national disintegration go hand in hand, as the process of globalization goes on and deepens, thus threatening the stability of transnational projects of integration, like the European Union and NAFTA. This question writing, in the framework of contemporary research methodology, is the starting point of this book. What is the evidence of cross-national quantitative research? (i) The process of globalisation did not level-off the differences in wealth and well-being between the different regions of the world, especially between Europe and the Mediterranean southern periphery of Europe. Far from granting a real free trade regime, Europe has petrified existing patterns of the division of labour between the centres and the peripheries. Poverty, unemployment, homelessness and other negative social phenomena become more and more relevant, not just for periphery and semi-periphery countries, but for the former centres in Europe themselves. We are evidencing a peripherization of the European landmass, while the countries of the Western Pacific and the Eastern Indian Ocean are the future centres of world capitalist development. (ii) Europe is characterized by the very mix of conditions, which, on a world-wide scale, block against rapid economic growth. Too little national savings, priviledged home-markets for idle and saturated european transnational corporations and the European continental powerful banks, migration instead of innovation, excessive government consumption, political distribution coalitions - also regarding gender conflict lines - which try to get via political means what they cannot achieve on the world markets anymore, the continued practicing of traditional patterns of national defense, based on conscription, are precisely the mix that explains 44.2% of stagnation from 1980 world-wide, without resorting to capital investments and other intra-economic explanations of growth. What would be the answer against this process what in the Dutch languages has been so aptly termed as Verluderung? A slim, socially just state, which enhances savings, deterrs distribution coalitions, subjects the European transnationals to the discipline of the market, instead of pouring down the sink billions of ECUs in terms of subvention money, ending up more often than not in the pockets of the shadow economists of our times, would be among the pre-requisites of a real reform of the European Union member states and an adequate answer to the question about the place of Europe in the world. 15 of the most important 19 development dimensions in the world system are being negatively determined nowadays by MNC penetration. The capitalist world economy is in addition characterized by strong 20 year cycles (Kuznets cycles) and 50-60 year longer waves (Kondratieff waves), which again are shown to be relevant in this work on the basis of new calculations, based on Joshua Goldstein’s previous research. They, and not so much grand designs of conference diplomacy, will determine the future place of Europe in the world economy. Precisely, because the Union is presently a protective club shielding away market influences from European transnationals, banks, and distribution coalitionists, Europe’s upswing is belated, and the Maastricht-induced stagflation threatening to coincide with the next major Kuznets cycle trough, to be expected in 2002 or 2003, will make our stagnation even worse. Political stability, under such circumstances, in the Mediterranean and in other countries becomes a question mark. European foreign policy, taken ablind by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, overlooks the intrinsic conflict structure of the world economy, that is shaped like a ‘W’ and that threatens future intensified conflicts on the borderlines of world instability. (iii) Subventions, mass migration and distribution coalitions mean structural conservation and environmental decay at the same time. Since environmental strain cycles coincide with world economic swings, it is to be expected that any real future European recovery will increase the environmental problems on the European continent, still increased by the transport-intensity of EU-development patterns, connected with the subvention system. Physical mobility of labour is the key de-facto concept of the past policies of the Commission in Brussels, while information mobility is being hindered by local and national telephone monopolies, and the absence of privatisation in transport, especially roads. (iv) The eastward expansion of the Union will have to face up to the dilemmas of modernization in the environment of past rapid urbanisation (what world system scholars have termed the urban bias in world development), little efficient state-directed mass communication and belated demographic transitions in much of the Balkans and the former Soviet Union, if not the former Warsaw Pact in general. Modernization and structural adjustment in the post-1989 set-up is bound to fail in the east if it is not accompanied by a massive real inflow of foreign resources. The semi-democratization in much of the region, that set in after 1989, from the viewpoint of political stability is much more dangerous than the full olf dictatorship or full democracy. Money laundering and fluctuations in the terms of trade are additional important determinants of the growth prospects of the reform countries. (v) Modernization, globalization, and east-ward expansion of the Union might increase existing cleavages in the countries of the East, if they are not accompanied by a deep structural change in favour of the up to now underpriviledged sectors and strata. Many of the lessons of neoclassical economists about Southeast-Asia can be repeated here in an East European context. The discrimantion against exports by import substitution strategies, effective currency overvaluations, priviledges and wage inflexibility in the monopolistic sectors, and finally and overarching all these phenomena, a conspicuous contempt of urban elites against the countryside and a deep urban bias of development have created a structure, where the political and social divisions between the different parts of countries have increased. It is shown in this study with regional multivariate analyses from Polish election data 1993 and 1995, that electoral results are heavily determined by these regional and world economic aspects, while other theories fail to capture the dynamics of socio-political cleavages in the new democracies of the East. (vi) Euro-sclerosis at the heart of the Union of presently 15 nations is a reality. Take any indicator of economic illness in the relatively stable Western democracies today - unemployment, lack of economic growth, insufficient human development: it will be neatly determined by just three variables: - age of democracy within world politically guaranteed boundaries - size of the state sector, like central government expendutures per GDP - years of membership in the European Union Instead of causing stable long-term economic growth, the Union rather causes what might be termed ‘the Belgium syndrome’. Relatively young democracies, like Poland or the Czech Republic, Hungary or Slovenia, will still benefit for a few years from the positive effects of early membership; but the positive initial effects will disappear with the workings of the really existing Union in the long run. So, what then is the prescription? The upgrading of the European Parliament (no taxation without representation), a more slender and socially just state in the member countries, free trade, again and again, and also more decisive efforts in human capital formation (in the framework of privatisation of Universities and other institutions of higher learning) would be a proper step in the right direction. Else, eastward expansion will dismally fail, made all the worse by the negative effects of Maastricht austerity. Arno Tausch From austria@it.com.pl Tue Jan 14 03:50:16 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Tue, 14 Jan 1997 11:49:47 +0100 (MET) Subject: communication from Arno Tausch, 2. part To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Here are some further materials, perhaps of interest to you. As to the suggested print-out font, I recommend Times Roman 6.0 Transnational integration and national disintegration. by Arno Tausch, Attaché for Labour and Migration, Austrian Embassy Warsaw1. Opinions expressed in this paper, are exclusively those of the author and not necessarily those of the Austrian Government 'For upward of a thousand years the tendency of the economic centre of the world has been to move westward, and the Spanish War has only been the shock caused by its passing the Atlantic. Probably, within two generations, the United States will have faced about, and its great interests will cover the Pacific, which it will hold like an island sea (...)' Brooks Adams (1900) 'America's Economic Supremacy', as quoted in David and Wheelwright, 1989 'The Ten Duties of Kings are: liberality, morality, self-sacrifice, integrity, kindness, austerity, non-anger, non-violence, forbearance, and non-opposition to the will of the people' (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Buddhist view of responsible kinship) 'Although famines can kill millions of people, they do not kill rulers. Kings and presidents, bureaucrats and bosses, generals and police chiefs - these people never starve' (Amartya Sen) About a quarter of a century ago, a Chilean social scientist, Osvaldo Sunkel, proposed in a widely received article under the title: 'Transnational capitalism and national disintegration (in Latin America)' the provocative thought, that transnational investment and integration might go hand in hand, under certain conditions, with an increasing relative social polarisation between rich and poor in the host countries of the evolving transnational system and on the international level. The polarisation effects in relative terms along the welfare borders of the world, which happen to be the outward borders of the economic integration zones, built up by the rich countries, are the basic conflict that confronts the process of transnational integration, and especially European integration today. The second basic conflict is the tendency towards increasing social exclusion in the trasnationally integrated core areas themselves. Transnational corporations and their foreign investments are the cornerstone of the international system, as Osvaldo Sunkel so correctly foresaw in his penetrating analysis a quarter of a century ago. The outward stock of foreign direct investments of 39000 parent firms in their 270000 affiliates reached $2.7 trillion in 1995. The gross product of foreign affiliates amounted to 8.7% of home country GDP in the countries of the European Union in 1991, the last year with available data. In North America this ratio stood at 6.4%, in the LDCs at 6.5%, and in Central and Eastern Europe at 1.3%. On a world level, the TNCs control 6.4% of the world gross domestic product. In Eastern Europe, too, this relationship is on the rise, with the transnationals now controlling - through their FDI stock - up to 15.6% of the GDP of Eastern Europe, like in Hungary, 1994. The sales of foreign affiliates amounted to 116% of the total of world exports of goods and non-factor-services in 1982; this r! atio now has risen to 127.9% (UNCTAD, 1996). For ages, economists have warned repeatedly against the danger of monopoly capitalism. Kalecki and Rothschild should be specially mentioned in this context here. The international system, in addition, is not only a system of social and economic polarisation, it is also a system of recurring international long-run tensions, that erupt along these socio-economic conflict lines. Ever since the days of Akerman's pioneering study, published with Macmillan's before the Second World War, social scientists have studied by quantitative methods the connection between economic long cycles and major wars, among them Modelski, 1987, and Goldstein, 1988. International tension has characterised the world system since 1450 in ups and downs, that have led the world to three catastrophic world wards (Goldstein, 1988). Whether there is room for optimism now, after the end of the so-called Cold War, will be finally decided, among other factors, by the growing tension between the human species and the environment. Each day, 140 species are condemned to extinction; the CO2-content in the atmosphere is 26% higher than at the beginning of the industrial age; ! the earth surface was warmer in 1990 than at any point since the middle of the 19th century, when measurements began; each year, a forest area of the world as big as Finland is being destroyed, and each year, another Mexico is being added to the world's population (World Watch Institute Report, 1992). Rather than predicting the end of history, the acceleration of history might loom ahead. Sunkel foresaw then, from the viewpoint of his structural economic theory, many of the problems that seem to beset the post-1989 world. In 1993, 76% of the stock of world-wide foreign direct investments were still anchored in the old industrialised countries, and only 23% in the developing countries. Although 40% of all investment flows between 1990 and 1994 went to the LCD's, 4/5 of which to the top ten among the semi-industrialised or newly industrialised nations (China, Singapore, Argentina, Mexico, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Nigeria), European leadership towards growth for the European East in an ecologically sustainable way is one of the main tasks of rebuilding the world-economy. Between 1990 and 1994, the share of the 'triad'(US+CND; Japan; EU) in world GNP rose from 50.3% to 50.7%; the share of the rest of Asia rose from 17.2% to 23.1%, while the participa! tion of Eastern Europe and the ex-USSR in the world economy was nearly wiped out and reduced to half in less than a decade - from 10.9% to 5.3% of world GNP. Will Europe be able to lead to growth for the East, or will - what a bleak, though nonetheless realistic scenario, the stagnation of the East between 1990 and 1994 become the future of the West of the continent (our compilations from Stiftung, 1993, and 1996)? The gaps between the rich centre in Europe and the surrounding peripheral and semi-peripheral areas are part of the economic, ecological and social history over the last 500 years. They continue to exist today, and if anything, have deepened since the 1980s. In terms of most welfare indicators, as calculated by the UNDP, the East (Eastern Europe and the former USSR) and the southern rim of Europe (the Arab world), are as distant from 'us', the European Union, as the 'Haves' and the have-nots are devided from each other at any welfare border around the world, be it on the shores of the Rio Grande or across the China Sea. At the same time, the population balance, and the balance of military forces shifts in favour of the poorer nations, that surround the rich man's land, the European Union, beset by a growing number of internal problems, like unemployment, drugs, crime, environmental decay, and ageing populations. The following calculation from UNDP-data, 1995, shows the dramat! ic character of the welfare gap at the outer borders of the Union: East-West-gap North-South-gap for the European Union, by around 1995 real purchasing power 1:3.5 1:4 life expectancy 1:1.12 1:1.22 share of world industrial GNP 1:8.5 - defence expenditures 1:6.1 1:1.8 population potential, 2000 1:0.9 1:1.3 military personnel 1:1.8 1:1 total GDP 1:9 - The East's challenge to the ageing north-west is its population and thus migration potential, its high military personnel ratio, but the East's unease number one is its low share in world total GDP and industrial GNP. The South's challenge in military terms has been building up over recent years, combined with a rapid population growth and still existing large-scale poverty. Let us hope and work for peace in the Middle East; but if that is not achieved quickly, and development in the Arab world does not reach down to the poorest strata, centuries of unequal exchange, foreign rule and neglect could combine with the archaic weight of religious tradition - then the dar al harb, the world of war and disbelief will be held responsible for 80 million illiterates, for the 73 million poor, for the 12% of resources, spent on arms, for the scarcity of water that affects 55% of the Arabs. If the balance will not be achieved by political and economic means within the next 25 years, then m! igration and the military expansion of the desperate nations will attempt to redress the balance. With real purchasing power parity rates, the gaps are today: Japan - East Asia (excl. China) 1:2.6 Europe - Eastern periphery 1:3.5 Europe - South 1:4 North America - Latin America 1:4.1 The professional political optimism of our times in Europe holds, that after overcoming the transformation crisis, Europe will re-unite and catch up with the competing market economic centres. Another vision might hold though that the inability of the East to find a proper niche in the world market might spill over to the West of the continent. Social scientific thought in the long-term policy planning and development research tradition - in Austria of Otto Bauer, Karl Polanyi, Joseph Alois Schumpeter, Kurt Rothschild and many other social scientists, would dare to ask, whether or not the crisis and final collapse of communism, in the end, is the product of the one and single movement in world economic dynamics away from the European landmass and the Euro-Atlantic region towards the Pacific. GDP real growth, p.a., from 1986-95 was: Asia +7.3% LCD's in the Middle East and Southern Europe +3.7% Latin America +2.6% USA +2.5% Japan +2.5% EU +2.4% Africa +2.4% Eastern Europe -1.9% CIS -4.2% Source: Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996 Re-reading Osvaldo Sunkel's penetrating analysis, written over thirty years ago, one is struck by the parallels between the Latin America of yesterday and the Eastern Europe of today. One of the most recurrent predictions of structuralists as Osvaldo Sunkel, Raul Prebisch, and many others would be that a country, specialising in investment goods and other manufactures has a much better chance for long-run and stable development than nations, specialising in raw materials and semi-finished products. Samir Amin and other critics of the Union have maintained, that the structure of trade relations with the outer rim of the Union favours unequal specialisation, and prolongs the periphery's trade in raw materials and semi-finished products. Just that that seems to have been the case from 1980 to 1992: Graph 1.1: Structural dependence of the European East Legend: right-hand scale: semi-finished products; left-hand scale: raw materials per total exports. Source: our own compilations from Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996 While other regions could advance and received a fairer share of the world market, Eastern Europe was increasingly marginalised. More and more, there seems to be a 'legal' and a parallel illegal core of the world economy. What the legal economy cannot redress, the illegal economy will. The mafias around the world have a turnover of more than $ 500 thousand million a year alone from the narcotics' trade. Each year, $ 85 thousand million in drug profits are 'laundered' through the financial markets. The new, speculative character of the global market economy dictates, that even legal transnationals have to earn much of their profits from speculation on the international financial markets. With that, the basic instability of the international system increases (UNDP, 1994, 1995; Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996). Among the most powerful groups, threatening the very fabric of legal society in western countries today, are the following large illegal transnational corporations ! (with their estimated turnover) La Costa Nostra (USA) 100 thousand million $ Colombian cartels (Colombia) 15 thousand million $ Italian organised crime (Italy) 100 thousand million $ Cosa Nostra Camorra Ndrangheta Sacra Corona Unita Yakuza (Japan) 120 thousand million $ (Source: our compilation from Raith, 1995) Newcomers, like the Russian Mafia groups, and formally regional groupings, like the Chinese triads, are expanding rapidly as well into the core areas of the world-wide market. By the year 2020, the expansion of these and other criminal corporations will be not a threat, but a reality (Raith, 1995). The core of the transnational economy, Sunkel and many others observed, used to be the legal transnational corporation and the legal transnational bank. From 1991 to 1993, the following growth rates were observed: world GDP +1.6% world trade +3.1% world-wide stock of FDI +8.0% sales of the foreign affiliates of transnational corporations +20.0% Source: our own compilations from Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996 More than $ 1000 thousand million are shifted around each day by way of international financial markets. The cumulative debt of the developing countries reaches the staggering proportion of $ 1945 thousand million, and will tend to grow by around 1998 to $ 2600 thousand million dollars: Graph 1.2: The debt crisis of the world periphery Legend: our own compilations from Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996 The problem of international development, to a large extent, is also the problem of underdevelopment and poverty, in which a large part of the malnourished children of this world grow up - 11 - 19 countries, which, in addition, have to shoulder a large part of the world refugee problem as well: Graph 1.3: The 11 - 19 main crisis points in the world system refugees in thousandsmalnourished children in millionsIran24951,64Philippines33,024Indonesia28,768China28819,317Vietnam54,413Myanmar2,326Pakistan14809,409India26061,775Nigeria56,975Bangladesh19910,994Ethiopia2484,749Rest LDCs680523,55Country estimated number of poor people according to the capability-poverty-measurement-scaleMexico14,5847Brazil15,16Turkey12,1264Thailand11,6894South Africa11,8256Philippines18,3744China204,8725Iran17,8502Algeria12,672Indonesia79,3971Morocco12,7729Egypt23,4232Pakistan73,872India530,5605Tanzania10,5986Zaire17,2542Nigeria57,8436Bangladesh89,5116Ethiopia36,0314Rest172,2797Source: our own calculations from UNDP, 1996 and the data-base of this workGlobalisation negatively affected the lives of around 1.5 thousand million people on earth, whose per-capita incomes were lower than in earlier decades. These 1.5 thousand million people live in around 100 countries; while 15 nations experienced rapid capitalist development over the last decade. Among the w! orld's desperate nations, 43 countries had a per-capita income which was lower - in real terms - than that of the 1970s. The poorest 20% of the world saw their share in global product reduced from 2.3% to 1.4% over the past 30 years. The share of the richest 20% rose from 70% to 85%, with the differences between these two rising from 30:1 to 61:1 (UNDP, 1996). In the developed core countries of the world economy alone, 100 million people are categorized as poor, and 30 million are homeless. In the Federal Republic of Germany alone, 900000 people are homeless, and 7.5 million are poor (Orientierung, 60, 1996: 204). 385 persons on our globe - 358 billionaires- have an income that is greater than the yearly income of the combined poorest 45% of our globe. The wave of the world recession - or as we prefer to say, the Kondratieff B-phase - first hit Africa in the 1970s, and rolled on to hit Latin America and the Arab world in the 1980s and Eastern Europe in the 1990s. Even in the h! ighly industrialised countries, capitalist development became more and more (i) jobless: in the countries of the European Union in 1993, there were 16.86 million unemployed people. In the industrial countries as a whole, there are 30 million people out of work. (ii) ruthless: global GNP grew by 40%, but the number of poor grew by 17%. In the European Union, the ratio between the richest 20% and the bottom 20% is now 7.5 in France, 9.6 in the UK, 7.1 in Denmark, 5.8 in Germany, and 6.0 in Italy. Each year, damage to forests due to air pollution leads to economic losses of about $35 billion - about the annual GDP of Hungary. In Europe, the number of poor people increased within half a year from 50 million to 80 million (Afheldt, 1994) (iii) voiceless: human and political rights performance on a global scale has deteriorated in many countries according to the well-known Freedom House data series (Stiftung, 1996); even in the countries of the European Union, the following performances in 1993 were below the maximum value '1' Germany: civil rights 2 France: civil rights 2 Greece: civil rights 3 Great Britain: civil rights 2 Northern Ireland-political rights 5 civil rights 4 Irish Republic: civil rights 2 Italy: civil rights 3 Spain: civil rights 2 More than 100 million people live below the official poverty line in the industrial countries, more than 5 million are homeless. The poorest 40% receive only 18% of total incomes. Women receive on average only 2/3 of the income of males; and hold only 12% of parliamentary seats (iv) rootless: 10000 cultures of humans and millions of species are on the verge of disappearance world-wide; local human dialects, cultures and accents, disappear also in Europe at a rapid pace. Nationality conflicts and regional conflicts have increased in many countries of Europe over the last decade. Low-quality satellite TV more and more substitutes national TV output; the transnational economy dominates more and more domains of radio, TV, and the press. Even in EU countries, nationally made films amount from only 2% (Greece) to 34.9% (France) of all films shown in cinemas. The US film industry holds a market-share of 2/3 or ¾ and more. At the same time, social deviance increases in the age of rootless growth or stagnation. In the European Union, there were 77 prisoners per 100 000 people in 1987; now there are 87. The intentional homicide rate is Union-wide 7.7 per 100 000. 44% of all male EU adults smoke (women: 25%), alcohol consumption is 9.6 litres per capita and yea! r, and the male cancer rate is 235, the female cancer rate is 171 Union-wide. Television takes up now some 40% of the free time of the average American, and participation in voluntary associations such as the Red Cross has declined by 25-50%. The basic networks, necessary for the functioning of democracies, are on the retreat around the globe. Trade Union membership rates declined in the Netherlands from 39% in 1978 to 25% in 1991; from 30% to 15% in the USA et cetera. In the Union as a whole, trade union membership declined from 37% in 1970 to 33%; in Austria and in many other countries, the decline was even more dramatic (from 62% to 46%). Nearly 130000 women are reported annually to be raped in the industrial countries. (v) futureless: annual fresh water withdrawals amount to 862 m^3 in the Union. Commercial energy use in oil equivalents is 3588 kg per capita in oil equivalents, and each year, the Union produces 15.13% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions, 3373 metric tons of heavy metal from nuclear reactors, 48220 tons of hazardous highly-toxic waste. The average Union citizen produces 399 kg of municipal waste a year, and recycles only 45% of his or her paper and 52% of his or her glass. 2 million people are already affected with HIV. In the developing countries, despite the increases in life expectancy over 1960-93, the spectre of poverty is still overwhelming. 1.3 billion people are to be classified as poor, 800 million people do not eat enough food, and 500 million are chronically malnourished. Each year, 20 million hectares of tropical forests are degraded or completely cleared; there are now 11 million refugees in the developing countries, and entire regions are affected by destabilisation and war, most notably the lake region of East-Central-Africa, wide areas of Central Asia, and some countries of West Africa. Instead of an end of history, global or regional anarchy in countries like Kampuchea, Somalia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Georgia, Liberia, Sudan, Bosnia, Ruanda, Burundi, Angola, and Mocambique seems to be likely. In a very brilliant commentary, Rudi Dornbusch thinks that another Mexican crisis - or rather Peso desaster for the world economy - is likely (Dornbusch, in Business Week, November 25, 1996). The capacity of the US to act as a global policeman under such circumstances is severely constrained by the secular balance of trade deficit of the US economy, not being offset by an enough positive balance of services and payments. The contradictions of capitalism today are truly global: during 1965-90, world merchandise trade tripled, and financial cross-border flows exceed a trillion US $ a day. In the light of the empirical research results of macroquantitative social sciences, we have to start from the assumption here, that MNC penetration, i.e. the relationship between MNC investments and the size of the economy of the host country, has unfortunately a long-term structural negative effect, that goes beyond the earlier Kondratieff-cycle that ended by around 1982; affecting development in the contemporary, post-1982 world. The main reason for the short-term dynamic, but long-term structural negative effects of FDIs have been often seen by economists and other social scientists to be the structural inability of the host country to achieve a process of their own proper savings, and positive trade and current account balances. The negative effects of transnational foreign investment dependence on the mor! e long-term growth of societies in the world system are demonstrated by the effects of the UNCTAD variable 'share of inward FDI stock in gross domestic product' by around 1985 on subsequent growth and redistribution. As it is well-known, the current account balance is the broadest measure of a nation's trade and world market performance. For the neo-classical economists, this is mainly so, because import substitution and market imperfections are at work in the highly penetrated countries, while for the dependency-schools, the monopoly situation of large corporations alongside a backward or semi-backward business environment create outflows due to transferred profits and royalties, that are much higher than inflows in the long run. The internationally comparable economic and social data from the World Development Report 1996 by the World Bank make this point for the transition economies very clear. Poland, with its recent spurt of economic growth already often termed the 'European tiger', achieved a per-capita-income in internationally comparable $ of 5480 $. The current account balance before official transfers amounted to -3.1% of GNP in 1994, and the net value of the external debt amounted to 37% of GNP. On the positive side for Poland, official development assistance amounted in 1994 to 2.0% per GNP, the highest value for all the transformation countries in Europe with complete data except Albania. But the 27% of population, who live from agriculture, just receive 6% of the total GNP - an expression of the perennial structural heterogeneity of Polish society, that characterises the country from the Long 16th Century onwards. Graph 1.4: The demand side of the distribution of gross domestic product in a Tiger economy and in a successful transformation country - Singapore and Poland compared Legend: our own compilations from World Development Report, 1996, World BankThe following comparison might again be dramatic, but it tries to drive home an important point: Europe is too restrictive in its economic relations with its periphery. The annual growth rates of exports and imports after transformation also clearly show the difference between Europe's restrictive interaction with its peripheries and the East Asian growth model, based on labour-intensive exports: Poland Singapore export growth, 1980-90 +4.8% +12.1% export growth, 1990-94 +3.9% +16.1% import growth, 1980-90 +1.5% +8.6% import growth, 1990-94 +26.3% +12.1% The policy approach, that is at the basis of this study, realistically assumes that the following determinants will be of the utmost importance for the success or failure of the project of European integration and European unity: (i) Europe is characterised by the typical 'mix' of countries that are doomed to stagnation (ii) Europe must come to terms with the 'new' social problems arising from the contradictions of the process of global environmental destruction, to which Europe as one of the main regions of world industry and traffic disproportionately contributes, and Europe must find a proper way for gender empowerment (iii) Europe must come to terms with the contradictions of world cultures and world cultural conflict, global anarchy and global decay (iv) Europe must come to terms with the contradictions between Europe, the developed centre, and its Eastern European periphery, and the problems of political instability, nationalism, and unequal development, that the present form of interaction between the centre and the periphery bring about (v) Europe must come to terms with the contradictions of the process of the ageing of democracies, especially phenomena which one might term sclerosis bruxelliana and sclerosis Europea Development is seen here as a multi-dimension process in the tradition of recent UNDP-centred research. Apart from per capita income growth, our indicators also analyse the maintenance of growth during the changing conditions of the post-1980 world as compared to the development experience from 1965 to 1980. Our measurements of development include, among others, life expectancy, life expectancy increases, political rights violations, human rights violations, the UNDP human development index, the UNDP gender-related development index, the UNDP gender empowerment index and, last but not least, the UNDP greenhouse index as an indicator of pollution. The human development index weights longevity, income, knowledge and standard of living. It is composed of per capita incomes, education and life expectancy variables. We also control for the effects not of internal, but international distribution coalitions as a co-determining factor of ascent and decline in the world system. These i! nternational distribution coalitions are closely linked to the number of years that a country is member of the UN. ...... 3) The international environment is basically unstable. A survey of the contemporary research methods for the study of changes in the world system since 1989 International social science since the mid-1960s studied patterns of international development in a cross-national perspective. This movement towards retrievability of research results, based on statistical analysis with internationally available and recognised data, which was initiated, amongst others, by the late Karl Wolfgang Deutsch from Harvard University, had important implications for international social policy. It allowed for the rigorous testing of hypothesis, contested in the political arena in an often passionate fashion. Our attempt to estimate the determinants of world economic and social development from 1980 onwards tries to be based in this tradition. The UNDP Human Development Reports, our main new data source, emerged over the years as one of the leading socially scientific relevant data collections for cross-national research; the wealth of data contained in them shows concern for the global environment and for social decay and by far exceeds in quality other comparable products on the market today. The choice of the time period corresponds to the Kondratieff-type long cycle theories, that are presented below. Our data collection goes on to use some materials which are relevant for the description of the long-run position of a society in terms of ownership of the means of production (public investment, transnational investment), the social security programme experience, and ethno-linguistic fractionalisation from the Bornschier/Heintz data collection. In combining the new UNDP data with! these older materials from Bornschier/Heintz and the World Handbooks of Political and Social Indicators, I-III, pertaining to the earlier Kondratieff cycle, we fully integrate the new knowledge about cycles into our hypotheses. Our data sources relied at least in part also on Fischer Weltalmanach; Nohlen; Seager and Olson and Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, which are excellent data handbooks for the study of international relations. Some data were also cross-checked with Tausch, 1993, 1994; UNECE; UNICEF (Cornia, 1993 and 1994); and the World Bank WDR and other sources. Our main sample of 123 nations comprised all the countries for which UNDP reports economic growth rates and life expectancies at two different periods. The countries of the ex-USSR are not being included for the reason of data limitations, while other 'real socialist' or ex-'real socialist' nations, like China and Hungary, at any rate integral parts of the conceptualisations of the capitalist world economy today, do form part of our main 123 countries' investigation. Our leading, but not exclusive indicator of the process of dependence and globalisation is the legacy of MNC (multinational corporation) penetration of a country in the earlier Kondratieff-cycle (Tausch/de Boer, 1996) or the effects of the share of inward FDI stock in the gross domestic product of the host countries of MNC penetration. The MNC-penetration-concept was first contained in the very widely used publication by Bornschier and Heintz, reworked and enlarged by Ballmer-Cao and Scheidegger, later on widely popularised by the book publication Bornschier/Chase Dunn, 1985. The emphasis was on MNC investments, 1967 and 1973, weighted by population and total capital stock, and on the more recent UNCTAD concept of the share of FDI stock in total host-country GDP. That is to say, available measurements correspond to the value of the indicator during the B-phase of the earlier long economic cycle. The more dependent a country is in the system of the world-wide market economy, th! e greater will be the penetration of its economy by transnational capital. Dependency theories (Cardoso/Faletto, 1971) hold, that the countries of the periphery were integrated into the world-economy in the following sequence of events (i) desarrollo hacia exterior (development to the outside) (ii) desarrollo hacia adentro (inward-looking development) (iii) transnacionalizacion de los mercados internos (internationalisation of the internal markets) Starting from the late 1950s, the transnational system increasingly dominates the industrialisation process of the periphery and the semi-periphery (phase iii). The penetration of the host countries by transnational investment becomes the most important scientific yardstick of dependency (Bornschier/Chase-Dunn, 1985). The long cycle literature, largely overlooked by macroquantitative development studies, tells us, why there is a recurrent pattern of instability in the social orders both at the level of national society as well as at the level of the international system itself. It also explains the often puzzling aspect, how different studies, using different time perspectives, reach different results. Long cycles by themselves are quite a strong argument in the debate about the long-run viability of the world-wide market economy: the recurrence of cycles, depressions and wars was thematically portrayed, amongst others, by Goldstein (1988) in a very far-reaching empirical study of world development from 1450 onwards, leading him to the conclusion that the capitalist world systems tends continuously towards wars and violent conflicts: Graph 3.1: the tendencies of the capitalist world economy towards Kondratieff cycles economic growth (left hand scale) and war intensity (right-hand scale) in the world economy. Moving 9-year averages, calculated with EXCEL 5.0 from Goldstein's original data.war intensity = nat. logarithm from (1 + battle fatalities from great-power wars ^0.10)The recurrence of major power wars in the capitalist world economy from 1495 to the present is one of the most intriguing features of the international system. Each world political cycle up to now corresponded to a 'W'-pattern of war intensity. The x-axis in our graph is the number of years after the end of the major power wars, i.e. 1648, 1816, and 1945. economic growth in the world system since 1740; adapted from Goldstein, 1988 and UN ECE/Fischer Weltalmanach, current issues. 5 and 9-year moving averagesFrom Goldstein's data series, it is possible to derive - without any smoothening of the data - at the following cycles of war in world society since 1495, using 6th order polynomial expressions: Graph 3.2: The war cycles since 1495 1495-1648 1649-18161817-19451946 - annual battle fatalities from major great power wars in thousandsEach such long cycle of world politics is characterised, according to Modelski, by a dominant world economic power and it's challenger. Goldstein has very aptly described these world political cycles in great detail, so there is no need to repeat his reasoning here. The simple statistical evidence to support his theory on the basis of his own original data is surprising, though. Our tests use a very common software, available on millions of home micro-computers around the world (the EXCEL 5.0 programme). The R^2 for the test series is between 31% and 91%; no transformation of the data was performed. The W-structure of conflict emerges neatly from all the tests. And each time, the challengers for world hegemony of a dominant sea-power were former members of the ruling coalition (France, Germany, Russia + China?), while the challengers in the world wars (Thirty Years War, Napoleonic Wars, G! erman Wars of our century) always were continental powers (the Hapsburgs, France, Germany) (see also: Modelski, 1987; Goldstein, 1988). Ever since the days of Schumpeter, economists and sociologists were inclined to see also more short-term cycles at work, namely the Kitchin cycles, lasting three and a half years, the Jugar cycles lasting 8-10 years, and the Kuznets cycles between 18 and 25 years. The intense controversy about cycles should only be mentioned briefly here; for the policy-maker perhaps more important is the fact, that after the economic crisis of 1825, the stock exchange collapse of 1873, the Black Friday of 1929 and the world recession starting in 1973/75, world capitalism has experienced quite severe downswing-phases, that hit with elementary weight especially the countries of the periphery and the semi-periphery. The Kondratieff cycles of approximately 50 years duration and the Kuznets cycles, 20 years long, are especially relevant for our understanding of the ups and downs of world economics and politics: our data series, constructed from Goldstein's original data, is explained quite markedl! y by the application of the Kondratieff and Kuznets-cycle hypotheses, even when there are now data filtering or smoothening operations being performed: Graph 3.3: Kuznets-cycles in the world system, 1756 - 1975 Three Kuznets cycles make up one Kondratieff cycle; three Kondratieff cycles up to now led the world economy in a W-shaped pattern towards the major global wars. The 'filtering' of the very short-term economic fluctuations plays an important part in the debate about the existence of Kondratieff-cycle fluctuations. It should not be denied here, that Kondratieff cyclical movements in the world economy are seen to be highly controversial, with a large tradition in economic literature, like Eklund and Kuznets, denying the existence of such cycles. Other social scientists from a variety of theoretical camps, only some of them, like Mandel, Marxists, others, like Forester, W. W. Rostow, also took up the challenge of long-wave research. Filtering out the very-short-term Kitchen-cycle fluctuations by applying 5 year moving averages and then to explain these moving averages by a Kondratieff cycle hypotheses from 1756 seems to be a reasonable new research strategy. The results for such a procedure are being reprinted below: Graph 3.4a: New evidence regarding the Kondratieff cycles, 1740-1975, based on 5-year moving averages Graph 3.4b: Kondratieff cycles, based on 10 year moving averagesThus, we achieved here a structural differentiation of the time periods, and it will be easier to correctly evaluate the cross-national evidence from different periods in the history of the evolution of the world economy. Throughout this work, the following statements hold:Regression coefficients at the level of error probability < or = 5% are printed in bold type. The following further conditions do hold: Concepts: growth always refers to per capita income growth in real terms, if not specified otherwise Time period: 1980s and beyond (if not specified otherwise) Missing values: mean substitution, if possible, by known values for the economic or geographic region (like: countries with low human development, excluding India et cetera) It should be explained here, what is meant under the term 'structural adjustment': the empirical measurement (and not normative concept) of adjustment compares the GNP per capita growth rates in two subsequent periods with a regression-based residual analysis. In other words: we try to answer the empirical, and not normative question, which countries accelerated their economic growth compared to the earlier cycle, and which countries adapted badly to the new conditions. Our measurement concept compares growth rates predicted for the period of the new Kondratieff cycle (post 1980/82)(^Yi) upon knowledge of the performance during the earlier Kondratieff B-phase (1965-80) with the actual growth rates Yi during the new Kondratieff cycle from 1980/82 onwards: (3.1) adjustment i = Yitn-^Yitn Y = economic growth Ytn = a + b1 * Ytn-1 Changes in the underlying logic of ascent and decline in the world economy will be especially observable at a time of comparison between the logic of a waning Kondratieff cycle and the emerging laws of a new cycle. Thus, adjustment will be a theoretically especially relevant phenomenon. Next, we should deal with the trade-off between development level and performance. Policy planning must, in order to avoid spurious results, under any circumstances properly specify such trade-offs. Poor countries increase rapidly their average life-expectancy or economic growth and they quickly reduce their income inequality; prima vista there will be a spurious and very high, but absolute non-sense correlation between, say, the number of shanty-town dwellers per total population and life expectancy increases. The reduction of the infant mortality rate, the acceleration of growth or the redistribution of income over time will all dramatically and positively be influenced by the number of people still living in shanty towns. If we do not properly specify development level as an intervening variable, our results will be biased extremely. The curve-linear function of growth, being regressed on the natural logarithm of development level and it's square, is sometimes called the 'Matthew's effect' following Matthew's (13, 12): 'For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance: but whosoever hath not, for him shall be taken away even that he hath' Social scientists interpreted this effect mainly in view of an acceleration of economic growth in middle-income countries vis-ą-vis the poor countries and in view of the still widening gap between the poorest periphery nations ('have-nots') and the 'haves' among the former Second and Third World (Jackman, 1982): (3.2) economic growth/adjustment success = a1 + b1* ln (PCItn-1)-b2* (ln(PCItn-1))2 The same function is also applied to income inequality, following a famous essay published by S. Kuznets in 1955. Redistribution gets underway after 1000 $ per capita income is reached; the share of the richest 20% diminishes from approximately 55% to around 40%. Growth and adjustment accelerate with redistribution. Now, we should turn to basic human needs satisfaction and hence, life expectancy: it is very difficult to arrive at valid propositions about social conditions and development as a dependent variable on the basis of income distribution data alone. There are comparable World Bank income distribution data for only 65 countries, while basic human needs satisfaction data are available from many more countries. Studies about the determinants of basic human needs satisfaction, and hence, poverty are of a more recent date (Stokes and Andreson, 1990; Tausch and Prager, 1993; furthermore: Moon and Dixon, 1992; Ragin and Bradshaw, 1992). The idea to link life expectancy to energy consumption levels or dollar income levels, that is to say, to patterns of civilisation, that exploit mother earth and lead to the self-destruction of life chances of the human species, is still somewhat revolutionary, although there has been quite an extensive debate among different researchers from the ILO, th! e World Bank and other researcher institutions, most notably Goldstein, 1985b and Russett, 1983b, on the proper specification of the development-basic-human-needs trade-off. Among the decision makers of our time, US vice-president Gore formulated such 'green' philosophical apprehensions in the most stringent fashion (Gore, 1994). It is difficult to design a single indicator of the civilisational malaise constituted by the environmental crisis caused by the industrial mode of production. But the energy consumption-life expectancy trade-off offers a very clear, mathematical expression. The prime success measure of a society should be, how much energy can be saved in achieving a given quantity of life of the population and to avoid premature death. The limited resources of our planet, so clearly foreseen by Polanyi, dictate, that as little as possible energy is being used. The social demands and moral convictions of civilisations dictate, that premature death should be avoided. T! hus, eco-social reasoning taking into account the performance scores of the energy consumption-life expectancy trade-off would hold, that the energy consumption of a society should be minimised and life expectancy maximised. One recent formulation of this position, reported in Tausch and Prager, 1993, that contains a reference to the extensive earlier debate at the World Bank and at the ILO about this trade-off, arrived at the conclusion that using very common deviates of the natural constants e (2.7) and pi (3.1) reproduce this important trade-off in an optimal fashion, although most other published mathematical formulations boil down to similar strong curve-linear functions. It is also imperative to consider the effect of already achieved levels of life expectancy on the subsequent life expectancy increase: a poor society with, say, 40 years life expectancy, will find it easier to expand the well-being of the population to 50 years average life expectancy than a society that! already reached the level of a 75 year-average. To avoid problems of collinearity, increases in life expectancy over time are being calculated by differences in logarithms 10, i.e. (3.3) DYN LEX = ((log 10 (LEX tn)-log 10 (LEX tn-1)) * 100 Let LEX denote life expectancy or other basic human needs indicators, PCI per capita incomes, ENCONS p.c. energy consumption rates per capita and year in kg oil equivalent, and DYN rates of increases of basic human needs satisfaction. On a world scale and for different groups of countries, levels of human development and increases in terms of human development, reductions in infant mortality et cetera will always significantly correspond to the following function and the first derivate: (3.4) LEX = a + b1 * (ENCONS p.c.)^(1/(e^2)) - b2 * (ENCONS p.c.)^ln(pi) R2 = 72.4%; F = 157.63; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289 (3.5) DYN LEX(tn) = a - b1 * LEX (tn-1) +- b2 * (PCI)(tn-1)^((1/(e^2))-1)-b3 * (PCI)(tn-1)^(((ln(pi))-1))) R2 = 69.8%; F = 91.85; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289 predictors b2 and b3 only: R2 = 43.3%; F = 45.89; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289. Formulation also possible with ENCONS p.c., but the PCI data series is more complete Based on UNDP (1993) data for all the countries that report economic growth rates for the periods 1965-80-90, equation (3.4) explains 72.4% of total variance of life expectancy; equation (3.5) - even without life expectancy in 1960 as an additional control variable - explains 45.9% of total variance. Equation (3.2) can also be applied to human development, the world gender issues and democratisation: (3.6a) human development or gender development or gender empowerment = a1 - b1* ln (PCItn-1) + b2* (ln(PCItn-1))2 or (3.6b) political rights violations or civil rights violations = a1 + b1* ln (PCItn) - b2* (ln(PCItn))2 Human development, and the growing participation of women in society, are a clearly rising function of achieved development level, while political and civil rights violations decrease along the course of development. No result is weaker than roughly 2/5 of variance explained; and all results show - per se - an optimistic perspective for human development, gender justice and democratisation: the human development index, the gender development index, the gender empowerment index (ranging from 0.0 to 0.999 each), political rights violations and civil rights violations (ranging from 1.0 to 7.0) are all to be represented as a function of achieved development level in 1990 (expressed in purchasing power parity rate). For the calculation of the gender empowerment (GEI) function, the following procedure to estimate missing data was followed: means of country groups with available data were taken to substitute missing values. The following groups were used: industrial countries (UNDP d! efinition, 1993; GEI = 0.56); developing countries with a higher human development index (UNDP 1993 list - Barbados through to Saint Lucia; GEI = 0.391); developing countries with medium human development (UNDP 1993 list - Turkey through to El Salvador; GEI = 0.347); developing countries with low human development (UNDP 1993 list - Maldives through to Sierra Leone; GEI = 0.27). The following statistical properties of the functions hold: human development index R^2 = 82.4%; F = 281.0 gender development index R^2 = 80.1%; F = 240.8 gender empowerment index R^2 = 60.0%; F = 90.0 political rights violations R^2 = 38.0%; F = 36.8 civil rights violation R^2 = 40.0%; F = 39.9 Gender empowerment itself is a very strong non-linear function of achieved development level. The above functions will be used in the following chapter to evaluate the validity of different development theories to explain the dependent variables under due consideration of these general development functions. To exclude them will lead to spurious results. The capability poverty measure, in turn, is being determined by the following function of real purchasing power of a society: Graph 3.5a: capability poverty as a function of real purchasing power - the results at the level of the semi-periphery and periphery countries Graph 3.5b: capability poverty as a function of real purchasing power - the results at the level of the semi-periphery and periphery countries with a real GDP per capita between 4000 $ and 8500 $ Finally, we summarise the critical values of the t-test, applied in this work, at the 5%-level in Graph 3.6:Graph 3.6: critical values of the t-testLegend: the x-axis symbolises degrees of freedom, the y-axis critical values of the t-test at the 5%-level according to Kriz, 1978 From austria@it.com.pl Wed Jan 15 08:48:47 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Wed, 15 Jan 1997 16:49:02 +0100 (MET) Subject: Kondartieff waves - update on circular, 15 Jan. 1996 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu The circular was sent without specifying the authors name and address: Arno Tausch c/e-mail austria@it.com.pl Labour attaché, Austrian Embassy Warsaw From austria@it.com.pl Wed Jan 15 08:48:51 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Wed, 15 Jan 1997 16:47:00 +0100 (MET) Subject: Kondratieff waves and Russian history-printout format suggestion: Times Roman 12.0 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu The Eastern part of Europe and the long Kondratieff wave: historical and macroquantitative evidence Just as during the world depression of the 1930s, democracy could not survive in the region (Polanyi, 1944), today the danger arises, that instability and not democratisation will triumph in the end, especially in countries like those of the former USSR. The turning points in the long waves between the ascents and decline phases (B-phases) were always the beginnings of political decay in the region as well, while the ascent phases were associated with authoritarian modernisation; time-lags between the Western cycle and the Eastern semi-periphery and periphery have to be admitted. The decisive-kairos-years are: 1509 1539 1575 1621 1689 1756 1835/42 1884 1933 1982 The logic of the Kondratieff waves from 1756 onwards are given as follows: social process cycle 1756-1835/41 basic project defeudalization prosperity reform compulsory education, conscription; American and French Revolution; Joseph II (Austria) mid-cycle conflict wars of the French Revolution, Napoleonic wars Poland: 1807 Duchy of Warsaw technological change basic industrial steam engine (end 18th century) projects 'Spinning Jenny' (J. Stargreave, 1770) new technologies steam locomotive 'Puffing Billy' emerging during (W. Hadley, 1813) prosperity re- cession Unresolved problem freedom of association crisis of the model revolution 1830 Poland: rebellion 1830/31 international regime A-phase British naval dominance (George III) B-phase 'congress of Vienna'-regime dominant economic theory A. Smith, 1776 political economy of world system D. Ricardo, 1817 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------- social process cycle 1835/42-83 1884-1932 1933-81 basic project freedom of market enlargement welfare and enterprise of participa- state, tion corporatism prosperity reform freedom of asso- social secu- educational ciation rity, parlia- reform, mentarism civil rights, emancipation of women mid-cycle conflict wars and civil Eastern Europe: Vietnam war, wars Revolution world student Poland: revolution 1905 rebellion 1863/64 1968 strikes, terrorism Polish Winter 1970 technological change basic industrial railway, steel, oil, inputs and steamship electricity, synthetics, technological electric automobile projects motor new technologies steel petrochemicals chips emerging during prosperity re- cession unresolved prob- lem enlargement relationship basic income of participation capital, la- environment bour, state unequal exchange crisis of the model revolution revolution contestation 1871 1917 of the model Poland: Poland: from 1968 socialist strikes onwards movement peasant 1880s uprisings Poland: 1936/37 Summer 1980 international regime A-phase liberal mercantilism Bretton world trade Woods B-phase -"- hypermercan- neo- tilism protectio- nism dominant eco- nomic theory J. St. Mill, A. Marshall, J.M. Keynes, 1848 1890 1936 political economy of world system K. Marx, 1867 R. Hilferding, K. Polanyi, 1910 1944 from E. de Boer and Arno Tausch 'The Imperative of Social Transformation' The danger is of course, that the Cold-War structure will be substituted by a new power rivalry between the former members of the winning coalition of World War II: Hegemonial wars in the world system from 1495 onwards Role in War Thirty Years War Napoleonic WW I+II losing hegemonic contender Hapsburgs France Germany new hegemon Netherlands Britain USA newly emerging challenger: eco- nomically deci- mated member of winning coalition France Germany China+ Russia past contender for systemic hegemony, joining the war effort of the winning coalition Sweden Hapsburgs France Portugal The former hegemonic contenders slowly slide into an acceptance of their status in the international system. The real power struggle erupts already soon after the great hegemonic war, and through the ups and downs of the history of the system evolves slowly into the hegemonic challenge. Seen in such a way, not 1989, but Korea and Vietnam could become rather the benchmarks of the future W-structure of conflict in the international arena. For the foreign policies of the European Union, it is also important to notice the following tendency: German-Russian alliances tend to happen during depressions, and they break up during the economic upswings of the world system: Khol + Gorbi/Boris 1985 ff. Rapallo 1922 Bismarck’s Three Emperor Alliance 1873 Holy Alliance 1815 Alliance Russia-Germany 1764 Nordic War 1700-1721 The relationship of the Kondratieff and Kuznets cycles with Russian history is the following: Reforms KONDRATIEFF Perestroika, Lenin’s NEP, OR KUZNETS Great Reforms 1861, DOWNSWING Katharinas Assembly 1775 Nobility's Victory 1730, Split of the State Church 1653, Boris Godunow 1598-1605 Repressive Modernisation KONDRATIEFF Joseph Stalin, OR KUZNETS Imperialistic Expansion UPSWING and Repressive Industria- lisation at the end of 19. th century Nikolas the Gendarme of Europe, Elisabeth’s expansionist policy, Peter the Great, Michael III, Iwan the Terrible Reform Repression <-----------------------------------------------------------------> 1985 'Gorbi' <--------------> 1928 Stalin 57 Years 64 Years 47 Years 1921 NEP <--------------> Alexander III 40 Years 60 Years 56 Years 1861 Great Reforms <--------------> Nikolas I 1825 36 Years 86 Years 84 Years 1775 Constituent <--------------> Elisabeth's expansionist rule Assembly 34 Years 1741 45 Years 52 Years 1730 Victory of <--------------> Peter I 1689 Nobility 41 Years 77 Years 76 Years Church Split 1653<--------------> Michael III 1613 40 Years 55 Years 48 Years Boris Godunow 1598 <--------------> Iwan's 'Oprichina' 1565 33 Years Average periods of Russian history: Perestroika <--------------> authoritarian modernisation 40 Years 64.5 Years 60.5 Years _____________________________________________________ Seen in such a way, there is even little that the West seems to be able to do to stabilise democracy in Russia. However, the return of the East Europeans towards a more ‘middle of the road’ and sensible philosophy - whatever the colour of the government (Orenstein, 1996) - seems to be an urgent necessity, after the ups and downs of central planning and ‘the central market principle’. From chriscd@jhu.edu Wed Jan 15 10:37:43 1997 15 Jan 1997 12:36:50 -0500 (EST) 15 Jan 1997 12:36:43 -0500 (EST) Date: Wed, 15 Jan 1997 12:37:04 -0500 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: FWD> Internet and Latin America (fwd)] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu Organization: Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218 USA Tue, 14 Jan 1997 18:33:23 -0500 (EST) Tue, 14 Jan 1997 18:33:16 -0500 (EST) 14 Jan 1997 17:27:57 -0600 (CST) by mcfeeley.cc.utexas.edu (8.7.6/8.7.3/mcfeeley.mc-1.17) 14 Jan 1997 17:25:26 -0600 (CST) 14 Jan 1997 16:26:40 -0700 (MST) 14 Jan 1997 16:25:21 -0700 (MST) 14 Jan 1997 16:25:20 -0700 (MST) Date: Tue, 14 Jan 1997 18:24:07 -0500 From: Molly Molloy Subject: FWD> Internet and Latin America (fwd) Sender: owner-lasnet@mcfeeley.cc.utexas.edu To: lala-l , LASNET , Lois Stanford Reply-to: mmolloy@LIB.NMSU.EDU Here's an interesting new article!! Molly Molloy New Mexico State University Library Las Cruces, NM 88003 505-646-6931 mmolloy@lib.nmsu.edu http://lib.nmsu.edu/staff/mmolloy ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 14 Jan 97 16:03:06 CDT From: Ron E. Mader To: mexico2000@mep-d.org, latco@psg.com Subject: FWD> Internet and Latin America Cyberculture Comes to the Americas by Barbara Belejack (102334.201@CompuServe.COM) Kunanqa rihsisunchisya Runa Simita, inkakunah rimayninta, Kay musuhanpi, Supercarretera de Informacion, Internetpa Kancharyninwan. Even for those without a word of Quechua, the phrase Supercarretera de Informacion, Internetpa,. is a dead give-away: "Let's learn Quechua, language of the Incas, the modern way, via the information highway through the light of the Internet." The message appeared in a Lima newsweekly last July, directing readers to the web page of the Peruvian Scientific Network (RCP), a non-profit, user-financed consortium of individual, academic, non-governmental, business and public-sector members. It was founded in Lima in 1991 with one computer, three modems and 7,000 dollars in seed money from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). In 1994 the RCP connected to the backbone of the National Science Foundation (NSF) and now includes over 3,000 member-organizations and nearly 60,000 individual users. In the words of director Jose Soriano, it is an autonomous network that strictly applies the concept of the Internet -- a network of national networks that belongs to no one and everyone. On the telecommunications-fair circuit, where he is a frequent speaker, Soriano makes a passionate case for a regional Latin American backbone -- the necessary infrastructure that would allow the Internet to be used to the fullest extent as a developmental tool. A Latin American backbone would decentralize the use of communications technology beyond the major cities, and lessen the region's dependence on satellite connection to the United States. He portrays the Internet as a latter-day version of Bolvar's dream and the last chance to reverse centuries of centralization in Peru that have concentrated economic development in Lima and isolated much of the countryside. During the 1994 Miami Summit of the Americas, Internet connectivity was declared a priority for the region and the Organization of American States (OAS), the NSF and the UNDP have been responsible for much of the recent push for full connectivity. All countries in the hemisphere have at least simple e-mail connections and with few exceptions, most are connected to the Internet. (In September Cuba connected through Sprint in the United States.) By far the most networked nation in the region is Brazil, where the Internet has been featured on a TV Globo soap opera. According to Matrix Information and Data Systems in Austin, Texas, the opening up of the Internet market in Brazil has resulted in 2,333% growth between January 1995 and January 1996. Although they may be just as confused about the role of print media in cyberspace as their counterparts north of the Rio Grande, most major publications in Latin America are on the Internet, and most have a special computer section or at least a computer columnist to chronicle the many wonders of cyberspace. And when an attorney with ties to the drug world was shot and killed in a Monterrey restaurant last spring, the newspaper El Norte obtained his computer diskettes and published dozens of incriminating letters on its web site. Soon after, the governor of the state of Nuevo Leon resigned and was charged with masterminding the attorney's murder. The range of cyberactivities is coming to resemble the computer supermarket of the North. Brazil's largest bank offers electronic banking; Mexco's largest private university is pioneering a virtual university; a Venezuelan e-zine points readers to web sites devoted to Hillary Clinton's hair. And like up north, computer-culture personalities have captured the popular imagination; the Latin American journeys of Bill Gates make for front page headlines throughout the region. But aside from cyberscoops and technological prowess, what does the Internet have to offer in the way of cultural and politics? Does it differ from radio, television, public-access cable television, video and all the other technological innovations touted as great equalizers and promoters of democracy? Is there anything really different going on now? While RCP prides itself on its computer stations--.cabinas publicas. -- that make the Internet available to those without computers at home, "available" is a relative concept in a country where only 20% of the population is adequately employed and the cost of a basic basket of consumer goods exceeds the average worker's salary. According to a preliminary study of the RCP conducted by University of Lima sociologist Javier Diaz-Albertini, the average individual member is male, university-educated, 28 years old and resides in a high-income district of Lima. The Internet should be seen as a tool -- no more, no less, says Scott Robinson, an anthropologist who coordinates Mexico's Rural Information Network on the non-profit LaNeta network. Robinson is less concerned about the number of individual users in the region than the number of barriers that appear when information and databases become products in nations that never developed a culture of freedom of information. And as Soriano somewhat reluctantly admits, perhaps it is time to start talking about "two Internets." The current one, he conjectures, with all the wonderful, full-graphic and video applications may be confined to North-South communication for the elites of the region, while there may also be a South-South Internet of lower quality connecting Latin American countries to one another. "We should not simply abandon this technology because it is unlikely that all the people will have direct access to it," says Carlos Afonso of the network of the Brazilian Institute of Social and Economic Analysis (IBASE), a progressive think tank and umbrella organization based in Rio de Janeiro. The fact is that popular organizations can use the medium and are using it as a powerful instrument for democratization of information and exchange of common plans, policies and strategies. Until mid-1994, Internet access in Brazil was limited to a select portion of the academic community. The only organization providing services outside academia was AlterNex, the network of IBASE. The country now has the most extensive regulation of the Internet; phone companies are prohibited from providing access services to end users and the Brazilian government subsidizes the development of the Internet backbone structure. Just as in the United States, the Internet in Latin America is shifting from a primarily academic-based model with its origins in departments of engineering and computer science, to a commercial model. In the United States the process took 20 years; in Latin America it has happened much more rapidly and in the context of privatization and deregulation of national telephone companies, and the specter of a handful of corporations carving out global markets. One of the first countries in the region to experiment with the Internet was Mexico, where efforts to connect networks at the National Autonomous University in Mexico City (UNAM) and the private Technological Institute of Monterrey (ITESM or Monterrey Tec) began over a decade ago. In 1985 the computer science department at the University of Chile began experimenting with UUCP (UNIX-to- UNIX copy program, an early technology that uses ordinary modems and phone lines to handle e-mail and network news), and in 1987 Chile became the first Latin American nation, followed by Argentina, to enter the UUCP network with access to e-mail and USENET. (Among the factors contributing to the early development of the Internet in Argentina and Uruguay was the return of political exiles who had been teaching and researching at U.S. and European universities.) Chile's two competing academic networks are now commercial. To a great extent, the development of the progressive movement of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Latin America is a product of the development of the "other Internet," the one without the glitz. Internet connections made an increasing number of alliances possible across borders. Alliances on environmental, human rights, labor and other issues have been facilitated by the Association for Progressive Communications (APC), a global network, comprised of 20 member networks in 135 countries, including the Institute for Global Communications (IGC) which operates PeaceNet, EcoNet, ConflictNet, LaborNet and WomensNet in the United States. Two of the earliest activist networks in Latin America were IBASE AlterNex and Nicarao, the electronic mail node established by APC in Nicaragua in 1985 in response to the U.S. hostility to the Sandinista government. The campaign against the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the early 1990s created alliances among organizations in the United States, Mexico and Canada, many of which shared communication via APC networks. Those networks, along with academic newsgroups, mobilized almost immediately after the January 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, and again in February 1995, in the wake of increased militarization. More recently, activists began laying the foundation for an Intercontinental "Network of Alternative Communication" (RICA in Spanish) as a way to consolidate already existing social communications networks and to share organizing strategies. Another Internet-based effort to bypass traditional media is Pulsar, a Quito-based project that functions as a low-budget, grassroots news agency for community radio stations throughout Latin America. Financed in part by the Canadian government's international-education fund, Pulsar serves as an alternative wire service for community radio stations, effectively bypassing the traditional wire services whose services are too expensive and whose stories reflect a heavy U.S. or European bias. Using the Internet, Pulsar staff gather stories from newspapers such as La Jornada in Mexico or La Republica in Lima, rewrite the news in "broadcast" format, and distribute the newscasts by e-mail. The project is establishing a network of correspondents who will help pool information, and plans call for an eventual exchange of stories among community radio stations throughout the region. Perhaps the most important role of the Internet to grassroots organizations involves the simplest technology--the use of e-mail--not only to mobilize around human rights and environmental emergencies, but to cut costs. "I can't conceive of any other way of doing our work," explains Ernesto Morales, who directs the Mexico City office of the Guatemalan Human Rights Commission. In addition to daily correspondence, the Commission is mandated by the United Nations to prepare four quarterly reports a year in English and Spanish which are distributed through e-mail. Although the Commission's offices in Canada, Mexico, Costa Rica and Spain have become dependent on the Internet, that's not yet the case in Guatemala, where traditionally military officials have held high positions in the state-run phone company. Telephone service is now privatized, but Guatemalans have become accustomed to assuming that telephone conversations are tapped. As Morales explains, both "a culture of terror," as well as technological backlog have to be overcome. Another concern to activists and NGOs is the growing body of "cyberwar" and "netwar" literature pioneered by Rand Corporation analyst David Ronfeldt, who along with David Arquilla of the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, coined the terms in a 1993 article "CyberWar is Coming!" In 1993, Ronfeldt was thinking along the lines of a potential threat from an updated version of the Mongol hordes that would upset the etablished hierarchy of institutions. He predicted that communication would be increasing organizing "into cross-border networks and coalitions, identifying more with the development of civil society (even global civil society) than with nation-states, and using advanced information and communictions technologies to strengthen their activities." By 1995 Ronfeldt was characterizing the Zapatista activists as highly successful in limiting the government's maneuverability, and warning that "the country that produced the prototype social revolution of the 20th century may now be giving rise to the prototype social netwar of the 21st century." When the cabinas publicas finally arrived in Cuzco last summer, they were installed with great ceremony by local and university officials at the University of San Antonio Abad. Soon after, RCP's homepage began appearing in Quechua, as well as Spanish and English. Soriano insists that the Internet must reflect local language and culture and not just be a window for Peruvians to view the wonders of the United States. To finance the growth of the Internet and projects deemed not commercially viable, RCP has begun a series of joint ventures with commercial businesses, leading to charges that the non-profit consortium is trying to dominate the Internet in Peru. Since its founding, RCP has battled with the various incarnations of the Peruvian phone company as well as with government officials suspicious of an independent communications network that has an obvious appeal to human rights and other NGOs. Soriano insists that the private telephone monopoly, Telefonica del Peru has deliberately stonewalled on the installation of infrastructure in the provinces and charged steep prices for long-distance services to cover the inflated price at which it purchased the public telephone company. Since purcasing the state-owned service in 1993, Telefonica enjoys a five-year monopoly that Soriano describes as a modern-day version of the Conquest. (Telefonica's majority owner is Telefonica de Espana, whose international division is very active in Latin America, with a stake in the telephone companies of Agentina, Chile, Venezuela, Colombia, and Puerto Rico as well as Peru.) The Internet itself, of course, is in transition. Existing main data pipes of the Internet backbone are not paying for themselves, and veteran net watchers like Carlos Afonso foresee an eventual dual pricing scheme, classifying services into lower and higher priority in terms of real-time data transfer. In the United States, the trend is toward increasing specialization of the Internet, with service providers turning into information providers and purchasing bulk modem time from phone companies, or from firms that buy lines in bulk from phone companies. That trend has not yet begun in Latin America, but it will. In the meantime, Internet watchers in the region would do well to see that the growing gap that Peruvian writer Alfredo Bryce Echenique describes as the fundamental challenge for the 21st century--the gap between "the slow" and "the connected" -- does not grow any bigger than it already is. A version of this article appeared in NACLA Report on the Americas Contact the author via email at 102334.201@CompuServe.COM Contact NACLA at nacla@igc.apc.org -- Ron E. Mader, Publisher El Planeta Platica: Eco Travels in Latin America WWW http://www.planeta.com ron@txinfinet.com ------------------------------------------------------------ InfiNet - an online community for progressive information BBS 512.462.0633 Telnet://shakti.txinfinet.com:3000 WWW http://www.greenbuilder.com From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Fri Jan 17 15:04:03 1997 Date: Fri, 17 Jan 97 15:49:41 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: neutopia solicited To: World Systems Network Dear WWW, Doctress Neutopia and I share something extremely rare, practically never found. The pity of it all is, that it exists anywhere in anyone at all. Withal, your kind solicitation or summons to "wait upon the theorists of the Outer World by this great lady of the Inner Chambers shall be much appreciated, framed even, when once her grief anent her patriarch's passing is abated; alack, Big Daddy is no more; and his sawmill strips its gears in anguish. Nobly-descended mother did depend on the late paterfamilias for the grosser material things in life; for ever since the War Twixt the States and, perhaps, since civil disobedience in Yankeeland against the Fugitive Slave Law, she's despaired of return of her property, first her People, then the Vast Estates. What if the atmosphere of Greensboro, North Helms, stinketh the stench of cigarette factories; Neutopia herself smoketh not, chastising those like me who do, hence are dying. For unto her is vouchsafed Immortal Life, procees for support whereof cometh one way or the other from the Broad Masses of Afro-American tobacco-leaf stashers, remunerated at minimalistic wage or less, in cross-the-state-line Pittsylvania County, Virginia. Which I remember well for its jails & prisons, wherein I spent many a hapless hour in Summer '63, charged with highly imaginative, fictitious, and creatively-fingerpainted crimes showing artistic gift of sorts. Daniel A. Foss From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Fri Jan 17 15:28:01 1997 Date: Fri, 17 Jan 1997 22:26:50 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: [Fwd: Re: neutopia solicited re: WWW kondratiev-catastrophe curves] This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------787422FC38EA -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk --------------787422FC38EA Date: Fri, 17 Jan 1997 22:26:11 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Subject: Re: neutopia solicited re: WWW kondratiev-catastrophe curves References: <199701172204.PAA09189@csf.Colorado.EDU> Harmonious Cloud's verses to Genghis-khan Arrow-sharp cut the wind through Tiźn Shan, The moon shone white as the fleece of the ram. My sorrowing tears wet my horse's mane, But east of Iron Gate Pass our only gain Was the hiss on hiss of sands that slashed My face, while north winds coiled and crashed And the pale grass whistled and moaned beneath; Thus was I brought through bleak desert and heath. Crossing the desert we saw each red dawn, Each sunset we greeted vast night reborn. To come here you brought me ten thousand leagues! What use is fame, that is bought with intrigues? Yet now I keep in the vault of the world And now you are leaving, in battle hurled. The sky in the eighth month is full of snow; Like spring winds that blossoms from pear trees blow, When thousands and tens of thousands of trees Scatter fragrant blooms that waft in the breeze, That fill the air in the orchards around, And lie in white carpets over the ground, So the unlooked-for sudden blizzard shrieks Unrelenting and vile for weeks and weeks, It coats the damp bed-curtains, frosts the felt, Chills the fox-fur, stiffens the padded quilt. My lord it was who brought and forsook me, Not for another but war's gallantry. Strong is he whose hand the wind catches, Who stole my soul, yet no blame attaches. Now ice clenches my lord's iron cuirass. Ice hangs from walls, yard on yard in a mass. The archers cannot draw the horn-spliced bow, And the freezing spear is too cold to throw. Above us snow-packed clouds loom stark and drear, But word has come that the passes are clear. In the camp we drink to departing guests, Pi-pa, violin, Tibetan flute arrests The gloom, though evening snow falls on the gate And wind tears the banners frozen in state. At the parting we shall say what we can To cheer you on the road to Tiźn Shan, Snow-filled and twisting it takes you from sight, Soon all that is left are hoof prints and night. But my lord is my life, I wait his word. In his heart I dwell like a caged bird, This dwelling will ever my kingdom be, And in it he'll always be ruled by me! Daniel A. Foss wrote: > > Dear WWW, > >[snip} I feel you two should know each other. Tu-wit, tu-woo. Woo. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk --------------787422FC38EA-- From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Sat Jan 18 15:01:16 1997 Date: Sat, 18 Jan 97 13:03:44 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: louise liu chronologically speaking first wsn theorist To: World Systems Network W Warren Wagar One of Fernand Braudel's fake-profound utterances runs, "The reality of a social order surrounds us like the air we breathe." Whereto I'd been wont to add, "And like Los Angeles, when you've been made aware of the air, *something really stinks*. Problem is, Braudel *seemingly*, that is, one should hope he had enough sense at that stage of senile dementia in which he wrote the Three Books of the Law, to distinguish between Reality in the ideological sense, which is listed under that name in the phonebooth, and the objective reality, which we don't even know what we mean by that, and which we most certainly don't want to know even exists so long as we gotta go about our business which might get screwed up had we had to realize that we're living in it while we're doing whateveritis wejustgottado. Social socalled Scientists are the only subspecies of the latter living the whole of their everyday-Normal lives almost, or entirely, unconscious of their almost-every-move-and-thought constrained, like the jaded Noblewoman in one of the future ¨?Ł Lady Liu's adolescent kinky-sex manuals "For The Wellborn Wife of Distinguished Ancestry Having Made Good Marriage With Nothing Whatever To Do Thereafter," by the omnipresent pervasiveness of the Observed. The kid sister of the future Liu Yu, apprenticed to a cobbler (perhaps, who knows, a foot fetishist in a period when, in China too, such men were weird and freako even as they are among us, so far as we acknowledge), who heard the song of marching feats of arms, joined the Army, sought to be all he could be, perhaps succeeded, found herself, by sheer genius, as proven by the IQ test results, admitted to the Palace School For Young Ladies in the year 363. Said year, in time, and time is indeed a screwy Thingie, became part of her dissertation title "in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the *jinshi* degree, World System Studies Program, Southern National University at Jiankang, Southern National Peoples Traditional Empire. Year 389 in enumeration from arbitrary fixed point of no known significance"; entitled, *Mirror Image: Roman-Persian Imperial Rivalries on Mesopotamian Silk Route, from the death of Julian the Apostate to the Antioch Insurrection, 363-383*." Today, of course, we know that the years AD, as concocted in 532 by Little Dennis (Dionysius Exiguus), Roman monk, in accordance with Orders, possibly unHoly, turned out exactly what the foregoing disclaimer disclaimed. For the orders' source, Justinian, with ambitions to The-Greathood, 532 started out, with the Nika Insurrection, a Disgrace which was damnwellbetter gonna be made good, Or Else. We know now what that Or Else was, and we no longer need Lady, most recently Louise Liu to tell us. In her lectures at the University of Illinois at Chicago, I mean. Of all the forms, varieties, and nuances of unpopularity & rejection Ms, subsequently Lady, Liu endured at the Palace School for Young Ladies, endurance of virginity cut the worst; was near the top of the stigma list. In wiving, noblemen preferred Experienced Women; the Officer Corps had its caste commit- ment to VIRGINITY OR DEATH. I needn't spell this out precisely. So, with her allowance money, Ms, later Lady (when Liu Yu, by patent of the incumbent Son of Heaven/Yellow Thearch, was admitted to the diminuated privileges of what the Americans called WOOLWORTH NOBILITY) Liu purchased a bunch, call it four, adolescent, call it fourteen-year-old, farmboy slaves, inured to hard, unremitting, mindless toil, and instructed, by signlanguage, they had to learn ars amatoria as if instinctive, how she wanted to be hurt and the precise meaning of the delta x wherewith it was made emotionally compelling; thereafter, they were free, rather, encouraged to take money for their own keeping, from housemates not under the restrictions she herself endured. All she wanted for herself was Friends, Companionship of Fellow Women. She wrote, before entering University, a Feminist Tract. This is Lost, has not come down to us. Its sole trace left in the Histories may or may not be evident in this footnote (Huang, 1990a, p. 72) relating to the scandals of the Liu Song dynasty (420-479) founded by Liu Yu: "Liu Ziye was a teenager who occupied the souther throne for eighteen months. The chronicles report that he was once approached by his half sister, a young woman called Princess Shanyin: 'You and I differ in gender; yet both of us were born of the same father. Now look: You have palace women counted by the thousands; but one husband is all I have! What kind of inequality is this?' He therefore provided her with thirty male concubines." At University, when sixteenyearold Lady Liu was exposed to StateofArt & Cutting Edge Professional Literature in English or translated therinto, she encountered factoids, inconsequential eo ipso, but devastating to self, hers. Eg, in 404, Liu Yu would seize power; in 420 would ascend the Throne. She need not, after all, have done anything so weird ab initio. Consequently when, in her interview of 376 with Valens, following "a furious night's note- scribbling," the Augustus of the East, whom Ammianus Marcellinus called "a man equally ignorant of Literature and War," told her, Girlie, get lost," she huffed, "My brother's gonna be Son of Heaven, and what the fuck are YOU?!" Lady/Louise Liu was wont to say, "The Dark Ages defies all wellintentioned efforts at rehabilitation. It fu-, uh, *******well WAS that bad, so bad, as it happened, that only an Armenian Imperialist Intervention, Yes, I do mean, allude & refer to the United Snakes of Armenia, affectation acquired from your comedy troupe Firesign Theater, could get it even worse than it coulda got with no help at all. Wasn't for Huns, woulda been others. You figure on, you got Huns? Ho. You got Attila an' those people, born losers, we called 'em. Too wellmannered to survive. Why, Attila even *liked women*. UnHunnish, requiring vast cultural changes in the Hun mentalite and gender role configuration. My perusal of the relevant literature informs me that Attila gave his life to the cause of proving to his young and beautiful beloved that he was still the man he used to be. Compared to that most chivalrous, True gentleman, our Huns.... "combined their native savagery with all the vices of a decadent civilization." ASIDE from having whateverittakes to get Conquered by Germans or suchlike, can anyone here please suggest to the rest of the class what's this Decadence thingie. Ms Su? "Debasement of the coinage." Ms Gu? "Sex in high places?" Mr Fang? "Barbarians in the army." ---FUCKING RACIST BITCH! Beg pardon? "Why you allus callin' onna whitelike peoples, not bros & sists?" All ye what art weary & heavy laden, I give ye rest. Anyone's got open eyeballs, I callonem. Perhaps you, now I see th' hate stare, got something to add to the foregoing? "Th' whocares, whybother trip!" Exactly so, almost. On the very verge of the Eve, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, if y' digwhaddImean, were whuzhappnin', I dunnowhatchookidz say today instead, well, say, whydont'cha read thisyer sicko poem aloud to th' class; compare while yer atit, t' gangstarap, remembrin' the while, these folks is filthy, beyond all imagination, rich!.... ***** "...Shi Lei's nephew, Shi Hu (ruled 334-349) was a monster of debauchery whose own son tried to assassinate him" What's the fallacy here, class? EG, as we say, who f'r'instance got assassinated when they *didn't know yet* the motherfucker wuz a monster of debauchery. Very good. "(and was duly executed by his father). This Tartar Bluebeard used to have the most attractive of his concubines roasted and served at table: 'From time to time he used to have one of the girls of his harem beheaded, cooked and served to his guests, while the uncooked head was passed round on a plate to prove that he had not sacrificed the least beautiful.' With the contrast of character not uncommon among barbarians perverted by their first contact with civilization, but capable of being reformed by the preaching of a saint, Shih Hu was one of the most zealous protectors of Buddhism." (Grousset, Rise & Splendour..., p. 106) So ya got the Before an' th' After. Now, would a WHITE MAN, who done got religion, act like the BEFORE, when it's, y'know, already AFTER? Haha, yagotme, knowin' fullwell I's'agonna run a hot irony over yer starched shirtsan'blouses. I am talkin 'bout WHO? Who, meanin' WHO WHUT MADE X-tianity what it's been ever since, the Discriminating, Persecuting, and Majority, or DIE. So long as that aint us. What Stalin did for Communism. Lenin having saved himself from ultimate ignominy by dying with excellent, compared to CERTAIN OTHER PEOPLE I COULDA MENTIONED, TIMING. But thaz revolutions, a whole nother colour of the kettle of fish. In a deservedly obscure book, whose name I shan't dignify with mention, Daniel A. Foss situated a Thingie called Revoutionary Dictator- ship in the, haha, "natural history of social movements," such that, at peak intensity, you get, uh, say, Taborites, Pride's Purge & Cromwell, the terrorist thugs who massacrated the Armenian Tories of whom the minority escaped to Hell, Hull, & Halifax, the Committee of Public Safety, the Bolsheviks and War Communism, Fidel with all the Committees for Defense of the Revolution panopticon claptrap, and A Big Red Sun Rises inna East/China Stinks of Mao Zedong, y'know; and of course, yer basic Islamic Revolutionary Party, after an original fake called the Rastakhiz Party, only this time it's REAL, so watchit, girls, if y'don't want acid inna face. But who's t'see th' fuckin' face, nohow, yer ol' man hasn't looked at it in years, and you got this burlap sack over it Elsewise. This, whut I just said, is 'bout *social movements*, which this Daniel A. Foss usefully, for a change, distinguished conceptually, not always substan- tively, from religious movements. Meaning, you can have periodic Spiritual Great Awakenings, Reform Movements, Heretical Movements, Orthodox Reinvigora- tions, Mass Conversions to a Whole Nother Faith, and the Broad Masses continue doin' th' same old shit. Whut wuz the original conception or promise on both sides, goin' allawayback. Slaves kissassonmasters, wimmin on dudes, an' stuff. NOTHING IS CHANGED except after death, unnerstand. Unless you were Jewish in need of the McCoy Messiah. The Jews, for hundreds of years, in between full- scale guerrilla wars and after, even, had ideologically motivated guerrila- bandit terrorists called *listim*, who imposed their own law and order under Roman noses with the Imperialist Occupation knowing diddly; and there's vast tracts of Talmud devoted to, say, wife gets kidnapped by Romans or puppet troops, don't pay, she's damaged goods. Kidnapped by *listim*, pay, cuz she's inviolated an'wid honour intact. This wuz, I tell ya, almost as good as the Chinese version. X-tians, on Principle, inna most Pricipallated fashion, rebelliolated only, solely, an' exclusively onna Religious plane, which aint no conflict at all, come down to it, pushcometoshove, except and unless and when it does, which is so subtle an' complex an' finetunedified to call with precision, it's a motherfucker, lemmetellya. But dig, as the old folks say; grok, gnow. These X-tians been fulminatin' bout Principalities and Powers, not the Powers of X, mind you, but what art Within The Beltway, whuzzabeltway, that is where the Capitalism-Specific Form of Human Sacrifice, appellated Belt-Tightening, doth not prevail. And have been so doing for THREE HUNDRED YEARS. Year's 325. Connie sez, Till last year, when I kicked ass on Licinius, you wuz Persecuted. What wuz yer Job, t'get Persecuted. As X-tians. Now, I have got done changed yer job description, thusly. I am, as Commander In Chief of All Thingies Existing On Earth, whence they get to go upstairs further on, and on Earth I order all Thingies to get run the Army Way. I, your sole Augustus, a word centuries old meaning MORE THAN HUMAN, ie, SUPERMAN, am gonna preside at the X-tian National Convention, Nicaea, where it will be CONCLUSIVE- LY DECIDED, by me, myself, alone, with my conscience, what Christianity means, exactly, therefore, with comparable exactitude, is. Which may be done compe- tently solely by Greeks. Whereafter the jobs and money will be passed around. Ye that believeth in me, and I don't hafta do this, are in effect district directors of the the Ministry of Social Welfare. Loaves, yes. Fishes, special permission only. DISMISSED! Now, class, who can tell me whaddafug I'm doin' lyin' here stark naked in this bathtub....Okay, all historians agree that Connie's high-society wife, Fausta, died in her bathtub. Version I sez, she got speared like a fish in the tub at Constantine's orders. Version II sez she was speared like a fish *and* got drowned at the same time with the spearers holding her head under water. These historians' accounts follow from the inference that Fausta, as a high-society wife, was delinquent from standpoint of adherence to the code of political behaviour dictated to high-society wives of Major Politcal Players, in pursuance whereto it is incumbent upon the wife, if given good and sufficiency of SUBTLE HINTS to effect that her demise, of a fatal nature, is strongly if not urgently desired, required, even, must dutifully bump, or have herself bumped, off. The third version I found in the previously-cited Constantine and Eusebius (qv, this was posted on Sept 29). Author sez, Fausta was indeed the Good Girl and, having heated the bath to overmuchly excessive H on the C to H scale, fainted from the heat an' boiled herself to death, doing her Wifely Duty in commission of Forced Suicide. Still, he killed her, the motherfucker. So, class, you write me a paper for next class, and in a trice, soon's you are all done split out th' door I am gonna take SOAP to this stinking corporeal body, on the following: WOULD YOU BUY A USED RELIGION FROM THIS MAN. Now, listen, kidz. Constantine, unlike Great Stalin, got away with it. Constantine had Eusebius; Stalin had, inter many alia, Zhdanov. Nobody believes today in the Greatness of Great Stalin; nobody believes anything written by Zhdanov has any Truth-Value more respectable than UNDEFINED. Yet, I shall conclude with a citation from the WORLD'S LEADING AUTHORITY ON ROMAN EMPERORS IN GENERAL, Fergus Millar, in The Emperor In The Roman World, 1977: "If we may trust Eusebius, and why should we not...." Ten billion dollars' profit was made off the Southern Empire in Antiquities. Daniel A. Foss From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Sun Jan 19 16:12:56 1997 Date: Sun, 19 Jan 97 17:08:34 CST From: "d." Subject: she's coming To: world systems network lizzy Good Tidings To Zion on Global Scale: Neutopia has given her word, her life, her sacred honour, to JOIN US! JOIN US! JOIN US! As of "next week," which as it so happens, it is, already. "An injury to one, is an injury to t'other. Dunno 'bout Else." Daniel A. Foss From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Sun Jan 19 18:38:32 1997 Date: Sun, 19 Jan 97 17:29:06 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: tradition of fine craftsbombship To: world systems network First, ongoing coverage of today's top stories. Video: New Haven Register, Sunday January 19 1997 FEDERAL BLDG BOMB COVERUP CHARGED--CHONG "So-called 'Performance Terrorist' Generalissimo Chong, self-styled Field Marshal in the suppositious Ming Restorationist Ever-Victorious Army, believed disappeared or destroyed since 1683, announced yesterday, from his trademark black helicopter, stolen from Republic of China National Palace Air Museum, Taipei, Taiwan (previously flown by Chiang Kai-Shek, the imperial-yellow characters visible from vertically beneath translate he exploded numerous pinpoint-precision bombs beneath all steelframe structural girders in the Congressman Robert Giamo Federal Building, 105 Court Street, just east of the New Haven Green. Federal employees, when prodded, do in some but hardly all accounts recall 'a slight gravitational wiggling,' or in the words of one security guard, 'dumfug-weirdness, man.' "In his emergency-short-notice news conference today, President Clinton heatedly, for him, denied "absolutely and categorically" that I Myself or anyone in MY Administration covered anything up or even knew of anything to cover up. WAIT! That came out wrong, uh, I really." "On Capital Hill, hardly even by the narrowest margin Ethical Speaker Newt Gingrich, exploiting to the hilt the victory of Ms (or is it now Rep?) Paula Jones in a Special Election, it is at this time undetermined to what if any office, declared "the apparent coverup" as "typical of his ¨ClintonŁ proclivities for indecently exposing whut he orter have hid, and meanwhile dysinforming, misinforming, an' keepin'-ignorantin' th' vast Armenian people of whatorter be tolled. I mean, such as not just this, but illegal Aliens, not all of whom are from, uh, here, comin'in'ere from WORMHOLES-IN-SPACETIME --excuse me I'm havin' a fit --what I mean, I swear to you, we are gonna find out, betcherbazoo, what the President did not know and morer importantly, when he did not know it. And then, I do solemnly swear or so he'p me, I'm gonna jump off the GW Monument, we gonna find out whut'all this WORMHOLE THINGIE is, and blast whutever aint worms comin' outta the things, I'm sayin' we got no idea in hell already got in already, but so he'p me, I very strongly suspect thay AINT what I am accustomed to call NORMAL PEOPLE.' "Field Marshal Chong claims that he served as a Daoist-magic demolition expert in the Northern Palace Armies, headquartered outside Jiankang, seat of government under Wu (222-280), Eastern Jin (317-420), Liu Song (420-479), Qi (479-502), Liang (502-557) and Chen (557-589). Today, this city is known to Chinese and charmed Westerners alike as Nanjing, whose loveliness, as we see in this video footage on your screen, is unsullied by reminders of this disgusting and disgraceful period in the dim and distant past. What Commander-in-Chief Chong tells us, for example, about "You American imperialists were ruling, ruining, looting, perverting, and genociding the shit out of our historic nation and people" did not, in some strict sense, *actually happen*, as the only people victimized were in *an alternative timeline* which is not, currently, in *our* past. So, while we may regret, deplore, and condemn the acts of certain people who did, in fact, return from a past which has ceased to exist for them, and certainly has left no traces in the works of scholarship we may freely consult as to what happened in China's past, when, and why, it's not, technically speaking, objectively real. Though in an equally technical sense, the people who were, technically speaking, killed or reduced to starvation or carried off by famine-induced epidemic disease or human-made natural disasters did, at the time, in their own timeline, from a strictly objective point of view, undergo actual mass slaughter and suffer quite objectively real death. Which, to anyone present at the time, might well have been *emotionally compelling*, however unreal in the end it ultimately turned out to have been, which Chong, and quite possibly others, as well, could not have possibly known. "Are you saying...." "We must sympathize, empathize with Chong, and any others like him, but withal insist, quietly but firmly, that nothing at all actually happened. From a God's-eye view of the thing. I'll wager, however, that Field Marshal Chong, here, will find that hard to absorb. "Your excellency, any comments?" "Now, by all the gods of China, your turtles have come home to roost!" ********************* We'll be right back after this message. ********************* This is Thomas A. Aronson, MD for the Armenian Psychiatric Association. I'm urging all loyal, functioning Armenians to come down to your local Community Mental Health Center, which, according to Federal Law and Federally-mandated grants-in-aid and block-grants to the states, *should exist*, and pick up your FREE COPY of DSM IV, named after a heroic fifteenth-century Grand Prince of Montenegro who fought off the Ottoman Turks allied to Vlad The Impaler Dracula till everyone got bored; then made war all together on King Stephen of Bosnia, that was in 1463, and had great fun. That's what it says, anyhow. This book tells you, in clear, elegant, unambiguous prose just what's Normal, what's meant in every conceivable situation you may run into by In Touch with Reality, or if you need fine distinctions for upscale living, what's Appropriate, what's Inappropriate, what's Highly Inappropriate, and what's plain old Rude, which doesn't count against you, medically speaking. For the Seriously Interested in Scientific Psychiatry, we are giving away, for the duration of the Natural Emergency, the PDR, or Physician's Desk Reference, giving you the most important fact about the psychopharmacological product you may be asked to ingest, politely the first time and thereafter it's up to you, by your physician, for example, myself. Specifically, what colour is your pill. You may rest assured, if you happen to be among the thirty-five million anxiety-disordered, that today's psychoactive medication is Attractively Styled with the aesthetics of today's patient, the true Nineties person, envisioned. Very Seriously now, and I didn't wish to bring this up for starters for very good, excellent, even, reasons, listen very carefully. IF YOU TRY TO MAKE SENSE OF ALL THE STUFF THAT, STARTING NOW, IS GOING TO BE GOING ON, YOU WILL BE, YOU WILL GET YOURSELF INTO, VERY SERIOUS TROUBLE. I know, I realize, you aren't quite on my wavelength about this stuff, because *it's just starting*, but when it *really gets going*, which you can't tell exactly, that is, detect the precise point of flipover, state transition, technically speaking, which is baloney, but that's what I'm supposed to say, you can't keep up, using your sense-making faculties, with...uh...it. In conclusion, no matter *what* happens, if it's bad enough, PAY NO ATTENTION TO IT WHATEVER, even if it kills you; because the alternative is much worse, and no experimentation around this, word to the wise. Thank you, and good night. ********************* In a continuing story, J Sverd Satberg, MD, Director of Psychiatry at Brookdale General Hospital, Brooklyn NY, admitted today that 'a man in a wacko-bizarro uniform admitted, boasted, explicated how, even, he blew up TWA flight 800.' Also, said Dr Satberg, I did indeed tell him, 'Yer so fuckin' insane, it's beyond belief.' And did Dr Satberg tell the man, now identified as Chong, to 'Stop wasting my time, I gotta think about my golf game'? "'I sure as hell did! He was pure an' simple bananas, not your usual exhibitionist. You can tell, it's the exhibitionists go to Bellevue, which is where everyone who comes to New York for exhibitionism goes, unless they got born here by mistake. You familiar with the expression TAKEN TO BELLEVUE FOR OBSERVATION, well, what kinda Serious reputation-mongering lunatic goes to this nuked-looking minority-race-infested broken-glass desert, like Arizona without the water and the white people, to show off about imaginary feats of cosmic mind force what's gonna win the imaginary feets of women. Fuuuuuck Offf!' "'Whuzzisay'bout the Ground To Air Missle?' "'He said, or in his argot, *Him say*, no missle, spelling error, M-I-S-S-A-L, Catholic Very Holy Book, fiery flaming letters, magical bangbang.' "'No!' "'Direct transcription off the tape. Everything is bugged these days. My house I am sure is bugged. Don't know for sure, like, equipment, but I know, out there, there's a psycho who believes he could do it, or so my wife believes. Now, you think about it, there's so many people out to get me, in my position, that I'd go down-the-tubes Paranoid except for one thing. My wife. If my wife is Paranoid, then I've gotta do my duty to the Paranoid People, who gave birth to me. I recommend, every Paranoid should either marry a Profession- al Paranoid, with accreditation, or rent one. One is then free to do the woik, the other to do the worrying about if there is something to worry about. Don't' ya think?'" ********************* THE MIND OF ARMENIA TODAY HAS BEEN MADE POSSIBLE BY A GENEROUS GRANT FROM THE MOBIL CORPORATION Daniel A. Foss From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Sun Jan 19 20:59:41 1997 Date: Sun, 19 Jan 97 20:19:40 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: should x-tianity been stopped? averil cameron disagrees! To: World System Network As a graduate student, if much-sought-after Tomorrow's Technocrat and Today's Warlord's Sister, Lady Liu would have been much better off had she been merely perverted, which is our denigration of what Everybody, tout le monde, the possessors of Invitability, were doing, whether merely uncensuredly, Elsewise faddish-crazedly. Drusilla said as much, "sweetheart." Though Lady Liu was far worse off than that. "Honey, you are *hung up*." "What, in the name of Xiwangmu, is *hung up*." "Xiwangmu?" "Something like your ladyfreind Atargatis, Goddess of sexual intercourse and Protectress of the Female Gender from getting into Even Bigger Trouble than already is. Though the *representationality* this Greco-Roman shit is getting to me. This solid silver statue of you, here, what sez in Greek caps characters ATAPUATNZ, like in the book by Lucian of Samosata, *De Dea Syra*. "Damned-to-hell demon. Don't look at her, she's full of germs." "Drusilla, why are you wearing shoes?" "What?!" "I'm not wearing shoes in your house cuz I'm waiting f'r y' t' tell me, 'That's Highly Inappropriate, you never know who's germs are on that thing.'" "Feet?" "Feet." "Why feet?" "Cuz the white americans who run my country, behind the Legitimate Ruler, of course, graciously condescended to bestow upon us a provincial variant of what they truly believe is the Greatest Thing in their own country and time. What is...graduate schools. Now, in my study of The World System in Classical Antiquity, this period now being known, thanks to a great deal of cosmetizing, as Late Antiquity, our TAs and faculty were, as is Normal among these white Aliens, 'liberal/lefties.' One of their Thingies being most In at this time is the Illumination to the effect that at all times and places when Man was this or that, women were doing the work. For Classical Greece the idea that there were women took blind faith. Dig. Sensu emotional, not archaeological. A card-carrying woman, named Anna C. Keuls, wrote a book for the General Reader, the women who did not go to graduate school, where she said that Athenian vase painters from BC 530ish, tellya whut, this yere year is 376 AD. Forget what it means, go back to the indiction, keep track of the census and taxes. 530ish to 480ish, when they ran the first Marathon. 'Scuse me. Hee hee, bizarre's whut keeps this girl alive. To continue, the vase painters experimented with fake perspective, she said, by fixating on, and drawing lotsa, penises and feet. Means, hadda cut down onna number of women they drew till they got it right, and with women, it hadda be, just plain feet, but time went on, see, and the potted Athenian, patronizing the Athenian potter, could be pretty sure of a good job on the feet. Which got a good public showing among men as well as slave prostitutes. Men got to show lots of penis, too, of course. Now, I took a looksee 'round stoa an' cemeteries and fora and wherever better graven images are found, and checked out, there is covered feet in this situation, barefoot in that. Called coding. By anthropology, don't leave home without it. You know, through last century, that a woman's gonna have sex cuz she's barefoot, but still got her brassiere on; and she charges extra, whore or not, if she gotta take it off. X-tianity's changing this shit, dunno exactly how. Now, tell me 'bout me, cuz I dunno. "You are hung up. We hadda make up a word for you and your Thingie, cuz we never saw this before. X-tianity causes it. But *you*, you had an unX-tian upbrining in an unX-tian country, what with worshipping graven images an' heathens an' all." "Such as." "Inflicting Pain, says you, is Bad and Evil, cuz it is indicative of Pure Selfishness, done for the gratification of the Inflicter of said Pain. Tell me, whaddabout the local town or village *tortor*?" "Whuzzat?" "Well, y'know how, if yer a craftsperson, ya keep the Tools of the Trade on display in your, how the song goes, "barrow in the marketplace." Carpenter got saw, Smith got Jones from Drug Addiction, and the Maximus family is keeping up with the Joneses. Excuse me, I tell jokes, useta do it for a living. What means, I stripteased, wiggled around, took of a bit o' clothes here, another there, till I got stark naked, gotta tell jokes after that. This wuz before the X-tians got in. We figured, "Nah, it can't last," so when Julian kicked ass on 'em, we sez, toldja. Stinking hairy guys wuz praying roun'da clock that Julian drops dead, gets killed, which was not trick onnacounta he had Grandiosity Delusions 'bout he had military experience, when he had dumb luck an' the enemy dropped dead or surrendered before getting fought. An' he aint never invaded noplace. You are on defense, you know where you, basically speaking, are is. Julian, he is gonna march as far up the Silk Road as Alex The Great, for a change. They all say that. But come back plain old Greeks. Costs too much, they sez. Julian, he is majorultranuts. Not merely does he get lost, he does not care. Having burned all the crops of the Persians, he figures, the Persians must get hungry very soon, no matter the Romans are starving at this very moment. Air raid siren goes off, he aint got time to put on his breastplate, whatever, and someone, nobody's sure on which side, got off a *beautiful* shot." "Pity, he had such a good education, he was so prolific an author, he had no business with *wu*." "Wu?" "What I said yesterday, 'bout strategic political power entailed by control of the definition of the cognitive, which makes you, the smartest woman in Antioch, a gutterwench of no refinement and cultivation, and myself, with a *jinshi* in World System Studies, hopefully, unable to think of, and at times refusing to say the words, *sexual____...." "....*intercourse*!" "Supposin' you had to say it in nonmedical unscientific discourse, in no more than four or, in Latin, merely three alphabetic characters." "I have heard that in Chicago, in the year 1995, there is a Federal Communi- cations Commission, and by the following year, 1996, there will have been, oh, how one gets one's tenses fucked up, excuse me, a Communications Decency Act." "What you do talk about is, as we said 'fore you diverted the conversation, was this notion that Inflicting Pain is Bad, cuz the Enemy is not thinging, uh, *totally preoccupied with*, your own spoiled-brat self, which the *hurter* is, totally and helplessly. So, you play matchmaker, telling me that Fujian, the greatest lover in addition to the greatest ruler and greatest warrior in Asia, how you said it, ah, *hurt me just so perfectly*, what the Greeks call this, they are slandered 'bout having words for everything, is *anhedonia*...." The reader will observe that Anhedonia, today, is a ski resort in New Hampshire, more granite than snow due to usual Warming On A Global Scale. Cognoscenti, however, avoid the place, knowing that the real skiing is to be had at Anhedonia Notch, where Alien invaders from odd states get lost in the finding of. "Imperial Princesses, which I now prospectively are one of, are historically the most egregious spoiled brats found anywhere in the universe; how else could one be daughter of God Incarnate." "Don't spoiled brats, even, fuck too?" "Thingofitwuz, getting killed for losing yer virginity. When I wuz a mere spratlet inna Officer Class, Junior Grade. The Officers got what's later gonna be called Class Consciousness, which is gonna be talked to death by Georg Lukacs and Antonio Gramsci. Cuz the Great Houses of the most Exalted Aristoc- racy will not marry daughters to or stand to greet as a guest in the stately home a "Mere Military Man," even if dictator, with muscle enough to arbitarily massacrate them all on trumped-up charges, which lasts for six months, one year, two, and Thingies all go back to Parasitic Landlordism and Nonfunctiona- lity of the State as usual. Legends are told, In the Beginning, which was 312- 317, when the Broad Masses fled in terror from the Huns, the People freely elected the Lords, then volunteered to the Lords to be Serfs. And everyone's lived happily ever after. The Lords, having titles going with offices of State, deem it Dishonourable and Unlordifiable to do the work, especially of such routine nature as to entail showing up at the *yamen*, office, when yer s'poz'ta. Cuz y'could be doin' art. Don't get me wrong, some of this Art wuz not bad. Ninety percent, however, of all art, predictably, is shit. What women do, being Crafty, is gotta be Acceptable, so what with that kinda quality control, they can't do art, by definition. But this got changed with the American imperialist intervention. There is this guy, Anton Sunderland Wroxxt, betokening very mixed ancestry, Vaguely Central European, Decadent British Aristocratic, and Extraterrestrial. He has offices in Jiankang and Luoyang, capitals of Southern and Northern Empires, where Art, Antiquities, is brought from the whole Late Antique world. For this, he uses the three and one half tons of the southern empire's gold reserve as working capital, then exports the profits along with the art to the year 1995, 1996. One catch is, the Southern Empire's ruling class does nothingatall on principle, so there is another Wroxxt outfit, Society Reengineering Consultancies, offices in the same place, 32 Broad St, New York City, will explain significance of this building later on, who picked on unmarriageable daughters of the Aristocracy as a *reserve, untapped talent pool of human resources*, dig, to Get This Empire Moving Again, sez John F. Kennedy, memorably and decontextualized. These Reengineers are Lefty-Liberals, like the University folks, and honestly and really and truly believe they are Doing Good, alleviating human suffering, an' stuff..... ¨cont'd tomorrowŁ Daniel A. Foss From ba05105@binghamton.edu Mon Jan 20 11:02:01 1997 From: ba05105@binghamton.edu Date: Mon, 20 Jan 1997 13:02:54 -0500 (EST) To: wwagar@binghamton.edu Subject: Re: eschaton deficit in the west In-Reply-To: Regarding below and all other 'eschaton deficit' threads... Can someone please give me the address of a bulletin board where discussion is informed by a world systems perspective? Thank you Steven Sherman On Mon, 13 Jan 1997 wwagar@binghamton.edu wrote: > > As a footnote, permit me to observe that the Doctress Neutopia is > not autistic and would make a welcome addition to our little circle in > WSN. > > Warren Wagar > Binghamton University > > From br00196@bingsuns.cc.binghamton.edu Mon Jan 20 13:37:45 1997 From: br00196@bingsuns.cc.binghamton.edu Date: Mon, 20 Jan 1997 15:38:31 -0500 (EST) To: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: Re: should x-tianity been stopped? averil cameron disagrees! Dan is every gram of William Burroughs! Minus the heroin, that is... Sid From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Mon Jan 20 20:58:05 1997 Date: Mon, 20 Jan 97 18:45:15 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: 2 girls sitting around talking 'bout taking over asia etc To: World Systems Network "Fiction in WS Theory has incremental effect; latter as night the day exhibits dialectical transformation of quantity into quality, mainly lousy. Quality in this volume is called Flood, which in time of Sage King Yu The Great was manageable, thanks to his wives' suicide. Since Age of Sage Kings, more likely kills Elsewise useful taxpayers; causes emperor to remit out of Benevolence, uncollectable taxes; coerces magistrates, long unaccustomed, to perform routine duties of office plus, being watched, overtime extras; and great scholars to make nuisances of themselves over unconscionable waste & extravagance of the Court, about which nothing can or has ever been done." --From the Book of the Never Learning. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ "I could fix ya up with Ammianus Marcelinus, who I guarantee'll turn yer head around 'bout sexual intercourse. 'Sides, he'll think your breasts, which are quite large, nicely rounded, gorgeously aureoled, firm, and healthy looking in relation to the scrawny, plucked-chicken rest of you. Once more, and for the last time, WHITE MEN LIKE BREASTS!" "Dru, I accept that, on the purely intelectual level. If you will accept at same superficiality the effects of the Yankee art thieves coming out of the tunnel in Trier, Gaul, just as likely, you think? Imperial Residence, like Jiankang, no? Well, these guys got an expression, "Giving the country back to the Indians," meaning the chaos that'd happen if the indigenous people were wicked-enough to deserve their vanishment, see. What is, see, been done with Western Europe, *given back to the Indians*, FIERCE AND WARLIKE TRIBES, from whom alone, in their pallor, the idea of white people is kept alive. Tellin' ya, Dru, sheer dumb luck there will ever be such Thingies as WHITE PEOPLE, and sheer dumber luck they are gonna END UP ruling Asia, cuz nobody else did. That, Dru, is a LONG WAY from breasts, but so is Life. Except when Life really needs them. "I swear, Dru, Antioch's so full of philosophers, full of theologians, FULL OF IT, I can't just like sit around and hang out anymore! Oh, yeah. Read." ------------------------------------------------ Breast *xiong* In popular art it is the male breast that is strongly emphasized, not the female. The ancient Chinese believed that for a man to have a well-developed bust was a sign of good fortune. Indeed, the founder of the Zhou Dynasty had no less than four breasts, which was considered a peculiarly auspicious omen.." (Eberhard, Chinese Symbols, Routledge, 1986¨1993Ł, p. 48) ----------------------------- "YOU are looking fucking weird, sweetheart." "Dru, we gotta get down to business. Money. Power. Difficult, problematic even, shit we gotta do." "What IS my business, sweetheart. You see the sign? *Drusilla's Holistic Healing Clinic And Full Service Beauty Shop*. THAT is the seed money what begat generations of cashflows past, present, yet unborn. Line of sight of the Praetorian Prefect of Oriens' Military HQ, Persian-Mesopotamian Front, which in turn has intimate, if unacknowledged till conclusion of Peace, may it endure forever, give it a year, relation to the raw material for Antioch, largest single center of manufacturing industry in The World." "Wait a minute...." "Fair. You call yours Tianxia...." "All Under Heaven." "Makes us even." "You might still be right, anyhow." "Go on where you started. So long as it's not dangerous. Got a lot to lose." "What you got to *gain* is total vertically integrated control over the... ooo...WHOLE SILK INDUSTRY...from the shores of the Isles of Penglai, where dwelleth Xiwangmu's neglected husband, to the Mountains of Kunlun, home of the Goddess Xiwangmu, Queen Mother of the West, her very self, where Tocharians change China money to Central Asia money, they are redhead white people, and I have a crush on one, name of Barbara. Down to the Lands of the Posi, where Sogdians, wild Posi, carry the silk, singing cowboy songs, gitalong little dogies, an' shit, down the ol' Silk Trail. To here, this place, where Xiwangmu is called Atargatis, losing naught whatever inna translation, and moneymad worshippers of Him Who Evicted the Moneychangers From The Temple alone in your The World are making Big Money off what any sensible rich man gotta strip naked offa himself to pass civil service tests for the Kingdom of Heaven, amen. All, as the Wise Women of the East do say, is One, maybe with interest, just a little bit more. O hear ye the sound of raw materials in the song of thatched hutted woman being made artificilaly stupid feeding mulberry leaves to hungry ugly buggies, crooning, "Soon enough, my lovelies, you'll be dead/And gone to your last reward/Covering more aristocratic cunts than mine/In Amitabha's Western Paradise in Italy.... "Makes me wanna sing too.... "Behold a Framework shall Conceive "And bear a Son "And they shall call his name Immanuel." "What kinda idiot.... "Immanuel Wallerstein, like your Jesus, is Jewish! Now, I'll have you know that I have consulted Jews of great scholarly learning, who resemble Chinese more than anyone not actually Chinese, diverging only in something called jokes but not far enough to be consequential at this time. They tell me that, in historical fact, your Jesus was guilty as charged, in terms of the persecuto- rially biased Due Process of Law, as Romans regarded it, whereunder he was tried for treason. In full feathered faith he was the Messiah, like a lotta other ambitious guys, he roused rabble furious for years at Pilate's theft of the Temple Treasure, which is what he wanted his job for. But in such a way that a clever lawyer, with objections your honour stuff, could get him Off for saying, Render unto Caesar what is Caesar's; render unto God which is God's. "A call for nonpayment of taxes loud & clear, Pilate being in a state of Perpetual Itch, like Poison Ivy, over this Temple Treasure Thingie. Jesus was consequently made to die the death, proof positive he was not the Messiah. In social science, Messiahism is/was what's called a Scripted Role, meaning, there is a Job Description, whereof part is, you don't die till AFTER you have won the war of national liberation against the imperialist occupation forces. "Now, if I choose to believe in Immanuel Wallerstein, who is not dead, as the Messiah, and follow his Scriptures, I have BLIND FAITH, buttressed&forti- fied by reason and computation, that together, you and I, or more modestly, you and me, can prevent the ever-existence of Immanuel Wallerstein, the United States of America, Anton Sunderland Wroxxt, the Indo-European Corporation, 32 Broad St, New York City NY, and the very notion of white people and there superior white essence. We make one little change in theory first. That is, we reject the Wallersteinian Sutra about the Chinese being or having been IMMUNE TO CAPITALISM. I'll explain later." "What kind of disease is that?" "Ow." "You are immune to Small Pox, congratulations. You may get ugly, but unlike most women, not for that reason alone. It is unclear, from the doctrine in this Sutra, whether the Chinese had a 'shot' as you did, or whether their were in their blood monoclonal antibodies or some molecular-biological Thingie in default of which nothing whatever among the Americans is accounted Scientific." "There is much religious teaching in this." "Soon enough, I shall instruct you in the Primordial Weberian Lie, the doctrine of the Disenchantment of the World by science, rationality, and capitalist calculation. One counterexample, which should suffice to discredit the whole of the doctrine, is the remarkable resemblance, in attributed power to do Evil, between the Bad Molecules which the Americans hunt out and destroy, along with the bodies and souls of the victims they have possessed and who are Damned, beyond all amelioration let alone salvation, and the demons you X-tians are just beginning to Beleve In; the latter have got some way to go yet before they arrive at their full-fledgedness as the Satanic Host, with whose soldiers women must unwillingly yet unresistingly copulate, cause the penises of their own husbands to fall off, and induce by magic the deaths of their own domestic animals without whose traction and milk the family will starve. "White people, Drusilla, will never change, they will always believe this nonsense, kill hundreds of thousands at a time for reasons they will deny ever existed a few years later; hence by the strictest logic nobody at all was killed." "There has never been anything good about them?" "There is the First Amendment. However." "What." "It was in effect vitiated by the Second Amendment." "Here is the task before you. "Firstly, you must exceed by a considerable magnitude the ephemeral feat of Zanab, Queen of Palmyra, and create peace over the entire Near Eastern Silk Road zone. This may require the help of Arabs, whom Zenobia offended. Recall the boast of Amr al-Qays." "I do." "Not that the achievement was puny. This, Dru, is a one hundred pound note of the Syrian Arab Republic, and this ludicrous woman, here, , that's ostensibly Zanab." "Why should...." "If you read my book, Mirror Image:... you will grasp instantly that this warfare over minute stretches of the silk route was, so long as the Roman Empire was expanding aggressively eastward, looked extremely profitable in booty, loot, and, when the diplomats made the peace with the dissipation of Alexander The Great grandiosity delusions, caravan tolls. Promising, with further expansion, to be get more profitable still. Curiously, the aggressive expansion was Dys-Known!" "What?! No more of this madness." "Just means, suppressed out of all awareness, unless you had an EXPLICIT AND POWERFUL MOTIVE TO BELIEVE WHAT WAS MANIFESTLY IDIOTIC, WRONG, AND STUPID, that no such thing ever was; what WAS, was instead, the DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE." "No shit." "Which got believed, instead of what you saw with your own eyes, and healed with your hands when their male organs failed in defeat...." "Drusilla, I know everything ever known to have existed in the papyrus archives of the Praetorian Prefecture, much as you know unwritten gossip." "Up to what Valens told you in bed." "He is, was, in effect...." "As I calculate by multivariate analysis of political-intrigue configura- tions that Valens will be dead in less than two years, and that this will occur, now that you've blessed me with data of such intimacy, by his charge at the Goths' lines much as he Penetrated your Front...heeheehee...." "Cavalry. Fritigern." "Ohshit, more variables. Must allow for wagons in circle." "I detect a memory trace, ah. Daniel A. Foss, Int Hist West Civ, 105-106. Lecture One. Daniel A. Foss copies the professor's scrawl. 'Battle of Adrianople, 378. What did this mean. That the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire was Real. *Sensu idiologica*. The humdrum stupidity of a Valens, whose fatuous belief had been, with the finest military animals in captivity, he would make chop meat of Persian Faggotry, is memorable exclusively for his presumed *genocidal hatred to extermination* of Goths he wished, rather, to give jobs. All agreed, except price of food. Harhar. What Valens signally failed to do was to get killed by Persians in Persia, where Julian succeeded! "Pardon my showing off, O Dru, Empress to be of Asia, but I must, simply must, cite one of these historians of Late Antiquity, whose lifestudy is, perhaps, littering the streets around us. He said, 'The Emperor Julian,' in Society and Holiness in Late Antiquity, Princeton, 1982, "He ¨JulianŁ fought like a Roman Emperor, and he died like one.' "Rot, bahhumbug, lies, possibly gay hero worship even if this guy's straight cuz Classics Depts are strange places. Which Roman Emperors were so stupid and militarily incompetent to die in combat against enemies foreign as opposed to domestic? Decius. You know, died ambushed by Goths, 251, persecuted the X-tians but didn't know how. Valerian. Captured by Persians 260, used as footstool by Shahanshah. Claudius II Gothicus, killed 268, by Goths, nickname undeserved. "You kill Roman Emperors in *civil wars*, don't white guys know anything?" "Chinese emperors?" "Murdered in bed. Official cause of death, alcoholism and debauchery, age at death maybe 17, rarely over 20." "What's the fuckin' point?" "If Valens'd been less Retarded, nobody'd marked the fall of the Roman empire for another fifty years, what with all the conquering in Persia, unless there was stalemate, which in my book was structurally determined, but I've talked myself into a position where it's UPFORGRABSVILLE." "Sweetheart, I'm drunk." "Got some smoke?" "I'm Christian. Us X-tians get bombed on alcohol; Barbarians, Heathens, and, who knows, if the Arabs ever got religion, them too, get stoned off weed. It's a VERY DEEP CIVILIZATIONAL THINGIE." ********************* "Nnnn." "Dru, you gotta make up a Religion to unify the Tribes." "Now?" "When you got tribes to unify. Else, it's *unsafe* cutting across Asia. You can maybe do it once, cuz yer an Imperial Princess, out to make up for overlong premarital virginity under the now falsified assumption she's not related to the Son of Heaven. But turns out his kid sister! I swear, made it my business to have sex with every potentate with the title Great King and up! Just, as you said, to add to my collection. The American guys call it "nothing your belt," but they collect and they love to fuck. Not the reverse. But you get my drift. "What I am suggesting is more serious. We make it religiously Impure for a tribe to make war as usual to loot caravans of bactrian camels, as usual, and kidnap wives, as usual. Make drinking cup of falled hero kiled by unfalled greater hero, redistribute his wives to the deserving, and humansacrificificate unmarried daughters who, though cooked & eaten by tribal community, have their honour preserved. All'a'that's gotta go. Lookit this book, here." "Andre Gunder Frank, The Centrality of Central Asia." "Dru, I dunno whaddafug he's talkin' 'bout, though it is perfectly obvious, even to the illiterate, that Central Asia, whatever else you may say about it, is centrally located." "From Afghanistan, I shall descend upon the fertile plains in all directions like a Dirty Bird of Prayer." "DRU, DO NOT LAUGH AT ME. My brother, the Retard, is gonna be Son of Heaven, an' just who the fuck are you. White people find this point difficult to grasp. Between my abstract genius and your human touch, in its own way a species of genius, true, you will fulfill your destiny, which is either rulership over East and Central Asia, in a loose-hegemonic state system, to be sure; Else, to get beheaded and martyred as a saint. As it happens, one of your covert desires, as you cannot join or have Faith in *anything* without MAKING IT BIG, right?" "True. I have Healed, miraculously, the unanticipated consequences, most conspicuous in the failure of the male member to do as it was customarily wont to do. Im-Potency, premature ejaculation. This, the unanticipated consequences of Original Sin, in general a blessing for overworked, maltreated womankind. Will explain later. Unless this is wrong. Romans made us wear veils before aught was X-tian, but some Arab will get blamed for it, mark my words. X-tians said, it is unfair everyone must be forced to fuck. This has wisdom in it. In any society where there is high and low, the number of the ugly by definition vastly exceeds the number of the handsome, cute, and gorgeous: the reason for this being, the handsome, cute, and gorgeous be them who got CLASS. It must always be so. For nobody may be allowed to be equal. I cannot understand why; maybe you shall in due course teach me." "And you couldn't get Martyred cuz the X-tians were in." "Absolutely right. You copped Sainthood by Abstinence, Selfdenial, Starvation, Desert Heat, Whips & Scorpions, and sitting on top of a pillar till your shit falls off whilst food is thrown up and people throw up at you whilst revering your every hairy stink." "Then your, uh, clients told you to go to China?" "Felix and John Chrysostom, Metropolitans of Antioch, whose impotency I healed, though know not for what purpose they needed it, given their exalted stature in the Church entailing the strictest celibacy...." "Now, Dru, the schedule requires you to be here, at Kucha, the Stone Pillar of the Tocharians, redhaired giants who change money, sell scriptures of the Buddha, and overcharge weary travellers at diners, motels, and the few remain- ing inns, by July 382. In August, an army under the command of Fujian, the proto-Tibetan emperor of North China, calling himself Former Qin dynasty, with all Turks and Mongols at his command, will arrive at Kucha. You will say, 'The Empress of West and Middle Asia proposes marriage to the Emperor of East Asia. This is an offer you cannot refuse!' And he will not refuse. Such is my plan. Then, the two of you march together, horde in horde, to ensure that the result of the Battle of the Fei River, in 383, is the reverse of what it says in the history books, which is that Fujian lost/will lose. Then, Dru, my dearest lady, Asia and all the silk in it or upon it is yours, excuse me, I mean, Thine!" Daniel A. Fos From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Tue Jan 21 09:12:39 1997 Date: Tue, 21 Jan 1997 16:10:06 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: 1917 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------4591BC64C07 1917 is the 80th anniversary of the February and October Russian Revolutions. I don't think it is possible to speak of a world system before then. One of my self-set tasks this year is to retell the history of 1917 in a readable, leninist way and to show why October was both inevitable and necessary. This essay has been previously published and while I don't fetishise copyright and am flattered by piracy, I need to hear aboout it if anyone decides to copy this on a mass basis. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk --------------4591BC64C07 1917 YEAR OF TWO REVOLUTIONS In the autumn of 1916 the Allied cause began to founder in the mayhem of the trenches. In October, 620,000 British and French casualties were lost in a futile offensive on the Somme which put paid to hopes of early victory, and brought popular discontent in France. In Britain rising food prices and a strike wave in the arms industries followed the shock of the Easter Rising, which was crushed only after five days of bloody fighting in Dublin. But in the East a disaster altogether different in magnitude seemed about to overwhelm the Russian Empire. The Allies had been saved that summer by the sacrificial gallantry of General Brusilov's great offensive in Galicia, the preparations for which had strained the Russian army and war industries to the uttermost. The appalling losses sustained in that struggle destroyed the Russian ability to fight on. As chaos deepened in the rear and on the fronts, the Empire slithered towards a defeat which threatened to destroy tsarism. The British and French, desperately worried about their Eastern ally, found scant reassurance in the behaviour of an obscurantist court. (`Am I to regain the confidence of the people or are they to regain my confidence?' Tsar Nicholas asked Sir George Buchanan, the British Ambassador, when the latter suggested confidence was a problem). As unrest in the capital grew, even Alexander Guchkov, the right-wing leader in the Duma1, began to discuss the alternatives: better a palace coup than an elemental upsurge on the streets of Petrograd which might destroy the government and finish off the army. When the Allies began to encourage the constitutional schemes of highly-placed reformers like Pavel Miliukov, the Cadet2 leader in the Duma, it seemed the fate of the Romanovs was sealed. War was to be the midwife of a revolution which the allies hoped to prevent by pushing the country in the direction of constitutional reform. But the causes of the revolution lay elsewhere, in a society riven with contradictions which were nowhere more apparent than in the capital city itself. Petrograd, situated on the western seaboard of an immense Empire, was unlike any other Russian city. Founded in 1703 to be Peter the Great's `window on the West', the city was built on malarial marshes, but had served its purpose, and in 1917 its population of 2,400,000 made it the fifth largest in Europe. With its great canals and broad River Neva, spanned by graceful bridges, it was also one of the most beautiful. Peter had made it the focus of Russian culture, as well as the seat of government. Petrograd's straight avenues and magnificent stone buildings contrasted with the disorderly wooden buildings more usual in Russian towns. Aristocratic palaces neighboured huge barracks like the Peter-Paul Fortress (home of the Tsar's secret police, the Okhrana) and administrative complexes like the Admiralty. The city's broad central squares housed the fine mansions of the nation's bourgeoisie. Petrograd's capitalists had connections throughout the national economy. Their fabulous wealth, which supported the capital's theatres, orchestras and its famous ballet, came from the metallurgical and coal industries of the south, from the Baku oilfields which supplied half the country's oil, from Siberian gold, Ukrainian sugar, Volga shipping, and from the vast cotton production of Central Asia. Petrograd's private banks held three-quarters of all Russia's capital. This concentration of wealth and power made what was still a raw, youthful city - the birthplace of Bolshevism - a magnet which sucked in labour from every corner of the Empire. Finance poured in from France and Britain, fusing with Russian private capital and with the gigantic resources of the state. Giant enterprises sprang up; the decade before the war saw the creation of electro-technical, engine- building, precision machine, marine engineering and chemical industries. The mass-production of armaments and vehicles was beginning. The huge Putilov arms factory, employing 30,000, and the Nevsky shipyard (6,000) were both state-controlled but privately-owned. Plants like these made Petrograd an island of technological sophistication in the sea of Russian backwardness; their scale and modernity had no parallel except in Germany and in the heavy industry of northern Italy. Working conditions were often appalling. So great was the risk of explosion in one of the most-modern Artillery Administration plants that the factory Director always crossed himself and muttered a prayer before entering the factory; but shop stewards in Tsarist industry could do little to help matters: the law confined them to such duties as refilling the factory icon-lamps. The new industries were mostly arms-related. The capital had undergone a forced, lop-sided development which would make it vulnerable to the social and economic crisis of the war-years. This arms-economy straddled a city whose traditional occupations drew on settled relations with the countryside, rather than the capital and commodity markets of the West. More than half the workforce were peasant recruits or marginalised women, deepening the poverty and squalor of the capital's proletariat. Industrially-advanced Petrograd was in some respects still in the eighteenth century- a `ruralised town' lacking urban amenities. Tsarism muffled but did not defuse the explosive contradictions which resulted. The peasant tradition of anarchic violence and brawling was continued in the new urban environment. Driven in to the capital by land scarcity, debts and poverty, the new arrivals replenished a populace ravaged by epidemic diseases. In the poorer quarters houses which lacked running water stood in cesspools, and the unlit streets were quagmires in winter. The chairman of Vyborg Duma sanitation committee said the overcrowded residents had less space than those buried in a nearby cemetery. Petrograd's heavy industry was the foundry in which the industrialised Russia of the future was being forged. The Bolsheviks strove, with some success, to cultivate in the city's 400,000 industrial workers a sense of their future social importance. Contemporary diarists record watching these grim-faced, grimy men and women pouring in their thousands from the factories at the end of the shift. Many had a strong desire for self-improvement, and after the working day they went to improvised schools, to learn or pass on basic literacy, hygiene and domestic economy. Voluntary teachers, often Bolsheviks with a burning commitment to `the emancipation of labour', risked prison to teach them about Russian history, or about atheism, or how to organise. A Petrograd worker said: `We will not learn from any but ourselves. We, the conscious working people, have no right to be like the bourgeois.' In the years of underground struggle they had created a labour movement quite unlike that in the West, one imbued with a sharp revolutionary spirit. The war sharpened all the contradictions besetting Russian society. Those who bore its burdens had no say in the decision to fight Germany. The government's own policy created fertile grounds for subversion. Trade union activists and Bolshevik agitators were among the first to be conscripted and sent to the Front - where they carried on their organisational work among the peasant-soldiers instead. Meanwhile soldiers and sailors drafted into the great factories on the Vyborg Side soon made common cause with the workers of this traditional Bolshevik stronghold. Nicholas ignored the ferment seething in the lower depths. Alone among his brother-monarchs, the Tsar led his armies into battle. This quixotry was not rewarded with military success. Nicholas blamed his people: five million soldiers had been killed or wounded, but almost a million more had deserted (often sacking country manors on the way home). People had not conducted themselves in the old way; Russia stumbled to defeat, the secret police were increasingly all Tsardom could rely on. The Tsar had abandoned the government to his wife, the Empress Alexandra. Disliked equally by the middle classes and by the capital's burgeoning industrial proletariat, and isolated from the country, she ruled with the advice of Grigory Rasputin and the aid of a ouija-board. Miliukov accused the Empress of high treason in a speech in November 1916, and a few weeks later Rasputin was murdered - by a monarchist hoping to save the Romanovs from themselves. The war had cut down the flower of Russian manhood, and ravaged the economy. There was chaos on the railways, resulting in food shortages in the cities and industrial decline. The loss to Germany of Poland's industrial and coal-producing regions aggravated the difficulties.3 This had especially serious effects on Petrograd's heavy industry, which was internationally- oriented and dependent on the flow of foreign capital, parts, machinery and technology. The great arms factories had already been hit as war industries in the West diverted their production elsewhere, and by the loss of land routes. Germany's successful deployment of submarines made the supply situation much worse. The crisis in Petrograd's industry deepened. Desperate to import armaments, the government was unable even to find means of payment and was reduced to paying debts literally in blood, by exporting soldiers to France to fight on the western front. The collapse of manufacturing industry meant a shortage of goods for the home market, causing a further worsening in the supply of food to the cities, as peasants withheld their produce (since there was nothing to buy in exchange). The absence of the 15 million peasants conscripted to the army had already resulted in agricultural production falling by a fifth. The countryside was sliding back into pre-commodity production, as the towns started to fill with starving unemployed. All this was a far cry from the heady days in August 1914, when the crowds in the capital had fallen to their knees to greet the Tsar, and the endless columns of peasant conscripts had hailed their `Little Father' as they left for the fronts. The war, hated by the workers and the soldier- masses squatting half-starved in verminous trenches, became unpopular with the employers. They had seen industrial production grow by three-quarters in the decade before the war, and in the heavy industries by nearly half during the war itself. But its prolongation now spelt crisis and ruin from which only the speculators associated with the court could gain. As the Court's inanition deepened and turmoil grew in the cities, a trickle of exiled revolutionaries made their way back to the capital; Alexander Shlyapnikov, Peter Zalutski and Vyacheslav Molotov arrived and set up an underground Russian Bureau of the Bolshevik Central Committee. In his memoirs, Shlyapnikov left a remarkable record of the mood in the capital at the time: By the end of 1916 the idea of `war to the end', to `the final victory', was largely undermined. Anti-war feelings were rampant ...Despair and hatred gripped the labouring masses ... The government ... stepped up their repressive methods of fighting isolated manifestations of protest.Intensive agitation was conducted against us in the press and through the Voluntary Organisations. Every canard was employed: we were accused of being German agents, provocateurs, bribe-takers. But no slander could halt the workers' movement; just like all the ploys of the bourgeoisie, the proletariat could not be aroused to fight ....4 Shlyapnikov spent months in hiding, never sleeping more than a single night under the same roof. The Russian Bureau raced to rebuild the party apparatus while the mounting fury of the Vyborg and the capital's other great proletarian bastions threatened to spill into the streets at any moment. Savage new strikes began in the autumn of 1916 as workers began to link their demands for food supplies, and for wages to match rampant inflation, with opposition to the war. On 17 October they marched to the Finland Station singing the (illegal) Marseillaise, and were joined by soldiers from the 181st Infantry Regiment and the strike spread to the huge Kronstadt naval base. Hoarding, speculation and rocketing prices fuelled popular anger (potatoes, bread, sausages and milk rose five times in price during the war). In savage cartoons and satire,5 the busy underground press portrayed greedy courtiers profiting from hunger and despair. As the crisis deepened, short-time working caused by lack of fuel and raw materials, and industrial bankruptcy, brought 1916 wages below starvation levels. By the New Year of 1917 the capital was on the point of explosion. Petrograd was on a northerly latitude, and it was hardly the season for rioting. Winter clamped an Arctic darkness on the town 19 hours in 24. Trams groaned through biting fogs, and the capital's deserted streets were rivetted with ice. But in the winter of 1917, as the fuel ran out, the citiznry suddenly emerged in their tens of thousands to stamp their anger on the capital's broad squares. A strike movement of unparalleled ferocity exploded in Petrograd, and the Romanov dynasty shook to its foundations. On 9 January 1917, 300,000 demonstrated on the anniversary of Bloody Sunday6. In February 30,000 workers at the giant Putilov arms factory went on strike. Police reports plotted the public's growing anger. There were rumours of a palace coup in the offing, and a few days later Miliukov's Progressive Bloc called for a government of national confidence (Nicholas would respond by dissolving the Duma). But still nobody expected a revolution. In the streets cold and hungry women queued for bread. Contemporary reports testify to the feverish atmosphere of the time, as even normally- acquiescent office workers complained about food shortages and the manifold difficulties of everyday life. Warehouses were looted, and the disorders on the Vyborg Side grew in scale. There, the wives of the locked-out Putilov workers had taken to the streets along with the soldatki - war-wives and widows, who were treated with contempt by the government. Turning the stagnant bread queues into demonstrations, they improvised placards which read `Down with the War!', `Our Children Are Starving!' or simply `Bread!' On 22 February tens of thousands of these women surged across the Neva bridges and into the city centre. They were joined by women workers from the Vasilievski Island tramway terminus, who pounded on the huge wooden doors of the 180th regiment's barracks, calling on the soldiers not to shoot them down in the streets. The proletarian bastion of the Vyborg was seething, as women workers in their thousands came pouring from the great textile mills, taking up the cry of `Bread!' But when Kayurov, a Bolshevik Central Committee member, was asked by a group of women textile workers for advice on how to mark International Women's Day (23 February, old-style)7 he urged them to avoid striking. Kayurov and Shlyapnikov feared the response of Russia's inscrutable peasantry to an attack on Tsardom in wartime and were more cautious than the Duma politicians who sought only a change of monarch, not the overthrow of the Romanov dynasty. With numberless troops at the fronts and - also waiting on events - 300,000 in the Petrograd region alone, the regime did not look broken. Kayurov's instructions were ignored (in any case, the police had suppressed the Party press) and the mass demonstrations traditionally marking International Womens' Day launched the four-day February Revolution. Women textile workers came pouring out of factories like the Bolshaya Sampsionevskaya. They threw snowballs through the windows of neighbouring works, calling on those inside to join them. Already the police estimated 197,000 were on strike (more than half the industrial workforce). Then on Friday 24 February the movement erupted over Petrograd. Nevsky Prospekt and the adjoining squares filled with workers. Mounted Cossacks armed with nagaykas (rawhide whips) arrived, but contemporary accounts speak of their unusual tolerance; when voices from the crowds shouted `if you want to destroy the revolution, shoot me first!' they were answered `We do not shoot our brothers.' Significantly, one of the few one `Cossack excess' reported was when a trooper slashed the hand off a mounted police inspector who had threatened the demonstrators. Next day workers in 13 columns penetrated to the city centre.The Russian Bureau decided to engage the support of the soldiers, but the Bolsheviks were running behind events; the garrison revolt had already begun. During the morning workers, students, party activists and delegates made their way through streets littered with torn-down proclamations, to begin a great round of mass meetings, party caucuses and conferences of workers' movement organisations. At a meeting of Duma representatives, trade unions and co-operative societies, F.A.Cherevanin, an old Menshevik, proposed calling elections in the Petrograd factories for a `Soviet' (`Council') of workers' deputies. Ever-larger crowds filled the streets, the police were unable to disperse the unauthorised meetings, and Cossacks were fraternising. Petrograd was in turmoil. The spontaneous strike movement had paralysed the city. The police vanished from their posts. The factories stopped, then the trams. Troops cordoned off the streets but the crowds sallied through anyway. The city centre was now one continuous mass meeting. News reels of the day conjure up the scene, as tens of thousands of people swirled around Znamensky Square, where socialists denounced the war from the statue of Alexander III. Troops and Cossacks in great numbers, many on horseback, pushed slowly through the crowds, without interfering in any way, except for occasionally removing red banners. Many among the garrison had wives and friends in the crowds; others were wounded veterans of the front, or militant workers conscripted as a punishment. The troops were increasingly unwilling to crush the revolt. Police reports grew more alarmist. Nicholas, in his headquarters at Mogilev, heard of the latest disturbances from the Empress at Tsarskoe Selo, and her news contrasted starkly with the bland optimism of the city Governor. The Tsar cabled to `put an end, as from tomorrow, to all disturbances in the streets of the capital'. A warning was issued to the population that troops would shoot to kill, and promising to send strikers (most of the populace) to the front. The proclamation was simply scattered in the streets during the night; the government had run out of glue to paste it up. On the evening of 25 February a special counter- insurgency unit opened fire on demonstrators in Kazansky Square; but this was seen as an act of desperation by the authorities, not firmness, and incensed the people still more. Fights began, bloody encounters often in back-to- backs, in the muddy, dank, ill-lit alleys of the Vyborg, where small groups of workers fought off marauding policemen, answering pistol-shots with volleys of half- bricks, cobbles, lumps of ice. Tramcars were overturned and telegraph poles knocked down for barricades. On Sunday, 26 February, with the city now an armed camp, the Red Cross set up a headquarters. The Bolshevik `Petersburg Committee' was arrested along with many other revolutionary leaders. More than ever, the revolution was to be the work of the people alone. It seemed that the government was belatedly taking decisive action. The crackle of small-arms fire echoed round the city. Working- class suburbs were sealed off, factories besieged, the bridges over the canals cordoned off. At one o'clock Nevsky Prospekt was swept with rifle fire. The police hastily cleared away dozens of bullet-riddled bodies. The streets emptied. By 5 o'clock the city Governor concluded that, as on other occasions, the display of exemplary force had quelled the `disorders'. But as night fell people began to tear the Romanov's double-headed eagle from walls and railings. Next day, soldiers surrendered en masse to the crowds. Workers collected up their weapons and took them to their factories. Women left the bread queues, buttonholing soldiers in friendly argument. When agitators spoke to the cheerful Grenadiers guarding the Peter-Paul their officers simply turned away in disgust. It was clear that the garrison was dissolving; for all its strength on paper, the absolutist state was crumbling. Incidents occurred which represented a fundamental escalation of the disturbances. When a detachment of mounted police, ordered to disperse a crowd by the Catherine Canal, fired on it from the opposite bank. Answering fire came from soldiers of the Pavlovsky Regiment passing through the crowd. This episode, a detail in the huge scale of events, had important repercussions. Mutineers had done hitherto only passively resisted their officers. Opening fire on other units committed them to the outcome of the rising. Since its suppression would mean summary execution for participants, mutineers now had nothing to lose, and no reason not to crush the regime. Exchanges of fire between mutineers and loyal troops represented an equivalent raising of the stakes for the garrison command and the government. They, too, were committed by events to the maximum use of force to crush the rising. They began to rush reinforcements from the front, not hesitating to drown in blood the popular rising. The die was also cast for the vacillating businessmen, bankers and liberals locked in debate in the Duma. News of what seemed the onset of civil war brought an immediate halt to the talk of forcing `minor concessions' from Nicholas. It was no longer possible to use events in the capital as a pretext for imposing constitutional reform on the monarchy. If, after all, the rising should still be crushed, then anyone, even respectable Duma deputies, who had sought to profit from the actions of mutineers, would be at risk of losing their own lives or liberty. Faced with a full-scale revolution, the Duma men had to decide - either denounce the insurgents and affirm their oath of allegiance. Or reject the Tsar, and try to place themselves at the head of the revolution. In practice, the bourgeois politicians had little choice but to repudiate Nicholas8, although this scarecly meant an end to public vacillation and private intrigue by the democrats of the Duma. The climax approached. Crowds returned to the streets in greater numbers than before. Mutineers shot Colonel Ecksten, commander of the Pavlovsky Regiment, in the street by the barracks. Next day, 27 February, the whole garrison rose up; they had been ordered to `shoot to kill'. The revolt began in the special training unit of the Volynski Guards, whose members had opened fire on the crowds the previous day. Two sergeants shot the regimental commander from a barracks window, then ran round neighbouring barracks to win support. Officers were shot, and the rebellion grew.9 By now the factories were deserted for the streets, where workers lynched any policemen they came across. The arsenal was captured, and city prisons emptied of political and common criminals. The Bicycle Battalion resisted for a day, was crushed and its officers shot. On the morning of 27 February, there were 10,200 rebel soldiers. Their numbers grew until by 1 March 170,000 out of 180,200 troops in the city had joined the insurrection. The crowds who invaded the city centre that decisive Monday, 27 February, were no longer content passively to demonstrate their disaffection by holding mass meetings. Mutineers pressed down to the Tauride Palace to make their demands on the Duma. A torrent of red banners poured down the Sadovaya and Nevsky Prospekts and into the palace square. Marching behind their regimental colours, without an officer in sight, the garrison soldiers were cheered on by the watching multitude. Troops passing down Liteiny Prospekt released from the Kresty prison some right-wing Mensheviks jailed on 14 February after calling for a representative government. These middle-class socialists who later fiercely resisted the call for `All power to the Soviet', now were most active in setting it up. They saw it as a little more than a glorified strike committee, as it had been in the 1905 revolution. Nor did they suppose it would play more than a temporary role, serving to restrain the forces unleashed in the rising until a bourgeois government could be installed and a constitutional democracy inaugurated (Marxism decreed that only the bourgeoisie was fitted to rule during Russia's impending capitalist epoch). But the reflexive dogma which informed Menshevik actions in February were falsified from the start. They were surprised to discover that the crisis of authority extended into the Duma, which they had confidently expected would create the new government. Even the Progressive Bloc liberals were frightened by the mass eruption onto the streets of the capital. From day one, much against their will, the parliamentary socialists were face to face with the problem of power. Fearing that mass anger might at any moment turn on them, the Duma men had begun to repent of their attacks on the monarchy. While the crowds invaded the Tauride's left wing (appropriately enough) to begin their noisy deliberations, the Duma deputies were meeting in their quiet offices in its right wing. They did not reach any conclusions. Nothing in their experience had prepared them for this moment. The Tauride's left wing soon became the centre of a vortex which seemed to draw in the entire population of the capital. Contemporary reports describe the frenzy inside its Catherine Hall, resembling a village assembly when the tillers redivided the communal land. Amidst the din of a yelling mob, small knots of people wrangled and argued: the capital's writers, intellectuals, fugitive revolutionaries, working class agitators, trade unionists and officials from the flourishing co-operative movement, who had come to the Tauride as much to find out what was going on as to contribute. The begetters of the Soviet faced tasks on which the immediate fate of the rising depended. They were besieged by tens of thousands of people, with new columns of soldiers marching down Shpalernaya and Basseinaya streets to offer support. They had no idea what counter- measures the government might take, or how to react to them. The leaders of the workers' and peasants' parties had no time even to ask the question, `To whom shall go the power?' (Shlyapnikov, the Bolshevik leader, refused to discuss questions of such import in the absence of the exiled Party leaders). The spontaneous nature of the revolution meant there were no plans for life after it. There were no arrangements even to secure the building where the Soviet was to meet; meanwhile the Treasury, posts and telegraphs, the High Command, even the Secret Police were still in the hands of Tsarist functionaries. The arrest of the government had to be organised. The railway network serving the city had to be secured against the deployment of counter-revolutionary troops from the front. Fires raged unchecked and a huge column of smoke rose over the city where the notorious Litovsky prison had been burned down. The revolution would inherit hunger, and this was not a matter of long-term policy, but of finding grain for the next three days; the collapse of food distribution was a primary cause if the rising. In the streets the endless crowd, leavened with tens of thousands of cold, hungry and now homeless mutineers moved and stirred in a thickening February afternoon. By noon the assembly in the Catherine Hall, with its embryo cliques and caucuses, had somehow formed a committee to convoke the Soviet; messengers were sent to the factories and barracks, and within five hours working- class Petrograd began electing its first delegates: one per 1,000 workers, and one for each company of soldiers or sailors. The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies - `Petrosoviet' as it was dubbed - was struggling into life. As evening came the crowds surrounding the Tauride impatiently awaited the opening of the first session. Pressing through the enormous thronged ante-chamber and into the Catherine Hall, still (according to Nikolai Sukhanov, the great Menshevik chronicler of the revolution) clad in their furs, proletarian caps and army greatcoats, many bearing arms, the delegates began to arrive, waving their credentials and with loud, cheery voices, demanding to `report to the Soviet'. Meanwhile in the right wing of the palace, a rump of the Duma elected a `Provisional Committee', headed by Mikhail Rodzianko (1859-1923), a Tsarist statesmen and large landowner, who still hoped to save the monarchy despite itself. Rodzianko insisted on a Provisional `Committee' rather than fully-fledged government. He considered that for the Duma to form a government would be in breach of his oath of allegiance to the Tsar. Miliukov rejected this idea for the opposite reason. He did not consider that the Duma could form a Provisional Government acceptable to the nation; it `was clamped in a vice by the prerogatives of autocratic power...what part could such an institution play in the new situation?' This was the beginning of the bourgeois revolution. Rodzianko spent the afternoon of 27 February closeted in his study in the right wing of the Tauride, trying to arrange secret negotiations with Grand Duke Michael, whom he hoped would become a constitutional monarch after Nicholas's abdication. Nothing came of this; public opinion resolutely opposed it, as did Nicholas,who was suspicious of his brother (the latter had entered a morganatic marriage). Rodzianko telegraphed the front commanders to ask their support, and his messages to the generals show the apprehension of the Duma men. To Alekseev, the Chief of Staff, he wired about `the most fearsome of revolutions'. The people, he said, `are murdering their officers ... I fear the same fate may overtake me'. To General Ruszky, who was gathering forces to crush the rising, Rodzianko said `My heart bleeds at the sight of what is happening', and implored him to `stop sending troops - they will not take action against the people. Prevent unnecessary bloodshed.' Hoping to gain control of the army, the Provisional Committee established a Military Commission. In the days which followed the February Revolution, the Military Commission won the allegiance of many officers. But among the millions of trench and garrison soldiers a process had begun which eventually destroyed not only the Military Commission, but the Provisional Government itself and the bourgeois world on which it rested. The furnace of revolt had forged its own weapon: the Soviet. At 9 p.m. the first session of the Petrosoviet was called to order, but before the chairman, Skobelev, could even get a Credentials Committee elected, the floor was taken by the first of many soldier delegates, amid riotous cheering and foot-stamping. A stream of delegates from the Volkhynian Regiment, the Pavlovsky, the Lithuanian, the Kekskholm and other ancient and battle-honoured regiments which had now made a revolution - told the same story, of officers in hiding and of illegal mass meetings where the soldiers voted never again to fight for the Tsar or oppress the people. Sukhanov describes how a simple private with the raw, bony hands of a peasant, stood on a chair and announced: We had a meeting, and the lads told me to say that we are joining the Soviet and refuse to serve against the people any more- that we're joining with our brother workers, all together, to defend the people's cause, and we'll die for it if need be!10 As all these disconnected episodes of revolt and mutiny came together the realisation grew that Tsarism had been destroyed: there could be no going back. It was decided to issue proclamations to the capital and the provinces, and the meeting turned to detailed matters, but the interruptions did not cease, as new soldier-delegates from time to time burst in and told of yet more regiments adhering to the Soviet: the Semyonovsky (which in 1905 had won notoriety in the bloody suppression of the Moscow rising), the Cossacks, the machine-gun regiments, an armoured division - all traditional enemies of the people. While the Soviet continued its noisy deliberations, outside the Catherine Hall a good-natured pandemonium reigned. Thousands of people swirled in and around the great palace. Groups of ragged workers were locked in fierce debate in the rooms and galleries; women organised tea and bread for the milling soldiery, and peasants in army greatcoats thrust their way through carrying enormous sacks of flour and meal, or dried herrings, or ammunition cases and weaponry, which they dumped unceremoniously in huge piles on the muddy marble floors. Beside the entrance stood two duty guards. Bewildered and frightened, they were the last sentries of the old regime, and no one had told them to go off duty. Outside, new groups of workers struggled across the frozen Neva to the Tauride. Contemporary accounts vividly describe the scene as armoured cars with red flags roared in and out of the palace yard and shadowy groups of Red Guards and soldiers huddled around braziers, standing guard over their revolution.11 Information scarcely existed about events at the front or in Moscow or the provinces. In its death-throes the old order still kicked. The Black Hundred death squads were unleashed. Provokatsy shot at passers-by from high windows; there were assaults on women, the burning of Jewish premises, a wave of looting began. The electricity supply grew erratic. To restore order, the Soviet adopted delegate Braunstein's suggestion that `Commissars' (the first time the word was used) be appointed in the districts. A Supply Commission was elected, and left at once to find offices and start work. Its first head, A.V. Peshokhonov, heard of a large food depot still held by Tsarist authorities and sent two guards to take it over. (Next day a huge crowd gathered, began arguing with the sentries, then broke into the depot. Loading the food onto commandeered lorries, they took it down to the Food Commissariat, where everything was triumphantly handed over to Peshokhonov.) The Secret Police was destroyed by the people. Sukhanov relates a dramatic episode, when Shcheglovitov, the feared police minister and sponsor of the Black Hundreds, was arrested by a student who persuaded a group of soldiers to help him. They took him amidst angry crowds to the Catherine Hall where they were met by Kerensky, who, hoping to prevent a lynching, said: `Mr Shcheglovitov, I arrest you in the name of the people!' Less tactfully, Rodzianko pushed through and said to Shcheglovitov with a smile, `Ivan Grigorievich, do please enter my office!' But the student protested and Shcheglovitov was led away.12 Armed resistance to the revolution ended with the surrender of the besieged Admiralty (the garrison commander thought the building - a fine piece of architecture - should be preserved). The Council of Ministers cabled its resignation to Nicholas. The end had come. Almost overnight, the vast edifice of Tsardom had vanished. Later, the Soviet announced that nearly 2,000 had died in the rising, about half of them workers; more than 100 officers were killed by their men, including the Admiral of the Black Sea Fleet. Nicholas II, soon a virtual prisoner of his own elite troops in Mogilev, abdicated 20 minutes before midnight on 2 March. `All around me', he told his diary, `treason, cowardice and deceit.'13 He exchanged heart-rending messages with the Empress, who was preoccupied with tending the royal children (they were ill with measles). The question of power, raised by the fall of the autocracy and seemingly neglected by those at the epicentre of revolution, loomed much larger to observers at a distance. As news of events in Petrograd seeped out US President Woodrow Wilson was quick to welcome the Revolution. He thought it would mean the displacement of a barren autocracy by Western-style democracy. In his declaration of war on Germany, made weeks after the fall of the Tsar, Wilson was to mention of `the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening in the last few weeks in Russia'14. In Switzerland, Lenin, the exiled Bolshevik leader, observed the formation of the Provisional Government, scantily reported though it was, with different feelings. When Alexandra Kollontai wrote from Stockholm for advice (she was on the point of returning to Petrograd), Lenin could only reply: Fancy asking for `directives' from here, where we're completely in the dark! All the leading Party comrades are in Peter [Petrograd] now... A week of bloody workers' battles, and Miliukov, Guchkov and Kerensky are in power! Well, so be it. This `first stage of the revolution', born of the war, will not be the last... 15 The February Revolution had come as a complete surprise to the revolutionary diaspora. One evening Lenin had given a lecture to a youth meeting at the Zurich People's Hall. Subject: the 1905 revolution. Many in the audience were war-resisters from France and Germany. Lenin wanted to explain what a revolution feels like. The coming European revolution would be both proletarian and socialist: `Only stern battles, only civil wars, can free humanity from the yoke of capital'16, Lenin had said. And it would be class conscious workers who would come forth to lead the masses in titanic struggles. But he could not say when these events might begin: `We of the older generation may not live to see the coming decisive battles.' That was on 22 January - just six weeks before the revolution. Yet Lenin was in constant touch with events. Letters were sent to Berne from all over Russia. Lenin's Letters from Afar, sent to Pravda (now openly published in Petrograd) were the first evidence of Lenin's uncanny anticipation of the problems thrown up by the revolution. He discussed the nuts and bolts of a socialist state - the possibility of which still seemed not merely remote, but completely unreal, to the Bolsheviks in Petrograd. What, for instance, would be the role of the future proletarian militia? The police had disappeared overnight after the February revolution (and were never replaced). Lenin wanted a general arming of the citizens, with a workers' militia not only keeping order but distributing bread and acting as sanitarki, (lay health workers), to see that every family was provisioned and `each child given a bottle of good milk', rich and poor alike. And the militia would ensure that the palaces of the rich were not left unoccupied while the poor were destitute. `Who can carry out these measures except a people's militia, to which women must belong equally with men?'17 he wrote. And then, while arguing about whether militiamen delivering infants' milk was `socialism' or not, Lenin characteristically struck at the question which was to dog the Russian revolution: was the bourgeois revolution (which had now happened) the beginning of a capitalist era, as traditional Marxist theory seemed to suggest? Or could the proletarian revolution follow, in an unbroken process? Lenin said: It is not a matter of finding a theoretical classification. We would be committing a great mistake if we attempted to force the complex, urgent, rapidly unfolding tasks of the revolution into the procrustean bed of a narrowly conceived `theory', instead of regarding theory first of all and above all as a guide to action18. And he went on to reject the theory of revolutionary `stages', which said the socialist parties would be no more than the legal opposition during a prolonged period of capitalist development. There was no reason why the bourgeois should not be followed immediately by the proletarian revolution. The institution of the Soviet - a spontaneous creation of the working class - was the harbinger of the workers' state: therefore the Bolshevik slogan should be `All Power to the Soviet!' Lenin's Letters >From Afar were mostly published posthumously - his cautious Petrograd comrades decided Vladimir Ilyich had gone mad. But the questions he raised in them were to prove central to the Bolshevik rising, and Lenin would refer to them again and again, particularly in State and Revolution. Could a backward country like Russia build socialism in isolation? This, too, was a key question if World Revolution should turn out to be a chimera. At this stage, at any rate- when the main thing was somehow to get back to Russia- (from where Lenin had been absent for 15 years) Lenin allowed no room for doubt. World capitalism had entered a period of dramatic crisis. The struggle, the horrors, misery, ruin and brutalisation caused by the imperialist war had opened an era of proletarian socialist revolution. And the Russian proletariat had led the way. To talk of confining the tasks of revolutionaries to being the midwives of Russian capitalism stood history on its head, and ignored everything that was happening in the world outside. `Imperialist war is the eve of socialist revolution', Lenin said. `Judge for yourselves, can the war continue, can the capitalist domination continue on earth, if the Russian people, always sustained by the living memories of the great Revolution of 1905, win complete freedom and transfer all political power to the Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies? 19 Soon, Lenin's call to arms would ring out in Russia itself: We are out to rebuild the world. We are out to put an end to the imperialist world war into which hundreds of millions of people have been drawn and in which the interests of billions and billions of capital are involved, a war which cannot end in a truly democratic peace without the greatest proletarian revolution in the history of mankind20. Petrograd was drunk on revolution. In the icy depths of March a holiday was declared, and Nevsky Prospekt flowed with banners and bunting, blood-red against the snow. Workers scrambling on perilous roof-tops decanted the symbols of Tsarism into the streets below. One morning deputies arriving for a session of the Soviet watched two soldiers climb on the platform and take their bayonets to Repin's portrait of Tsar Nicholas. The great gilt frame would gape down on the Catherine Hall until October. Outside, groups of armed workers, soldiers and sailors stood by cheery braziers on the corners of streets, watching for Black Hundreds and greeting with loud `Hurrahs!' new detachments marching under their red banners. It seemed that nothing could break the revolution. An elemental force had been freed, its energy surprising no-one more than the insurrectionists. Telegraphed across the country, the February Revolution everywhere led to a joyous outburst. From sleepy provincial towns and great river ports, from arid steppes and the fertile Ukraine, and from the regions of ice and the fiery deserts, came a tumult of greetings to the `fighters of the capital', support for the Soviet `to the last breath', and ardent requests not to give up until the last relics of Tsardom were swept away. Soon delegates from local soviets (whichsprang up overnight in every city and village, and throughout the war fronts) began arriving in Petrograd. To cater for this flood of visitors, the Soviet plenum (now in continuous session) was moved from the cramped Tauride to the huge White Hall. Everything had to be improvised. Since there were no typists, secretaries or printers, no telecommunications or transport, and no support staff of any kind, the newly-elected officers had to go out into the blistering cold and agitate among soldiers and workers to carry out whatever had just been decided. Cajoling troops to guard premises, printers to publish Izvestia, (the Soviet's newspaper), catering workers to organise food, and a hundred and one other things, they began to create a fledgling bureaucracy21. Petrograd's factories, barracks and suburbs were still electing their deputies. Men and women straight from the workplace were dazzled by the brilliant, fractious oratory of the Soviet, and bewildered by the tide of proclamations, pamphlets and newspapers which some were unable even to read. These makers of the new Russia were soon joined by the representatives of the professional classes - teachers, doctors, lawyers, radicalised officers, engineers and Zemstvo functionaries. In the electric atmosphere of the White Hall it seemed that each new deputy, worker or intellectual, peasant or soldier, arrived with some scheme for the future of Russia. Working for days on end in the vortex of the Soviet, snatching rest when they could, they were possessed by dreams which one by one became real or were broken, as the first weeks of freedom passed and the vast sweep of the revolution unfolded. Tsardom, buttressed by Church and Land (atavistic symbols of the national destiny), and by immense reserves of patronage and corruption, had seemed impregnable. Its fall opened glittering prospects for the middle classes. In speeches and articles liberals used their new freedom to speculate on the enticing vistas which had opened up. A coherent `bourgeois programme' emerged, one from which it seemed all Russia's social classes and national minorities could hope to gain. The destruction of the pro-German court, which cleared the way for the installation of a popular government, could lead the country to victory. Then, strong and free, the new republic would end the war consolidated within the boundaries of the old Empire, perhaps even extending them at the expense of the Central Powers. A parliamentary democracy, uniting the social classes and national minorities, and freeing business from the petty tutelage of the autocracy, might (they dreamed) usher in a golden age of prosperity and progress for Russia. Political and business leaders were quick to try to use the Soviet to further these ends. In the mood of national joy after February, it was possible to ignore the underlying social divisions. The war was a fount of unity and only the `bourgeois programme' offered a chance of avoiding ruinous defeat. As yet no political force existed which put forward a credible alternative. Even the Bolsheviks were caught in the undertow of `conciliationism', the Menshevik goal of a `sacred union' in the interests of victory and the postwar consolidation of capitalism. The most probable outcome to the war was the victory of the Allies. This would consolidate the supremacy of the leading capitalist powers, ruling out the transition to socialism, to the dreamed-of `World Revolution'. Postwar Russia would be capitalist, its constitution thrown round property like a rampart. The land would not go to the tiller. Production would not be socialised. Menshevik arguments that this was, in any case, in line with the Marxist theory of `revolutionary stages', seemed unanswerable, Lenin's notion of transition to a communist utopia, incomprehensible. The consensus around the `bourgeois programme' was immensely strong. Cadets who had been pre-eminent in the Tsar's Duma found political bed-fellows among Socialists who still had Tsarist arrest-warrants outstanding. Even Plekhanov, the founding father of Russian Marxism, supported the `bourgeois programme'. There might be disagreement about war aims, but there could scarcely be argument about the fundamental issue of support for the war. The self-confidence of the bourgeois revolution was manifest in Pavel Miliukov's Note to Russian ambassadors, announcing the government's `determination to strictly observe the international obligations undertaken by the Old Regime and its will to fight the war to a victorious end' and adding that `the exaltation which now moves the entire nation would increase its strength and would bring the final triumph of Russia and its glorious allies much closer.' The vision of 1789, moving but anachronistic, seemed to hover above the well-to-do revolutionists of the Tauride's right wing - the bankers, lawyers and industrialists in their sleek black cassocks and gleaming starched shirt-fronts. They were helped by the fact that the first leaders of the Soviet would not have been revolutionaries in a parliamentary country. They had no programme for power, and were fatally trapped by their attitude to the war. Some amongst the delegation which negotiated the establishment of a Provisional Government were `patriotic' socialists in favour of the war. This was particularly true of Alexander Kerensky, the Trudovik (Labour Party) leader destined to play a key role in the months ahead. Despised by Miliukov for his Bonapartist pretensions, Kerensky argued that a separate peace with `Butcher Wilhelm' would leave the country abandoned by the West, to be torn to pieces by the Germans. The leaders of a successful revolution thus felt themselves hopelessly trapped from the start. As Sukhanov said, they `furled the banner of Zimmerwald' in order to create a propertied government. But, Sukhanov added, they were under `a restraint and submission to circumstances which to the outsider's eye might look like a betrayal of their basic principles and be misunderstood by the masses they were leading'22. The bourgeois slogan of the day was `A Ministry responsible to the Duma' - and the socialists agreed. >From his remote exile Lenin, on the other hand, (like Molotov on the spot in Petrograd), news of the revolution left him in no doubt about the issues at stake. It was the moment of truth, not just for the autocracy, but for Russian capitalism itself. The flower of Russian manhood lay in bloody trenches. The Germans advanced and no-one knew how to stop them. The countryside was sliding into chaos. How was bread to be brought to the hungry cities, without first reconstructing the rural economy? Lenin was to laugh such day-dreams to scorn: the best they would achieve was `hunger organised with genius' - on the German model. Even that meant a peasantry ground under the heel of forced grain collections. Meanwhile, in the great industrial centres, where enslaving ignorance still chained millions to hopeless labour, the tribunes of the Soviet could only offer freedom in a fantasised future, in exchange for intensified exploitation in the present. All depended on a quick end to the war, but the Soviet Eexecutive Committee would only `call on' the government it now created, to `renounce' a war of annexation, a meaningless demand since the only annexations going on were of Russian soil. They had no peace policy. If this was the reality of the `bourgeois programme', then for the Soviet to collude in it could only be, as Lenin said, `a nonsense, a crying mockery'. On 1 March, in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Tsar, a delegation from the fledgling Soviet turned up in the right wing of the Tauride to negotiate the creation of the first bourgeois government. Miliukov received them in his elegant chambers. There, amongst handsome men of business and sleek officers, the exhausted members of the Soviet's Executive Committee, who had not eaten since the previous day, sipped tea and talked of Russia, while Miliukov's silent aides produced plates heaped with rich foodstuffs. After prolonged negotiations the Soviet delegation agreed to support a propertied government. As the Soviet's deferential deputies, whose lives had been a wasteland of police wanted lists, exile and prison, now (in Lenin's words) `voluntarily surrendered the power', Miliukov said in an undertone: `Yes, I was thinking as I listened to you, how far our working class movement has advanced since 1905.23' Next day the Menshevik paper Rabochaya Gazeta said: `Members of the Provisional Government, the proletariat and the army await your orders to consolidate the revolution and make Russia a democracy'... Miliukov's victory was easier because of the disarray in the Bolshevik camp. Not until 27 February did the party begin to address the enormity of the event which had eclipsed Tsardom, and only on 5 March did Molotov bring out the first legal issue of Pravda, which sold 100,000 copies; it called the world war a `civil war' between the capitalists of the belligerent countries. But this `defeatist' position was not sustained; the Party was already moving towards the conciliation of the bourgeoisie preached by the Mensheviks. Rodzianko's Provisional Committee anticipated the new government's struggle to restore traditional discipline in the armed forces by issuing a decree on its own behalf, scarcely before the dust had settled aftedr the collapse of the autocracy. On 1 March an angry Soviet plenum listened as the wealthy lawyer Sokolov, a Bolshevik sympathiser, stood up and, surrounded by soldiers, read their reply. They had come straight from the Tauride's Room 13 where for an hour the wealthy lawyer sat taking notes while the soldiers spoke as they felt, without agenda or formalities. The result, which entered history as `Order No.1', was published by Izvestia the next morning. It was a momentous event in the revolution. It destroyed the omnipotence of officers in the army and the spirit of servility they fostered. It was also the first nail in the coffin of Menshevik `conciliationism'. Its eight points included the election of Army Committees, which would take control of weaponry and supervise the officers, and the election of deputies to the Soviets, which would exercise a final say in military policy. While on duty strict discipline would be observed, but off-duty soldiers would have the same rights as other citizens. Honorific titles like `Your Excellency' were abolished and all coarse conduct by officers to men was forbidden - especially the demeaning use of the familiar `thou'. Order No.1 bound the mass of soldiery to the Soviet, but the initiative for it came from the people and from their directly expressed anger, rather than from any party's programme or manifesto. The Order destroyed any chance of the Provisional Government asserting its authority over the army. This was confirmed in the days that followed, as the capital filled with tens of thousands of soldiers, who came pouring in along every road, and by every train. They had been sent from the front to crush the rising. Obediently they arrived, were met at the railway stations by garrison soldiers and workers, heard about Order No.1, and changed sides en masse. On 6 March, the Soviet heard that Nicholas II was fleeing to England; the Provisional Government had negotiated with the British, and Kerensky decided to let him go. But the Soviet EC intervened, and the Tsar and his family were taken into `protective custody' at Tsarskoye Selo. Later the British Government decided that because of `strong feelings hostile to the Tsar in working-class circles, asylum was not possible'. The unwanted Romanovs remained in Russia. But symbolic problems were easier to deal with than the fundamental crisis gripping the country. The bread queues were as long as ever, and in them disgruntled women (according to Sukhanov) said `liberty-flibberty, it's all the same, there's nothing to be had. It's just the same, the rich keep on fleecing the poor. The shopkeepers are the only ones making money.24' A deputation of working class women went to see the City Governor to complain about high prices and food shortages; a huge crowd gathered in the street to hear him and his Menshevik deputy, Nkitsky, explain the laws of economics. The crowd shouted about greedy shopkeepers and the meeting dispersed, no-one satisfied. The bread ration was cut from 800 grammes to 500 grammes per day; in the countryside the peasants were spending more time settling accounts with landlords and moneylenders than providing food for the hungry cities. The Soviet EC established an `Economic Department' to begin economic planning and regulation. Despite the crisis of everyday life, the mood of national euphoria did not abate overnight, and the revolution continued to deepen. The great national upswelling continued without let-up. Everyday hundreds of mass meetings took place as trade unions, co-operatives, clubs and women's societies were set up; Soviets mushroomed everywhere. The newspapers were full of appeals, proclamations, announcements, dates of meetings and classes, invitations. The working-class parties frenziedly organised and propagandised, to the unconcealed dismay of the Provisional Government and the middle classes. Russia was, in Lenin's words, `the freest land in Europe'. Trench-soldiers bombarded the Soviet with requests and pleas for a solution to the land question, without waiting for a Constituent Assembly. Mostly they wanted to hear of peace talks. None of this was welcome to the Menshevik Executive Committee which was often absent from Soviet sessions on `urgent business' - usually discussions with government ministers. But day by day the work of the Soviet broadened, taking on more and more of the tasks of the government its leaders did not wish it to become. It issued an appeal on the preservation of monuments and works of art, which Maxim Gorky penned: Citiizens! The old rulers have gone, and a great heritage is left behind. Now it belongs to the whole people. Citizens, take care of this heritage, take care of the palaces- they will become palaces of your national art; take care of the pictures, the statues, the buildings- they are the embodiment of the spiritual power of yourselves and your forefathers. Art is the beauty which talented people were able to create even under despotic oppression, bearing witness to the strength and beauty of the human spirit. Citizens, do not touch one stone; preserve the monuments, the buildings, the old things, the documents- all this is your history, your pride ... While soldiers and sailors acted on Order No.1, shaking out the Tsar's officer corps like moths from an old coat, the workers quickly smashed the `absolutist' order in the great engineering works like the Aivaz, Baranovsky, Vulcan, New Lessner and the Phoenix, where the Bolsheviks were already entrenched25. Contracts of employment, rulebooks and black lists were torn up and police informers, bribe-takers and tyrannical managers expelled. At the Putilov the Director and his aide were killed and their bodies flung in the Obvodny canal. 40 managers were thrown out in the first three days of freedom. In the engine-assembly shop, Puzanov, leader of the factory's Black Hundreds, was thrown into a wheelbarrow, red lead poured over his head, and dumped in street. The workforce elected the Bolshevik Leonid Krasin as the plant's new director. He had just returned from exile in Germany where he worked as an engineer (a skill he had once used to boost Party funds by robbing banks). In a ferment of meetings, factories and offices elected delegates to the Soviet, chose factory committees, and discussed how to gain control of production. Ironically, it was the Mensheviks who began setting up the factory committees which later played such a role in the October Revolution. `Defencism' dominated the huge state-run arms factories like the Pipe and Cartridge works, and the shop stewards who called for `Workers' Control of Production' were mostly concerned with the war-effort. The February Revolution made popular a war of `just defence' which deserved sacrificial efforts and the postponing of reform. But `defencism' was a tangle of contradictions in practice. The Mensheviks could scarcely deny the very real grievances felt by workers, but their priority was speeding up production in what were already militarised factories. Workers rejected this. Early in April a conference of workers in naval enterprises discussed the factory committees, and a bitter row took place when a Menshevik member of the Soviet EC, G.E.Breido, opposed suggestions that the committees should take direct control of production26. The workers had other ideas: bosses should be elected, and supervised by the factory committee, which would keep the firm's accounts and decide pay and conditions. This decision was the beginning of their break with Menshevism and the whole `bourgeois programme', although the notion of `workers' control' was still hopelessly vague and presented no real alternative. How was it possible to have `control' without actual responsibility for production, that is, without eliminating private ownership? The eclipse of Menshevism merely began the argument. Bill Shatov, who returned from American exile (where he had won notoriety as organiser of the `Wobblies'27) saw the factory committees fitting into his anarcho-syndicalist conception of factory and rural communes forming a society with no state or government, no central authorities, no plan and no political struggle. These beguiling prospects were none the less rejected by the mass of workers; nor was this only because anarchist fantasies were utopian in the circumstances. In practice it was impossible to envisage any future without capitalism which did not also mean more, not less, planning. This became increasingly obvious as the economy spiralled to disaster in the spring and summer of 1917 and employers began to opt out (often simply disappearing with their assets and even factory machinery). The Central Council of Factory Committees had to step in to co- ordinate production, the distribution of manufactured goods to the countryside, and the supply of raw materials and especially of food. Factory committee conferences called for centralised, planned control over the economy, and `workers' control' was increasingly linked to the transfer of state power to the soviets, land to peasants, and nationalisation of the `commanding heights' of the economy. Lenin would argue: the question of workers' control boils down to who controls whom, which class is controlling and which is being controlled... we must resolutely and irrevocably move on to control over the landowners and capitalists by the workers and peasants...28 While workers began to take the economy into their own hands, the bosses found support in, of all places, Izvestia, the newspaper published by the Soviet EC. It spoke of `the wartime situation' which `made caution necessary' in using `the sharper weapons of class struggle such as strikes and lockouts'; `open conflict' was to be avoided in preference for `negotiation and agreement'29. The Provisional Government, hamstrung in economic affairs, tried to win support with an apparently ambitious programme of reforms. It set up an industrial relations conciliation machinery, set new health and safety standards and established a social insurance scheme. At the instigation of the Soviet, it made other reforms too: the death penalty was abolished and on 17 March the corporal punishment of peasants was abolished. Decrees guaranteeing religious freedom and the rights of national minorities (of which there were more than 100 in the Russian Empire) were promulgated. The main purpose of this was to encourage the Poles to rise up against their German occupiers (they didn't). But Finland, also part of the Empire and still in Russian hands, was denied its freedom. On 17 April the police force (which had disappeared anyway) was replaced by a militia. Like all its reforms, the Provisional Government's decree on the militia was ambiguous. It ratified one of the results of the revolution while trying to reverse it in practice. It was supposed to eliminate a duplication between the City Duma's own militia and the Red Guard detachments. Needless to say, the new `regular' force made the volunteer militias unnecessary, and they were to disband. Would the militia be given the traditional police role of protecting private property? Or would it be `the people in arms'? A police force would empty the factories of strikers, but a militia would defend the workers, who many saw as the real source of social wealth. The militia suddenly came into the foreground as a focus of the struggle between workers and capital, between Provisional Government and the Soviet.The secretary of the Vasilievski Island Bolshevik committee, Vera Slutskaya (who had once been a medical student) threw herself into training the sanitarki and these young militia-women in their red kerchiefs became a familiar sight in the slums and factories, visiting mothers and children and combining some elementary health education with a stark political lesson: only ending the war would end the hunger, disease and squalor of the Vyborg Side and Vasilievski. These initiatives did not go down well with the Mensheviks, and Kerensky was more interested in organising middle class women into `Death's Head Battalions', intended to shame trench-soldiers into a new offensive spirit. By the end of March 10,000 out of 20,000 militiamen were workers, but the campaign by the Government reduced their number to 2,000 two months later. But in factory after factory the officially disbanded militia came together again as a Red Guard, committed, as a resolution of the Vyborg District Soviet put it, to fight counter-revolution and defend `weapons in hand, all the gains of the working class'. The Soviet EC dismissed this as the work of `leninists' which `directly threatened the unity of the revolutionary forces'. In the aftermath of the February Revolution a patriotic euphoria swept the country. The regiments which had made the revolution marched in parades, bearing banners which read `The 8-Hour Day!' `Long Live Democracy, Land and Freedom!' but which also said `Conquer or Die!' and `Soldiers to the Trenches, Workers to their Benches!' or (from a cavalry detachment): `Comrades, Forge the Weapons!, Let's Bathe our Horses in German Blood!' In the last two weeks of March the pro-war agitation reached a climax. `Pacifists and 8-Hour Day Mongers' were denounced under the endlessly-repeated slogan `War till Victory'. The gutter press began to vilify trade unionists, soldatki self-help groups and the factory committees, which were all presented as not only unpatriotic in time of war, but unworthy of Russians anyway. A constant stream of delegations from the front visited the capital, as the soldiery tried to make up its mind about the issues at stake. Shabby men stained with the mud of the trenches took their earnest simplicity and endless questions first to the Marian Palace, where they sipped tea with bourgeois ministers. Then they went to the Soviet and drank in its heady atmosphere. The Soviet continued to grow, reflecting the steady emergence of those huge, subterranean forces which constantly confounded the expectations of liberal political and business circles. By the end of March there were more than 3,000 delegates. The plenum moved to the Naval Academy on Vasilievski Island, which boasted the biggest hall in the capital. The EC, which had kept its offices in the Tauride, travelled there in a column of cars. The Soviet's sessions were more extraordinary than ever. Sometimes visitors from the front spoke, hesitant at first but drawing strength from the meeting. These were always emotional occasions, as even that dry intellectual, Sukhanov, was moved to record. Peasants, he wrote: so ignorant and illiterate they could barely pronounce the word `revolution', in a self-oblivious flood of words pouring out of their soul, seemed the voice of the people and its revolution. And all around ... the `conscious' vanguard, the marxist thinkers sat and listened in rapt silence, with burning eyes and set smiles... Sukhanov described what became a familiar event: A peasant mounted the rostrum with (as was often the case) his sack on his back. In a soft, urgent voice, so that the silent multitude strained to hear, he spoke of his comrades in the trenches who sent him to salute the fighters at this, other, front- to thank them for the great deeds, for the freedom won. Not knowing how to repay this debt and help the cause of the nation, or how to show their devotion to the revolution and support of their kinsmen in the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the soldiers decided to send `the most precious thing we've got. So in this sack are all the decorations we've won with our blood; no-one kept anything for himself. I've been sent to give them to you, together with our sacred, unbreakable vow to give our lives for the freedom that's been won and to serve the revolution and obey without question all the orders of the Soviet.30' Support for the Provisional Government, but only if it sought an equitable peace and convoked a Constituent Assembly. No support for `War till Victory'. On the other hand, the Soviet received unconditional loyalty from the soldier-masses freed by its `Order No. 1'. The message was clear and (as the war dragged on) ominous for the Provisional Government. The exiles were returning, seemingly from all quarters of the globe. Leon Trotsky arrived , the Menshevik leader Chernov arrived, and the founder of `Scientific Anarchism', Peter Kropotkin. Almost every day military bands and honour guards were dispatched to the Finland Station and the other great terminals, to hail a returning grandee of the revolutionary diaspora. The less well known came in without fanfare, rolled up their sleeves without fuss, and went to work. The opening act was over; a new stage in the revolution was beginning, and the cast too had begun to change. The Menshevik leaders, Lieber and Dan, returned. Joseph Stalin came from Siberia on 13 March, together with Lev Kamenev, and at once joined the Soviet EC. Stalin, a member of the Bolshevik Central Committee since 1912, took over from Shlyapnikov as leader in Petrograd. Kamenev, who was no great thinker or writer (his main gift was oratory), was far more cautious, passive and conciliationist than Molotov, from whom he took over Pravda, at once swinging the paper sharply to the right. Thus when Kerensky told the world that Russia `would proudly defend its freedom' and `not retreat before the bayonets of the aggressors', Kamenev followed up with the first of an extraordinary series of articles which overnight began to drag the Bolsheviks into the `conciliationist' camp. When army faces army, [he wrote in Pravda] it would be the most inane policy to suggest to one of those armies that it lay down its arms and go home. This is not a policy of peace but of slavery, which a free people will reject with disgust31. This about-face dismayed Bolshevik factory workers, and the paper was deluged with protests. It seemed that now even the Bolsheviks were falling into what Lenin called `the profound and fatal error of revolutionary defencism'. Georgy Plekhanov, the grand old man of Russian socialism, arrived on 31 March, to a triumphal welcome. At one time the teacher and collaborator in exile of the young Lenin, certainly the founder of Marxism in Russia, Plekhanov's name was hallowed in the ears of all revolutionaries, despite his support of the war and break with Bolshevism. But in fact, Plekhanov and his tiny Yedinstvo (Unity) group were to play no role in the Revolution, and he died of TB in 1918. Exiles were not the only import from the outside world; the new religious freedom encouraged evangelical missions, and for a while the Salvation Army won the poster battle. Its placards crammed the walls, and huge congregations attended its services at the People's House (a Temperance Hall). As the economy worsened, life in Russia's towns slid into a chaos of hunger and darkness and the countryside boiled with discontent. People began to call for the convening of an All-Russian Congress of Soviets and on 28 March a preliminary conference opened, with 400 delegates from around the country. When it closed six days later they had adopted the slogan `Peace, Land and Bread!' The chauvinist campaign for `war till victory' had won support for the idea of a new offensive, but had also triggered off a backlash. Spurred on by the Bolsheviks, whose numbers grew daily, the Menshevik and SR parties organised great mass meetings against continuing with the Tsar's war aims. The Provisional Government split, with Kerensky, Lvov and Nekrasov opposing Miliukov, who was determined to stick by the Tsar's annexationist demands. On 27 March Miliukov was forced to renounce annexations, a decision greeted with jubilation in the Soviet. On the same day a national conference of the Bolsheviks opened in the palace belonging to Kshesinskaya, the Tsar's favourite ballerina. The conference was meant to prepare the party for Lenin's return from exile. It turned out to be a dispiriting affair. The leadership was trapped in a grey realism, seemingly the product of a weary seniority among the leadership, which blanketed the revolutionary elan of the young faithful. The Party was moving towards unity with the Mensheviks. While the conference was still in session, a telegram arrived from Lenin, then travelling across Germany in a sealed train, along with 31 other exiles. Its terse urgency conflicted with the mood of resignation spreading through the conference. `Our only guarantee - to arm the workers', it said. `No agreement with the other parties. Last is sine qua non. We do not trust Chkheidze.' Lenin was due to arrive on Easter Sunday. A party of Central Committee members, including Kamenev and Alexandra Kollontai, went ahead to meet his train at Belo- Ostrov on the Finnish border. Kamenev tried to brief Lenin on the situation in the capital and was brusquely cut short: `What is this you are writing in Pravda?' Lenin asked. `We saw some of your articles and roundly abused you.' (`We must answer bullet with bullet and shell with shell', Kamenev had said). At Petrograd's Finland Station, the party's Russian Bureau had organised a theatrical welcome for the emigres. Huge crowds had gathered in the station square and the adjoining streets. Hundreds of red flags fluttered overhead, lit by arc lights and dominated by a magnificent banner embroidered in gold with the legend: `Central Committee of the RS-DWP (Bolsheviks)'. Armoured cars bearing Bolshevik agitators began to arrive, while a searchlight mounted on a lorry cut swaths of light through the startled crowd and slashed the cloudy sky. Drawn up near the station entrance were companies of troops and bands, which played the Marseillaise as the train drew in. Lenin's speeches to the waiting crowds- made standing on an armoured car - caused consternation among Bolshevik leaders present, and set the pattern for what was to come: Dear comrades, soldiers, sailors and workers! I greet you, with joy, as the embodiment of the victorious Russian revolution, and I greet you as the vanguard of the worldwide proletarian army. The piratical imperialist war is the beginning of civil war throughout Europe. The hour is not far distant when at the call of our comrade, Karl Liebknecht, the German people will take up arms against their own capitalist exploiters... The worldwide Socialist Revolution has already dawned!32 This was the first time any party leader had used the word `socialist' in connection with the Russian revolution. At the Kshesinskaya palace he spoke again, and as he spoke, there were cries from the audience. `It seemed', Alexandra Kollontai was to say, `that Vladimir Ilyich had lost his reason.' `Delirium, the delirium of a madman', cried Bogdanov, a former Bolshevik. `Lenin has proposed himself as candidate for a throne vacant for 30 years, the throne of Bakunin' (the anarchist leader), said another. Of the party leadership, only Kollontai spoke in his support; but among the ardent rank-and-file the reaction to Lenin's speech was much more enthusiastic. `Vladimir Ilyich was a man who knew better than anyone else before him how to stop people leading their customary lives', Maxim Gorky was to say. According to Gorky, he spoke in a matter-of-fact, direct way, without histrionics, but his eyes had `the cold glitter of steel shavings'33. And never was Lenin more fiery, more determined or more irresistible than in the first days and weeks of his return from exile. These first speeches, published in millions of copies as the April Theses, affected the national mood and the eventual course of the revolution. Lenin believed that removing Tsarism had served only to propel the country into the deeper international crisis of capitalism. Whichever alliance of capitalist powers was victorious on the battlefield, capitalism as a whole, as a world-system, stood to be defeated in the World War. In 1871, an earlier war between France and Prussia had led to the first socialist revolution. The Paris Commune, though drowned in blood, was a model for any future socialist government. In the age of imperialism- capitalism's `highest, final stage' - inter-imperialist war would always end in social revolution - something lost sight of when the Socialist parties of Europe rallied to their national flags in 1914 (despite the Second International). The defeated countries (starting with Russia) would undergo a social revolution. In the period since 1871, world capitalism had undergone enormous growth and transformation. Its contradictions were more explosive in 1917 than half a century earlier. The insurrectionary impulse spawned by the crisis of war must unleash a tidal wave of revolution, dwarfing the Commune in power and scope. Revolution in any one country would be the prelude to World Revolution. Revolutionaries had to assume this and act accordingly. Even if the Russian socialist revolution, which now seemed inevitable, was annihilated like the Commune, there would be other revolutions, as world capitalism bred new and deeper crises, until the system was finally breached. But the difference in circumstances from 1871 meant the socialist revolution in Russia would not be destroyed. Lenin's April Theses were true in the sense that Russia was already finished militarily. The longer hostilities continued, the more certain was the second, socialist revolution. But suppose the front collapsed overnight? Nearly one half of German and Austro-Hungarian forces were fighting in the East. Would not the prospect then be, not socialist revolution, but national annihilation? This argument for `revolutionary defence' did not deter Lenin. A complex evolution of events was in train, both at the front and in the rear, and the timing of the second revolution depended on this. The Bolsheviks must also wait, confining themselves to patient explanation and agitation. Only when there were Bolshevik majorities on the Soviets would conditions finally be ready for insurrection. In the meantime, there was nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by embracing `defencism'. Despite the clamour of treason, the Bolsheviks would continue to argue that the workers and peasants had no stake in this war and should `vote with their feet' against it. Lenin did not believe that the Germans were socially or militarily capable of swallowing up Russia. When, if, the country was finally defeated, there would still be something more than the Muscovite rump left, and that something would be a socialist republic of workers and peasants. Lenin's arguments gave people a licence to dream. The age-old hopes of socialists and populists began to seem not just feasible, but historically inevitable and even the only possible future for Russia. The April Theses pointed beyond Russia's wartime predicament into a different future. They called for unconditional opposition to the Provisional Government and to `revolutionary defencism', proposing instead to organise mass fraternisation between Russian and German soldiers at the fronts. The Bolsheviks should resolutely oppose a parliamentary republic and organise the seizure of power by the proletariat and poor peasantry, the abolition of the standing army and the formation of workers militias. Land must be nationalised, and the future Soviet Republic would rest upon the alliance of workers and peasants. Lenin's Theses gained credence when they melded with a sudden turn of events which threatened to overwhelm the Provisional Government. On 18 April Miliukov informed the Allies that Russia would continue the war and fulfil all treaty obligations. The result was an explosion of public anger, and it became clear not only that Foreign Minister Miliukov and War Minister Guchkov would have to resign but that the whole bourgeois government might collapse, leaving the Soviet EC to carry the can for prolonging the war. The Menshevik Rabochaya Gazeta said on 20 April: Miliukov's Note, published yesterday, called forth great indignation on the streets.... Everywhere, at street meetings, in trams, passionate, heated disputes over the war take place. The caps and handkerchiefs stand for peace, the derbies and bonnets for war...From time to time, counter-demonstrations... small, disorderly crowds, among them officers and women, run along Nevsky Prospekt with placards and shout `Long Live the Provisional Government!' and `Down with Lenin!'... As fierce demonstrations erupted in the capital and throughout the provinces, the Soviet debated Miliukov's Note in an atmosphere governed by the opportunistic majority's fear of civil war and determination to coat-tail the Provisional Government. It was decided to negotiate with the Provisional Government. Then, two days later, as the tide of popular anger grew, Lenin said `The time has come to seize power.' Rallies both for and against the war grew in scale. Once again, gunfire could be heard around the city. On 21 April thousands of women textile workers paraded down the odd-numbered side of Nevsky; on the even-numbered side crowds of well-dressed women, officers, merchants and lawyers walked in the same direction with placards reading `Long Live the PG', `Arrest Lenin' and the like. At the corner with Sadovaya they began shouting insults at the poor women: `Trollops! Illiterate rabble! Filthy scum!' A textile worker shouted back `The hats you're wearing are made from our blood!' and the women flew at each other, tearing and scratching. A detachment of sailors arrived, complete with the customary brass band, and the middle class women beat a hasty retreat. As a consequence of the rioting Miliukov and Guchkov were driven from the government, which was obliged publicly to repudiate Miliukov's Note. Only the support of the Soviet prevented the bourgeois government from collapsing. In the April Theses, Lenin had called for the abolition of the armed forces, at a time when parts of the country were still under German occupation. The politicians and publicists of the capital were treated to the spectacle of a major public figure urging his supporters to visit the frontlines and to prevail upon the defenders of desperate trenches to abandon the struggle. Such a thing was unthinkable in any other combatant country. Nor was this all. Lenin spurned the Constituent Assembly, urging people to take matters in their own hands. `For us it is the revolutionary act which is important', he said, `while the law should be its consequence.'34 To the lawyers and politicians of the other parties this was an outrage against constitutional principle. It made political outlaws of the Bolsheviks. Telling the soldiers to `vote with their feet', Lenin's encouragement to workers to take control of industry, to peasants to seize the land, and to the minority nations to decide their own futures, threatened the survival of the nation. Fuelling the ferment, a tide of propaganda published by all the parties, according to John Reed, `went out every day [by] tons, car-loads, train-loads, saturating the land'. Agitators fanned out from the capital, to `lectures, debates, speeches- in theatres, circuses, school-houses, clubs, Soviet meeting-rooms, Union headquarters, barracks ... Meetings in the trenches at the front, in village-squares, in factories.' In words, cartoons for the illiterate, simple plays and music, in street-theatre, in the hundreds of newspapers and thousands of books, pamphlets and brochures, Russia explored its past and future. Not all was Bolshevik propaganda, of course but neither, as Reed said, were Russians reading `fables, falsified history, diluted religion and the cheap religion which corrupts- but social and economic theories, philosophy, the works of Tolstoy, Gogol and Gorky...' 35 February had roused a hurricane of expectations. They seemed incompatible with the survival of the nation in wartime. National self-determination implied the secession of the Ukraine, Finland and the Baltikum, a disaster that would ensure defeat. Yet the Soviet was hoist on the petard of its own commitment to a peace without annexations, a peace of self-determination. It had no moral authority to resist any minority nation's determination to secede. Attacking Lenin when the latter merely traced out the logic of this commitment was hypocrisy. Jews, Armenians, Georgians, Ukrainians, all began to stir. Muslims representing the great Central Asian nations - the Uzbeks, Azerbaijanis, Tadjiks, Kazakhs, Turkmen and Kirghizes - called for an All-Russian Conference, which was held in Moscow on 1 May. A women - Selima Yakubova - was elected president of the Congress, in a vote which outraged the clerics, who had tried to exclude women from even attending. Many of the participants were radicalised intellectuals living in the capital and for this reason the conference was not truly representative of feeling in the Central Asian national minorities36. None the less its proceedings raised what were to become enduring themes in the modernising of Islamic societies during the twentieth century. The conference tried to balance the conflict between demands for national autonomy, and for the rights of oppressed groups - women, workers and peasants - within the minority nations, which were generally backward, patriarchal-feudal societies. It debated a resolution opposing federal autonomy and arguing instead for unity within a Russian state, on the grounds that: In the so-called Muslim states, the workers would not know how to profit from All-Russian social legislation ... the immaturity and disorganisation of the working class will keep it in abominable conditions of exploitation. There will be many struggles before... the 8-hour day, social security, disability and unemployment benefits [are won and federalism] will split Islam... throttling the unity of Shi-ites and Sunni muslims, and lead to heresies. Self-determination taken too far might also `make the emancipation of women difficult in Turkestan and the Caucasus, because the legislators will still be men accustomed to treating women as slaves'. Despite these considerations, the balance of opinion came down in favour of seeking national autonomy within a future federal state. The reason was clear: the emancipation of oppressed social groups within the national minorities depended on the nation being first liberated from exploitation by a chauvinistic Russian Empire. The conference decided that Islam's `two great tasks' - the rebirth of Asia's Muslim culture and the smashing of European tutelage, required national self-determination. This was a recurrent refrain in the months after the February Revolution. But of all the parties, only the Bolsheviks enshrined the yearning for national liberation unreservedly into their programme, offering all nations the right to secede. Bolshevik nationalities policy combined principle with calculation. Lenin and Stalin, its authors, believed that, with the possible exceptions of Finland, Poland and the Ukraine, the national-chauvinist groupings (mostly bourgeois) in the minorities would be torn between fear of going it alone and the desire to quit the old Empire. The Bolsheviks tried to expose nationalist pretensions while emphasising the fundamental right of self-determination which alone could ensure working class support among the minorities for a `Republic of Soviets'. Their propaganda resulted in the steady Bolshevisation of Soviets in the nationalities. The revolution was gathering pace in the countryside, as the peasantry began expropriating the great estates. Somehow this vast upheaval was ignored by the politicians in the capital, for whom the war dominated everything. The price of Soviet support for continuing a war of defence (Tsarist dreams of conquest were abandoned after the April Days) was the pursuit of a peace of no annexations or indemnities and the democratisation of the army. Resolutions calling for peace talks poured in, as the chaos in the army deepened. There was growing fraternisation across enemy lines. Units who disliked their orders arrested their own commanders, imprisoned, tried and sometimes executed them; were themselves threatened with arrest and were indeed imprisoned, denied property and civil rights and disbanded, resulting in many desertions but in not a few cases a new submission by the chastened troops to military discipline. The Soldier-Citizen, a Moscow Bolshevik paper, soliloquised about the insistent demands for more discipline and for a restoration of the military death penalty: `Until the end', croaks the crow, picking clean the bones on the battlefield. What does he care about the old woman awaiting her son, or the eighty-year old forced to lead the plough with trembling hands? `War to the End!' cries the student to thousands on the public square, assuring them that `our' hardships are due to the Germans. Meanwhile his father, seller of oats at 16 roubles a pud, sits in a festive cabaret where he expounds the same theory37. This propaganda had a devastating effect; the General Staff wrung its hands while Bolshevik agitators toured the fronts with impunity. General Cheglov telegraphed headquarters about a typical episode on the front: An agitator from the Petrograd Soviet [it was the Bolshevik leader, Frunze], armed with authorisation dated 25 April, No.126, has arrived at our division. Among other things, he urges fraternisation with the Germans, and only today has organised fraternisations with the 220th Regt. They are spreading ... Does [Frunze] really have authority to do such things?38 In province after province usurers, rack-renting landlords, gluttonous priests and the land-captains with their flogging-courts, began to disappear. The peasantry, in and out of uniform, was turning the Russian countryside, for the first and perhaps only time, into the vast rural commune dreamt of by an earlier generation of revolutionaries. Forced grain exactions, commodities, finally money itself began to disappear from the rural economy. Meanwhile the politicians of all parties except the Bolsheviks consoled themselves with the thought that `dual power' - supposedly fatal to the army and the nation - had now been ended by the coalition set up after the April Days. However, the coalition's peace policy soon began to flounder. The Central Powers were at their zenith, while the allies were in disarray after the disasters of the Somme, Verdun and the failed Nivelle offensive. There were mutinies in the British army and the French soldiery politely told their General Staff that there would be no more offensives. Germany's unexpected success in the submarine war played havoc with the Allied war effort; the US had yet to become involved (indeed, it only did so when the likelihood of German victory imperilled its vast war-loans to Britain and France). During the summer of 1917 the Central Powers were able massively to reinforce their armies in the East. The Germans had every reason to impose a punitive peace. To do otherwise would be seen as weakness by the Allies (as the Germans themselves saw Soviet talk of a peace without annexations and indemnities). Besides, Germany had too much at stake in Alsace-Lorraine and in the vast, ramshackle Habsburg empire, to offer a Wilsonian peace of self-determination. A generous peace would leave a stronger rather than weaker Russia poised at Germany's back door. Thus the Soviet's peace policy was no more credible than Miliukov's war policy had been. Only the fear of civil war sustained the remarkable self- deception of the Cadets and Soviet moderates, and the parliamentary charades that went with it. At their conference in April, the Bolsheviks adopted the agrarian programme of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the traditional party of the peasantry, in whose hands, according to Lenin, agrarian reform would nevertheless be mere 'deception' of the peasantry. Under the Bolsheviks, this same programme would inaugurate `the kingdom of socialism, the kingdom of peace, the kingdom of the toilers.' These were heady words. Many dismissed them as nonsense. Maxim Gorky was among the doubters: When in the year 1917, on his arrival in Russia, Lenin published his `thesis', I thought that the thesis sacrificed the small and heroic band of politically educated workers, as well as all the truly revolutionary intelligentsia, to the Russian peasantry. The only active force in Russia would be thrown, like a pinch of salt, into the flat bog of the village, and it would dissolve without a trace, without changing the spirit, the life, the history, of the Russian nation39. This seemed but melancholy realism to anyone who, like Gorky himself, was acquainted with `the beastly individualism of the peasants, and their almost complete lack of social emotions'. But the Bolsheviks were not disposed to pessimism. They were now the most dynamic and well-organised party in Russia. Their rank and file steadily grew while the other parties shrank. Bolshevik cells multiplied in the fleet and on the fronts. In the capital and in many other towns Bolshevik cells in working-class districts and workplaces organised their Red Guard detachments. What fuelled their rising popularity was the endless crisis which deepened for workers and middle classes alike. Prices rose 2,300 per cent between February and October, and real wages fell by almost half. Strikes proved ineffective as bankruptcies and closures soared. Instead workers occupied factories and took control. The failure of the coalition government's attempts to interest the other belligerents in peace talks left them with no alternative but to resume the war. Kerensky's offensive, planned for June, loomed, a desperate gamble whose failure would precipitate the country into civil war. As preparations for the offensive intensified, alarm grew at the chaos enveloping the country; the yellow press was filled with stories of mutiny, lynchings, arson, attacks on property by peasants in Bessarabia, Orel, Samara and many other places. Stories of fields left fallow while peasants burned out landowners led to fear of famine. There were reports that marauding bands of deserters were instituting their own `governments' like the `republic' founded by the `pro-German Corporal Shilov' in the Caucasus, and `run on Bolshevik lines'. As the right-wing backlash developed, anti-semitic pogroms took place in Nizhni-Novgorod, Elisavetgrad, Kishnev and some Ukrainian cities; in Moscow a regiment refused to accept Jewish officers and turned away Soviet agitators because `the Soviet was in Jewish hands'. Irredentism, obscurantism, chauvinism; the call of `blood and soil' began to tell. The Soviet sent teams of agitators to Odessa where they fanned out through the South and West to combat the tide of anti-semitism being whipped up by the right. The officers' clubs, the Church, the Cossacks, were all involved, as were the shadowy remnants of the Black Hundreds, well funded by landlords. `The time of the Anti-Christ has come! Do you not see that you should confess and not revolt against God!' cried a priest at Buguronslansky, brandishing a horsewhip at the soldiery. While the Old Society thus girded itself, elections were being held for the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which was convened on 3 June. A total of 20 million votes was cast, and the coalition parties, the Mensheviks and SRs, won a huge majority. The Bolsheviks were outnumbered. Lenin took a different view, arguing that `public opinion is more left than our left', and driving the Bolsheviks on their course to power. As the Congress opened, Lenin, Trotsky and Lunacharsky called again for a Soviet government. When Tsereteli, defending the coalition, said from the rostrum `There is no political party in Russia which at the present time would say: Give us power', from his seat Lenin replied: `There is such a party', adding `No party has the right to refuse power and ours does not'; but the applause which greeted him was drowned out by laughter. Kerensky began touring the fronts in preparation for his offensive, making the fervent speeches for which he became famous. `What has happened now?' he asked one unit. Can't you suffer any longer? Or has free Russia become steadily a nation of revolted slaves? ... Ah! Comrades! It's too bad I didn't die two months ago - then I would have died with the sweetest dreams ... The country is in danger! It's destiny is in your hands! 40 Kerensky ordered the great summer offensive to begin on 18 June. It was a disaster. The Germans knew of every preparation. The half-starved, often diseased troops, short of every kind of war materiel, advanced briefly then fell back in disorder. The operation was not just a defeat, but the death-knell of the Tsarist military tradition. A new army and a new tradition would have to be created before Russians would take the field again. The catastrophe at the front left the `patriotic' gentry, the officers, general staff, Cadet leaders and the big capitalists and landowners, in a bitter and frightened mood. They blamed the disaster on the cowardice of the foot-soldiery, on the despised Soviet and most of all on the Bolsheviks. A common parlour topic became the need for an `exemplary' German victory, to chasten the proletariat. Then came a new upheaval in the capital itself. In the first days of July the High Command used Czech mercenaries to drive recalled veterans into the lines. Garrison regiments poured onto the streets of the capital to protest. They were joined by hundreds of thousands of workers. An angry mob invaded the Soviet; white with rage, a worker jumped on the platform and shook his fist at the SR Minister of Agriculture, Chernov, yelling `take power, you son of a bitch, when it's given to you!' Chernov escaped being lynched by sailors only because an electrifying speech by Trotsky, in which he called the Kronstadters `the pride and beauty of the Revolution', persuaded them otherwise. Later that day Lenin told Bonch-Bruevich, his secretary, there must be an armed rising `not later than the autumn'. As insurgent soldiers, sailors and workers took control of the streets, the government bombarded the fronts with pleas for help. There was desperate confusion on all sides. In a typical incident, the 176th Regiment, based at Tsarskoye Selo, marched through the rain to Petrograd. A Bolshevik regiment, it had come only to demand `All Power to the Soviets!' But at the Tauride, Tsereteli warmly greeted the troops, who without more ado agreed to mount guard on the palace to fend off `counter- revolutionaries'. The Bolshevik troops kept the Bolshevik workers at bay until more reliable reinforcements arrived, and the government was able to restore order on the streets ... Immediately after the July Days, the Ministry of Justice published allegations that Lenin was a German agent. The allegations had a dramatic effect. Regiments which had proclaimed their neutrality now came out against the Bolsheviks. The loyalists went on the offensive, clearing the city of anti-government demonstrators, smashing Bolshevik printing presses, arresting and killing those suspected of Bolshevik sympathies. A special squad was formed on Kerensky's orders, to hunt down Lenin and shoot him on sight. The July Days - a spontaneous rising of the insurgent population of the capital - had failed, and the lesson was clear to many. Lenin called the episode `more than a demonstration and less than a revolution'. He told Ordzhonikidze `now it is possible to take power only by means of an armed rising'. But now a vicious reaction began as the government stepped up its drive against the Bolsheviks. Lenin went into hiding rather than submit to arrest, whatever openings for scurrility this gave his enemies. For `there are no guarantees of a fair trial in Russia at present ...' Lenin hid in Sestroretsk (20 miles from Petrograd) in a loft belonging to a Bolshevik worker, then moved with Zinoviev and a few followers to a shagash (an igloo- shaped hut made of straw) concealed in the deep forests overlooking the gulf of Finland. It was late summer; the sky was still pale at night. The next 26 days were a strange interlude in a time so saturated with event. The fugitives fished and swam in the steel-blue, mirror-flat waters of the Gulf. During this period Lenin worked on that extraordinary testament to the optimism of the period, State and Revolution, every day receiving a constant stream of messengers and party officials from the capital. Finally Lenin was smuggled over the administrative frontier with Finland, disguised as a locomotive fireman. As the tide of reaction reached high water. Kamenev, Lunacharsky and many others were arrested. Incarcerated in the Peter-Paul, Alexandra Kollontai was subjected to brutal humiliation; her bourgeois breeding and looks seemed to provoke her captors. Perhaps characteristically, Trotsky asked the Provisional Government for the same treatment and was duly arrested. Bolshevised regiments like the Machine-gun Regiment, were broken up. Factories were searched for arms caches. On 12 July the death penalty was reintroduced at the front: in fact, Kerensky, now Minister-President, had already authorised a policy of `exemplary executions'. New decrees restricted press freedom. But the repression was not enough to destroy the Bolsheviks, with all their experience of underground work, and their popularity began to rise again as the war dragged on and the prospect loomed of another winter in the trenches. The Bolsheviks had begun to eclipse their competitors. The Mensheviks had by now all but disappeared as an organised party, while the Socialist Revolutionaries were in the process of a split which would soon yield a major new ally for the Bolsheviks. The whole country was splitting, as the slide towards civil war continued. Miliukov considered Kerensky to be `too socialist', but he thought the Cadets must support the government formed after the July Days, because `not only does catastrophe threaten us; we are already in the vortex. If it turns out that we have to do not with a declining influence of the Soviets and of socialist utopianism, if ... the Bolsheviki again appear on the streets of Petrograd, then we shall talk in a different tone.' At a Duma conference, deputy Maslennikov said: The population is scrounging, thinking only of looting. Our valiant army has become a horde of cowards ... The revolution was made thanks to the Duma; but in that great, tragic moment of history, a handful of crazy fanatics, adventurers and traitors, calling themselves the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, attached itself to the Revolution ...41 At a Congress of Industrialists on 3 August, stormy applause greeted a speaker who announced `the need for the long bony hand of hunger and national immiseration to seize by the throat those false friends of the people. the soviets', and there weed afre open calls for a `military dictatorship' or a `strongman'. 42 On the other hand, the clear and almost universal reaction of workers to the deepening crisis after the July Days was finally to turn away from conciliation and defencism. Skilled workers had already abandoned Menshevism, whose electoral support collapsed. The unskilled `worker- peasant' stratum was beginning to desert its traditional SR affiliation as well. But the working class of the capital was still in retreat after the defeat of the July Days. Conscious of their political and social isolation, Petrograd's militant workers and soldiers had learnt their lesson; in future the insurgent population of the capital unswervingly accepted Bolshevik leadership, no matter how impatient it grew with Lenin's sometimes tortuous, painstaking tactics. On 31 July General Kornilov was appointed Commander- in-Chief. A group of Moscow business leaders, headed by Rodzianko, sent him a telegram: `In this threatening hour of heavy trial all thinking Russia looks to you with faith and hope.' The Cossacks' Council, the Knights of St George, and other `Junker' bodies rallied around the new saviour. But none had mass support; even the Union of Cossack Troops was out of touch with rank and file Cossack opinion. Kornilov had already begun plotting to take power, placing his most reliable Cossack and mountain-Caucasian troops within striking distance of Petrograd and Moscow. On 10 August he visited Kerensky, arriving at the Winter Palace with a spectacular bodyguard of Tekintsi and Turkmen warriors. Kerensky seemed a broken man; his moment had come and gone. Kornilov on the other hand had only recently felt the touch of destiny's wings. There was to be no meeting of the minds. Kornilov was a political primitive, unable to make a distinction between any of the socialist parties and regarding them all as no better than paid German spies. He saw himself as the Saviour of the Motherland, thought Kerensky was pathetic, temporising, and said to his Chief of Staff, General Lukomsky: It's time to hang the German supporters and spies, with Lenin at their head. And to disperse the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies so that it would never reassemble ... I am bringing the Cavalry Corps to Petrograd by the end of August ... if necessary, [we'll] hang every member of the Soviet43. Kornilov wanted `nothing for myself. I only want to save Russia and I will obey unconditionally a cleaned-up, strong Provisional Government.' Before Kornilov got his chance a `State Conference' was convened by the government in Moscow between 12 - 15 August. It was to rally all the `forces of revolutionary democracy'. Moscow's workforce greeted the conference with a general strike. Delegates watched in dismay as the cooks, porters and cleaning staff walked out of the conference hall. The event had been staged away from the capital to avoid such scenes (`many are those who have sung the meekness and patriarchal spirit of Moscow', said Sukhanov). The conference split into two opposed camps at its first session. On the right side of the auditorium sat representatives of the old propertied and military classes. Bemedalled generals and officers, some in picturesque Caucasian uniforms, mixed with businessmen, Duma politicians, lawyers and professors. On the left sat the `democratic forces': journalists, radical lawyers, moderate socialists, trade union officials, and a sprinkling of junior officers and NCOs. The Bolsheviks were not invited. A sense of dread seems to have pervaded the proceedings, of disaster creeping and rushing up. Meanwhile Kornilov arrived in Moscow and was greeted by a huge guard of honour, with bands playing. Amidst deferential deputations and garlanded with flowers, he went first to the Chapel of the Iberian Virgin, there to pray as had the Tsars before their coronation. The atmosphere of bathos and despair at the State Conference reached a climax with Kerensky's closing speech, a rambling affair during which he said: `Let my heart become stone; let all the springs of faith in man perish, let all the flowers and wreaths of man dry up ... I shall throw far away the keys of my heart, which loves men; I will think only of the state.' 44 Kerensky continued in this vein until the audience tried to applaud him into silence. Women cried as Kerensky, near collapse, wandered off the stage, only to be led back by his minders. The Minister-President had forgotten to close the conference. On 28 August, Kornilov moved his Cossacks against the capital's insurgent garrison. Prices on the Petrograd Stock Exchange soared, as a jubilant bourgeoisie anticipated the crushing of the Soviet and the emergence of a `strong man'. It was a false dawn. The previous night the factory hooters had sounded as the working class rallied to the defence of their revolution. The passivity and despair following the defeat of the July Days was dispelled, and the great arms factories worked feverishly to provide arms for the defence of the capital. Men and women streamed out of the Vyborg towards Kornilov's advancing Cossacks; as the railway workers shunted troop trains around the capital, frustrating the planned encirclement, agitators argued and pleaded with the confused soldiery, who soon melted away as had the Tsar's armies in February. After this, the Menshevik-dominated Soviet lost its last shreds of popular legitimacy. Kerensky, though supposedly at one with the 'revolutionary democracy' in the crushing of Kornilov, maintained the fiction of a government of coalition in which Cadet ministers retained their posts. It could not last. Across the country towns and cities came out for an end to the Provisional Government and for all power to the Soviets. Now the capital began to lag behind the rest of the country as the revolution deepened and accelerated. In many towns the Soviet took power during the Kornilov Days and refused to relinquish it subsequently. Meanwhile food shortages, industrial closures and hardships of every kind pressed harder and harder on the capital's population. The nights were growing cold; it seemed unthinkable that the troops would winter again in the trenches; yet the same immobility as before the Kornilov Days seemed once more to be glaciating over the surface of the revolution. Lenin was still in hiding. In the public prints, among the political parties, in all the teeming discourse of everyday life, there was scant sense of the momentous events to come. The fatalism of bourgeois and right-wing politicians grew more pronounced after the Kornilov revolt. Suddenly the whole of political Russia, apart from the Bolsheviks, found itself staring into an abyss. The result was a kind of reckless indifference. `Petrograd is in danger', Mikhail Rodzianko wrote in a Cadet newspaper, as the Germans pressed on from Riga. `I say to myself: Let God take care of Petrograd.'45 Contemplating the destruction of the capital with feelings akin to relish, the arbiter of revolutionary fortunes in February added: `With the taking of Petrograd the Baltic Fleet will also be destroyed ... But there will be nothing to regret ...' On 9 September, the Bolsheviks won a majority on the Petrograd Soviet. Trotsky was elected President - something which in 1905, he told the cheering delegates, had swiftly been followed by the bloody repression of the people and by his own imprisonment. `We are stronger now than then!' he said. A few days later, the Moscow Soviet went Bolshevik; in Siberian Krasnoyarsk, in Ekaterinburg and throughout the industrial Urals, in the Ukraine, down the Volga, in the Donetz Basin, it was the same story.The Baltic Fleet urged `the adventurer Kerensky' to be `removed from the ranks': `to you, betrayer of the Revolution, Bonaparte Kerensky, we send our curses.' Elections to the city councils in Moscow and other towns showed a dramatic rise in the Bolshevik vote, the sweeping aside of the Right SRs and Mensheviks - and the continuing solidarity of the Cadet bastions. In the Petrosoviet, the Menshevik Lieber won a roar of half-ironic cheers when he angrily called on `Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev and Lenin to take power - they won't find it so easy.' The revolution was accelerating, blown before an economic hurricane, as fuel, raw material and food shortages worsened, factories closed or were occupied, and the class war deepened. At the Fourth Factory Committee Conference the Bolshevik Skrypnik could say: `We are no longer standing in the antechamber of economic collapse; we have entered the zone of collapse itself.' On 23 September the Soviet EC reluctantly agreed to convoke the long-postponed Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on 20 October. It was under immense pressure from the rank and file; typical of the resolutions passed was one from workers of the Military Horseshoe Factory, who: look with scorn upon the pitiful conciliators, trying by means of detours and machinations to avoid the approaching new wave of revolution ... we will not be fooled by any `democratic conferences', and `pre- parliaments'. We believe only in our Soviets. For their power we will fight to the death ... Hail the last decisive battle and our victory!46 In John Reed's phrase, the Congress `loomed over Russia like a thundercloud'. It could not be rigged. It would represent the real wishes of the submerged masses on the issues of peace, bread and land. Many opposed it. According to Reed: Delegates were sent through the country, messages flashed by wire to committees in charge of local Soviets, to Army Committees, instructing them to halt or delay elections to the Congress. Solemn public resolutions against the Congress, declarations that the democracy was opposed to the meeting so near the date of the Constituent Assembly. ... The Council of the Russian Republic was one chorus of disapproval. The entire machinery set up by the Russian Revolution of [February] functioned to block the Congress of Soviets ...47 On the other hand was the shapeless will of the proletariat - the workmen, common soldiers and poor peasants. Winter approached. Petrograd's workers were in a race against time; while the second revolution swept the country, the factory-owners sought to grind them down by unemployment, hunger and forced evacuations. But as October neared the factories grew quiet. There were few demands for wage rises, and almost no demonstrations. An eerie calm settled on Petrograd, in stark contrast to the vast upheaval in the rest of Russia. Many have commented on this strange prelude to the second revolution. Trams ran to schedule, factory shifts were normal, the crowds so characteristic of February were by-and-large absent. But this did not mean that the revolutionary wave had receded, or that a Bolshevik rising would be a putsch organised by a minority. As Russia capsized,so did the logic of everyday life also seem inverted. In the midst of the first proletarian revolution, the working class clung for dear life to the routines of normal living and working. It was the employers who sabotaged; the workers meant to inherit a going concern. The Bolshevik Central Committee received a letter from the `state criminal, Ulyanov-Lenin', who was still in hiding (`we are searching for him', said Kerensky). `Now the Bolsheviks have a majority in the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies in both capitals, they can and must take state power into their own hands.' The Bolsheviks were never more popular, he wrote, while the Democratic Conference was completely unrepresentative. The need to take power was even more urgent because of the danger of Germany capturing Petrograd which `will make our chances one hundred times worse. ... We must remember and reflect on Marx's words ... insurrection is an art ... The patience of the Peter and Moscow workers is exhausted ....History will not forgive us if we do not take power now ....48 On 24 September, a Party Conference called for the transfer of power to the soviets, but the CC continued, in its own words, to `mark time' - while noting that the popular mood was now `extremely tense' - that `the masses are putting forward the demand for concrete measures of some kind.' They decided to `suggest to Ilyich that he move to Petrograd', and Lenin returned illegally on 7 October. The last `Defencists' lost their places on the Soviet. In the Cartridge Works the Menshevik and SR delegates were voted out when they admitted voting against the land to the tiller and the publication of the secret treaties. A worker told the Bolshevik newspaper Workers' Way `they advised us to leave these matters to the Constituent Assembly. And that was the final straw.' The same at the Obukhovsky Factory. `Who could have conceived of this a month ago?' said Workers' Way. `Thus fall the last bastions of defencism.'49 On 13 October Lenin wrote to the Central Committee, demanding immediate preparations for a rising. This was a step from which they still shrank. Would it not, Kamenev asked, be irresponsible to jeopardise everything in an act which by its very desperation seemed to imply that history, the working class, the people, were not ready? If socialism was already prepared in the womb of history, it would not need forcing upon events by an act of the will. But Lenin was prepared to be the midwife even if others still drew back, and according to him the moment was ripe. There was a revolutionary upsurge of the people, the backing of the vanguard class, and a vacillating enemy. Unlike July, when workers and soldiers were not ready to die for Petrograd, there was now `such "savageness", such seething hatred' against the counter-revolutionaries, particularly among peasants who had become convinced that the SRs would never give them the land. The Central Committee suppressed Lenin's inflammatory letters, voting to take no action. Lenin had them circulated in the Vyborg where, according to Malakhovsky, the Red Guard Commander, they created a feverish atmosphere. Lenin said they must prepare to strike into the enemy's vitals: Without losing a moment, organise the command of insurgent detachments, distribute our forces, send loyal regiments to strongpoints, surround the Alexandrine Theatre [seat of the Council of the Republic], occupy the Peter-Paul, arrest the General Staff, arrest the government.50 The Party should `summon the armed workers to a desperate and final fight, occupy the telephone exchange and move our insurrection headquarters there ... all this ... illustrates that now it is impossible to stay true to Marxism, true to the revolution, without treating insurrection as an art.' Five days later the CC met again. Among those present were Trotsky, Bukharin, Dzerzhinsky, Sverdlov, Smilga, Kollontai, Ioffe, Rykov (not Stalin): the Bolshevik creme de la creme. Their response to Lenin's urgings showed why the October Revolution would not have happened without him. His arguments passed them by. The CC was gripped by a reflexive routinism, seemingly incapable of registering the import of his words. Their agenda ignored the call for insurrection. Within days another meeting was held, and, astoundingly, the CC this time discussed etiquette, resolving that: `After hearing a report that Comrade Ryazanov called Tsereteli "comrade" ... the CC suggests to comrades that people whose description as "comrades" might offend the revolutionary feelings of the workers should not be addressed this way in public.' Lenin, in agonies of impatience, wrote: To wait is a crime. The Bolsheviks have no right to wait for the Congress of Soviets, they must take power at once .... To delay is a crime. To wait for the Congress of Soviets is an infantile formality, a shameful play at formality, treachery to the revolution ...51 And his pen flamed out at Gorky's Novaya Zhizn for daring to suggest that the Bolsheviks could not hold power: Since the 1905 revolution, Russia has been governed by 130,000 landowners, who have perpetrated endless violence against 150,000,000 people, heaped unconstrained abuse upon them, and condemned the vast majority to inhuman toil and semi-starvation. Yet we are told that the 240,000 members of the Bolshevik Party will not be able to govern Russia, govern her in the interests of the poor, and against the rich.52 The climax neared. A German squadron appeared in the Baltic and German forces broaching Finnish soil were fiercely resisted by the Baltic Fleet, whose Soviet told the proletarians of the world: The slandered fleet fulfils its duty before the great revolution. We vowed to hold the front firmly and to guard the approaches to Petrograd ... We send you a last flaming appeal, oppressed of the whole world! Lift the banner of insurrection! Long live the world revolution! Long live the just general peace! Long live socialism!53 The Germans did not advance on the capital, and the revolution rushed on unimpeded. Lenin's letters appeared on the streets in pamphlet form: `The Bolsheviks Must Take Power', `Marxism and Insurrection', `The Crisis is Ripe!'. On 10 October, three days after his return, Lenin attended his first Central Committee meeting. It was held in Nikolai Sukhanov's flat. His wife was a Bolshevik sympathiser, and she made sure that the future chronicler of the revolution was not present to record what turned out to be a historic meeting. Lenin and Zinoviev - both of whom were still being hunted down - arrived; the meeting went on till late, and Mme Sukhanov served a supper of tea and sausage sandwiches. Scourging irony, exhortations to act, bitter denunciations of the Committee's prevarications: Lenin scolded them to the starting-line. Did they want `All ,Power to the Soviets,' or not? `Since the beginning of September a certain indifference to the question of insurrection has been noticeable,' Lenin said. `Nothing has been done, considerable time' for preparation has been lost. Meanwhile, the enemy is closing on Petrograd, evidently with the government's connivance. `The international situation is ripe; the majority is now behind us. The moment has arrived for the transfer of power. Yet we seem to regard insurrection as a political sin.' There was a violent debate - `we have passed a mass of resolutions' said one speaker. `But done nothing.' Kamenev and Zinoviev furiously opposed: `We can and must confine ourselves to a defensive position.' Later they would circulate a statement through the Bolshevik organisations - and leak it to the press. They argued the Bolsheviks would be the strongest opposition party in the Constituent Assembly, and that things were still moving their way. `We do not have the right before history, before the international proletariat, before the Russian revolution and the Russian working class, to stake the whole future on the card of an armed insurrection now.' Powerful forces were arrayed against `the proletarian party': shock troops, cossacks, thousands of `magnificently armed' junkers, and `artillery deployed in a fan round Peter'. The Menshevik/SRs who had fought alongside the Bolsheviks against Kornilov this time would side with the government. Moreover, `if everyone oppressed by poverty were always ready to support an armed rising of socialists, we should have won socialism long ago,' they said, claiming that the slogan `All power to the Soviets' signified only `the most determined resistance to the slightest encroachment by the authorities on their rights.' But the mood had begun to change; Lenin's passionate arguments overwhelmed all resistance, and the meeting voted that the Party should prepare itself for an armed rising. The imperialist powers threatened a separate peace, the resolution argued, in order to turn on Russia and strangle the revolution instead. But the uprush of revolution in the countryside, the growing trust of the people in the Party, coupled with the danger of a second Kornilov, together meant `that armed insurrection is inevitable, and the time is ripe' ... Orders were given to begin preparations, and a Political Bureau was established; its members were: Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Sokolnikov, Bubnov - and Zinoviev and Kamenev, the only dissenters in the vote for a rising54. 14 October. In the Menshevik paper Rabochaya Gazeta: `As a great revolutionist said: "Let us hasten, friends, to terminate the Revolution. He who makes it last too long will not gather the fruits" ...' That same day the Moscow Bolsheviks resolved `to proceed to the organisation of armed insurrection ...' Among the intelligentsia the joke was to call the Soviet `Sobachikh Deputatov' (`Dogs' Deputies) rather than `Rabochikh (Workers') Deputatov'. At the Troitsky Farce Theatre, acording to John Reed, monarchists attacked actors performing `Sins of the Tsar', for `insulting the Emperor'. 55 15 October. Industrialist Stepan Lianozov told John Reed `starvation and defeat may bring the Russian people to their senses'; the government should abandon the capital so that the military `can deal with these gentlemen [the Bolsheviks] without any legal formalities' - a fate also reserved for the Constituent Assembly, should it `manifest any Utopian tendencies.'56 On the same day the Sestroretsk arms factory delivered 5,000 rifles intended for General Kaledin's cossacks, to the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC). Colonel Polkovnikov, Petrograd Military Commander, warned against `irresponsible armed outbreaks' and promised `the most extreme measures' in defence of order - as had General Khabalov, the Tsar's garrison commander, seven months before. Then on 16 October came the decisive meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee, when the decision to overthrow the Provisional Government was taken in earnest. Speaking in haste, under enormous pressure, the Central Committee at last crossed the Rubicon. `The spirit of the resolution is the need ... to use the first suitable opportunity to grab power,' argued Ioffe, expressing the majority view as it emerged in the course of the meeting. 'There is bread for just one day', Lenin said. 'We cannot wait for the Constituent Assembly. I move the resolution be affirmed, and that we get a move on with preparations. Let the CC and the Soviet decide just when to do it.' The Bolsheviks convened a Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region; Trotsky told it `the hour has come' and the delegates voted 148-2 to smash the Provisional Government. A ring of towns and cities, of garrisons and fleets, had voted for insurrection within the capital city they encircled. The Lettish delegate, Peterson, promised `40,000 riflemen' to defend the All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Kerensky would have to bring reinforcements, if he had any, through an enfilade ... As the storm of the Second Congress loomed over the capital, and rumours flew of the counter-revolution, in meetings in the factories and in great halls like the Cirque Moderne, workers would rise from their seats saying it would be better `to die with honour than live with shame'. All `to the last man' should `fight for the power of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies'. Wednesday, 18 October. Kamenev and Zinoviev published their opposition to insurrection in Gorky's Novaya Zhizn. Lenin fulminated against the dissident two, calling them `strike-breaking, blacklegs, despicable, treacherous.' `I do not regard either of them as comrades any more ...' The leaders, the party, the insurrectionary working class, were poised on a cusp of fate. An air of terrible expectancy lurked beneath the capital's seeming normality. It was autumn, and pouring rain turned the streets into seas of mud, through which clanked the city's overloaded trams. The Nevsky's cafes were crowded as usual. Meyerhold's Death of Ivan the Terrible was on at the Alexandrinsky, and the great singer, Fyodor Chaliapin, performed in Boris Godunov. In the mills and factories the shifts clocked on and off; but the Red Guards drilled constantly. Appeals and proclamations were plastered on every wall: from the government, the Soviet EC, the Mensheviks and SR parties, from Polkovnikov, the garrison commander - all exhorting and demanding soldiers and workers, the whole populace, to `stay at their posts', to support the government, to ignore the `cursed Bolsheviki', `friends of the Dark Forces'. Kerensky paced his quarters in the Winter Palace, nervous and irascible and taking drugs to lift his mood, and announced he was planning a holiday on the Volga; he expected to be away `for a long time'. Four days before the Bolshevik Revolution, he pacified a prominent Cadet by saying `I could pray for such an uprising. I have more strength than I need. They will be irrevocably smashed.' As preparations intensified, they indiscernibly merged into the rising itself. It had begun! Still the decisive moment had yet to arrive; the Congress was yet to meet, the Provisional Government was still at large, Lenin still waited in hiding, in agonies of impatient worry for the outcome.Early in the afternoon of 24 October, Kerensky went to the Pre-parliament to arraign Lenin and the leaders of what was now clearly an assault on the state created by the February Revolution.57 As he spoke, a minister, Konovalov, handed him a proclamation just issued by the MRC to the garrison: We order the regiments to be put in a state of military preparedness and to await new orders. Any delay or non- execution of the order will be regarded as treason to the Revolution; signed, For the President: Podvoisky; Secretary: Antonov.58 The Pre-parliament had been set up on the initiative of the Petrosoviet and the Executive Committee elected by the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Now the Petrosoviet had voted for `All Power to the Soviets'; the Second All-Russian Congress was about to convene, and was the only lawful body in Russia which could decide the future dispensation. The Provisional Government had no mandate, no support and had effectively ceased to exist. Something had to take its place, and that could only be a Soviet government. On the day of the revolution, the factories worked normally. There were no great crowds in the streets as in February. Rabochaya Gazeta, reporting two days later, used this circumstance to denounce the Bolshevik insurrection: Look at the streets.They are empty in the working class districts. There are no triumphal processions, no delegations to meet the victors with red banners ... The Bolsheviks will hardly last a week.59 But this was to ignore the essential nature of the rising. It was a planned operation carried out by the military arms of the Soviets. As Lenin had said in July, demonstrations were a thing of the past. Also on the 24th, the Central Committee met and at the insistence of Kamenev (who had recanted and been reinstated), decided that none of its members should leave the Smolny while the issue of power was being decided ... Jobs were allocated: Bubnov, to the railway workers; Dzerzhinsky, the communications workers; Milyutin, food supply; Sverdlov, to monitor the last acts of the Provisional Government. Trotsky proposed to prepare Peter-Paul as a reserve base should Smolny be taken by government forces. The Kronstadt sailors and the boisterous Red Guards were to spearhead the final assault on the key government centres and the Winter Palace itself. Everything was in readiness. The Smolny burned like a fever; outside, the city fell silent, waiting and watching. From hiding Lenin addressed a last letter to the Central Committee, who were still hesitating, and to other party bodies: `Comrades! ... the situation is critical in the extreme. In fact it is now absolutely clear that to delay the uprising would be fatal ... power must not be left in the hands of Kerensky & Co until the 25th ...' Later that same evening he left a note for his hostess: `I am going where you did not want me to go. Good bye' and crossed the city on foot and by tram, with one companion, arriving at Smolny at 11 pm; from that moment the pace of events quickened. That night Trotsky told an exultant Petrosoviet, `the government awaits the broom of history.' At midnight the old Soviet Executive Committee, themselves about to be swept away, called a meeting of delegates to the new Congress and to the Petrosoviet. Dan, wearing the uniform of a military doctor, spoke of the `counter- revolution', which `was never so strong as now; the Black Hundred press is more widely read in the factories and barracks than is the Socialist press'; in the wake of a Bolshevik rising, the provinces would quarantine and starve the capital, but `only over the corpse of the EC will the bayonets of the two sides clash.' `That corpse has been stiff for a long time', a voice shouted back. Trotsky was on his feet, shouting to the mass of Soviet deputies which had invaded the EC meeting: `Don't back down ... our enemies will immediately capitulate, and you will occupy the place that belongs to you by right - masters of the Russian land ...' As John Reed left the meeting he bumped into Zorin, a Bolshevik former exile back from the US and now sporting a rifle: `We're moving', he said. `We've pinched the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Religions. They're in the cellar now. One regiment is on the march to capture the Telephone Exchange, another the Telegraph Agency, another the State Bank. The Red Guard is out ....'60 Kerensky tried in vain to summon up support; his lonely figure could be seen from time to time crossing the huge windswept parade ground between the Winter Palace and the quarters of the General Staff. The Cossack cavalry told him they were `preparing to saddle up', but soon they stopped answering his calls. The situation was hopeless; the government had for its defence no more than one or two thousand junkers and a few hundred women's battalion troops. Ministers swamped the telegraph lines with pleas and proclamations to the army, the fronts, the country, to no avail. At ten in the morning of 25 October, Kerensky went to the American Embassy to borrow a car, and left for the front. As he slipped away, the MRC issued the following message: To the Citizens of Russia The Provisional Government is overthrown. State power has passed into the hands of the organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies - the Military Revolutionary Committee, which stands at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison. The cause for which the people fought - the immediate proposal of a democratic peace, abolition of landlords' property rights, workers' control of production, the creation of a Soviet government - all this is assured. Long live the revolution of the workers, soldiers and peasants. 61 While Kerensky was escaping under American colours, sailors from the MRC arrived at the Marian Palace and told the Pre-parliament to `run along home'. Many of the delegates went to the Duma building, which was already besieged by frantic middle class citizens, as rumours spread of Bolshevik atrocities During the night of 26 October the Petrograd City Duma set up a `Committee for the Salvation of the Revolution', and under its banner gathered the remnants of the old Soviet EC, the old front Committees, the presidium of the pre-parliament, officials of the railway and other unions, and many others who had lost, or would soon lose, their positions, who had turned their backs on the risen people and would soon be swept into oblivion. At 2.35 in afternoon of the 25th Lenin, Trotsky and Zinoviev addressed the Petrosoviet at the Smolny. It was Lenin's first public appearance since July. Their reception was tumultuous. Trotsky told the Soviet that `power had passed to the people', amid thunderous applause. Then Lenin and Zinoviev spoke. Each word burned the soul, according to Arsenev, a Menshevik - Internationalist delegate to the Soviet, `saw that many people were clenching their fists, that an unshakable determination was forming in them to struggle to the end.' Lenin said: We shall have a Soviet government, our own instrument of power, in which the bourgeoisie shall not share. The oppressed will create their own power. The old state will be shattered ... we shall be helped by the world's working class, already thrusting forward in Italy, Germany, Britain .... All the secret treaties will be published immediately, to strengthen the confidence of the proletariat ... A single decree annihilating landed property will win the peasants to us ... we have the power of mass organisation, it will overcome every obstacle and lead the proletariat to the world revolution.62 At 6.30 pm the Military Revolutionary Committee ordered the final assault on the Winter Palace. Blank shots were fired from the cruiser Aurora, and sailors and Red Guards began to infiltrate the Palace. At 9.30 pm a final despairing appeal came over the last open line available to the ex- Ministers holed up in the palace: `Let the country and the people reply to the mad effort of the Bolsheviks to raise an uprising in the rear of the fighting army.' There was no reply. About midnight the invaders penetrated the Palace as far as the Malachite Chamber, with its columns and ornaments of lustrous green stone, where the ministers were guarded by a thin line of junkers, who were soon entreated to surrender. The thin figure of Antonov-Ovseenko, wearing a broad-brimmed hat and pince-nez, burst in on the ministers and arrested them `in the name of the Military Revolutionary Committee'. Narrowly rescuing them from being lynched, he had the ex-government escorted over the Neva to the dungeons of the Peter-Paul; they were soon released into house-arrest. Six people had died in the storming of the Winter Palace - five soldiers and one sailor. None of the defenders was killed. Others arrested in the hours after the fall of the Provisional Government included Mme Kerensky, who was found wandering the streets, tearing down Bolshevik posters; she was released when the guard found out who she was. The Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was due to begin at 1 pm on 25 October. Of 670 delegates, 350 were Bolsheviks, 80 Mensheviks and 60 Right SRs; the remainder were Left SRs. The Mensheviks and SRs quit the Congress almost at once. Reduced as they were, they represented still less, coming for the most part from the gerrymandered rumps of old army and regional committees. They left for the city Duma, where the Committee for the Salvation of the Revolution was being set up. The deposed Soviet EC members wired to all Soviets and Army Committees saying that the `Soviet EC considers the Second Congress of Soviets has not taken place, and regards it as a conference of Bolshevik delegates.' John Reed described the scene in the Smolny that night: Smolny was tenser than ever, if that were possible. The same running men in the dark corridros, squads of workers with rifles, leaders with bulging portfolios, arguing, explaining, giving orders as they hurried anxiously along, surrounded by friends and lieutenants, Men literally out of themselves, living prodigies of sleeplessness and work ....63 The opening of the Congress was delayed while a fierce argument raged behind the scenes about the composition of the first Soviet government. The Left SRs and Menshevik-Internationalists - the main non-Bolshevik groups left - could not bring themselves to join. There was a strong current of opinion arguing for a new coalition, excluding only the Cadets. The Bolsheviks seemed isolated, and there were still few reports about the progress of the revolution in other parts of the country. Martov's Menshevik Internationalists strove to mediate between the various groups to form a new coalition. They were keenly supported by Kamenev and Zinoviev, who remained unconvinced that the Bolsheviks could go it alone. Finally, according to John Reed, at 8.40 pm a thundering wave of cheers announced the entrance of the presidium, with Lenin - great Lenin - among them. A short stocky figure, with a big head set down on his shoulders, bald and bulging. Little eyes, a snubbish nose, wide generous mouth, and heavy chin; clean-shaven now but already beginning to bristle with the well - known beard of his past and future. Dressed in shabby clothes, his trousers much too long for him. Unimpressive, to be the idol of a mob, loved and revered as perhaps few leaders in history have been ...64 Kamenev reported on the progress of the insurrection, and a succession of speakers followed, some for, some against, the Bolshevik rising. Soldier delegates fresh from the front brought, Reed said, `enthusiastic greetings'. Then Lenin: gripping the edge of the reading-stand, letting his little winking eyes travel over the crowd as he stood there waiting, apparently oblivious to the long-rolling ovation, which lasted several minutes. When it finished, he said simply, `We shall now proceeed to construct the Socialist order!' Again that overwhelming human roar ...65 The first session of the Congress adjourned at 6 am on the morning of 26 October. During the night it heard many items of cheering news: the fall of the Winter Palace, the pledges of loyalty of new divisions, fronts and units (even some, like the cyclists, who were thought to be Kerensky loyalists), the fleeing of Kerensky. And it had voted to take power, and to elect the first Soviet government, a Council of People's Commissars, headed by Lenin. On 26 October Izvestia, which a short time before was preparing to put itself and the whole soviet movement out of business, flamed out with a new message, hailing the victorious proletarian revolution and, in the words of the Petrosoviet resolution, emphasising `particularly the solidarity, organisation, discipline and complete unanimity displayed by the masses in this unusually bloodless and unusually successful uprising ...The Soviet is convinced that the urban workers, allies of the poor peasants, will display strict, comradely discipline and establish the strictest revolutionary order, essential for the victory of socialism.' The resolution was drafted by Lenin. He also drafted a proclamation passed by the Petrosoviet and delegates from the peasant Soviets and published in `Worker and Soldier'. `The Congress takes power into its own hands', it began, announcing the arrest of the Provisional Government, and proposing an immediate armistice on all fronts and a democratic peace, the expropriation of landed, crown and church property, workers' control of industry, complete democracy in the army, the convocation `at the time appointed' of the Constituent Assembly, and a guarantee of self- determination to all the nations inhabiting Russia. And Lenin ended by appealing to soldiers, railwaymen and other workers to defend the revolution against Kerensky's troops. The same day Lenin reported to the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets on `the burning question of peace'. `Plenty has been said and written, and all of you, no doubt, have discussed it endlessly. Permit me, therefore, to read a declaration which a government you elect ought to publish.' `Exhausted, tormented, racked by war', the decree read, working people in all the belligerent countries crave a just, democratic peace', without annexations or indemnities. Annexation was `seizure and violence', the forcible incorporation of small, weak and backward nations, in Europe and overseas, into larger states. `The government considers it the worst crime against humanity to continue the war for the division among strong and rich states of the weaker nations they have conquered, and solemnly announces its determination ... to stop this war on terms which are equally just for all nationalities without exception.' The secret treaties would be published and `the government proclaims the immediate and unconditional annulment of everything they contain which, as is mostly the case, is intended to secure advantages and privileges for Russian landowners and capitalists.' Calling for `negotiations conducted openly in the full view of the people', Lenin appealed to `the class- conscious workers of the three most advanced nations of mankind, ... Great Britain, France and Germany', whose workers `have made the greatest contribution to the cause of progress and socialism, including the great examples of the English Chartists, the revolutions of historic importance effected by the French working class, and the heroic struggle against the Anti-Socialist law in Germany.'66 The Decree on Peace was carefully presented not as an ultimatum to the imperialist powers `for that would give our enemies the opportunity to say ... that it is useless to start negotiations with us. ... We are willing to consider any peace terms and all proposals. ...War cannot be ended by refusal, it cannot be ended by one side ... In the Manifesto of March 14 we called for the overthrow of the bankers, but we didn't smash our own bankers, we entered into alliance with them. But now we have cast down the government of the bankers. The governments and the bourgeoisie will make every effort to unite their forces and drown the workers' and peasants' revolution in blood. But .... the workers' movement will triumph, will pave the way to peace and socialism. Pravda and Izvestia blazoned the Decree on Land on their front pages on 28 October. `The Menshevik and SR appeasers,' they said, `committed a crime when they kept putting off settlement of the land question ... Their talk of riots and anarchy in the countryside was lies, cowardice, deceit. Where and when has good government provoked riots and anarchy? If they had acted wisely, and their measures had met the needs of the poor peasants, there would have been no unrest ... Having provoked a revolt, ....they were going to crush it in blood and iron, but were themselves swept away.' Lenin told the Congress that the Decree on Land `can pacify and satisfy the vast masses of poor peasants': Lenin went on: `Voices are being raised that the decree itself and the Mandate were the work of the Socialist- Revolutionaries. What of it? ...We cannot ignore the decision of the people, even if we disagree with it. In the furnace of experience, putting the decree into life, enacting it in their own localities, the peasants will realise where the truth lies. And even were the peasants to follow the Socialist-Revolutionaries, to the point of giving this party a majority in the Constituent - then we shall say: What of it? Life is the best teacher! Life will show who is right. Let the peasants solve this problem from one end and we shall solve it from the other ...they want to settle all land problems themselves: and we are opposed to any amending this draft law. We don't want any details in it, because this is a decree, not a programme of action ... the peasants must know that now there are no more landowners, and they must decide all questions for themselves, they must arrange their own lives ...'67 Gorky's Novaya Zhizn wrote: At present, a purely Soviet government can only be Bolshevik. But with each day it becomes clearer that the Bolsheviks cannot govern - they issue decrees like hot cakes and cannot carry them into life. Why cannot a government supported by the broad masses of workers and soldiers rule? The Bolsheviks say: sabotage of the intelligentsia led by the defencist parties ... There is also the striking ignorance of the Bolsheviks in state affairs and legislation. Decrees read more like newspaper editorials ... The proletariat cannot rule without the intelligentsia.68 The counter-revolution began. Kerensky tried to move on Petrograd from Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front were situated. He could only mobilise some cossacks from the Savage Division, who occupied Gatchina on 27 October and Tsarskoye Selo on the 28 October. During those few days Petrograd's workers organised to defend their revolution. On a snow-swept morning, 25 degrees below zero, thousands upon thousands of people, in thin, tattered clothes, with white pinched faces, women and men, even children, poured forth from the factories and working class quarters; with `infinite courage, infinite faith', as eye-witness Louise Bryant recorded, they marched out `untrained and unequipped to meet the traditional bullies of Russia, the paid fighters, the paid enemies of freedom.' No-one knew where the advancing cossacks were so they followed the sound of gunfire rolling back from the battlefield. These were the same working-class women who on International Women's Day, eight long months before, had begun the revolution which overthrew Tsardom. Of their commitment, Angelica Balabanova said to Bryant: `Women have to go through such a tremendous struggle before they are free in their own minds that freedom is more precious to them than to men.' On the 30th the workers and a large force of Kronstadt sailors destroyed the remnants of Kerensky's Savage Division. These were the first skirmishes in a civil war which was to rage across the territory of the former Russian Empire for a further four years, during which up to seven million would lose their lives, as armies from 14 different countries, including Japan, Germany, the USA, Great Britain and France, tested with fire and sword the Great October Socialist Revolution. [footnotes omitted] --------------4591BC64C07-- From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Tue Jan 21 19:43:20 1997 Date: Tue, 21 Jan 97 17:55:00 CST From: "Daniel A. Foss" Subject: task was way over my head To: World Systems Network Tovarischi, Gospozha, Ladies and Gentlemen: The fourth century was screwedup beyond all belief. For purposes of giving rise to our Present, which by its very nature is inevitably delusional, it has been made to serve purposes at least as, vastly more, screwed up than it, the fourth century, was when it was. What it was when it was cannot now be recovered. Consider, in one famous illustration, the readily-accessible comparisons of sermons delivered by Constantine the Great written (or improvi- sed) by himself to those believed written by Eusebius of Caesaraea. It may well be accepted that Constantine hallucinated like crazy on the eve of the Battle of the Milvian Bridge (312), though the content of the Vision was doubtless coloured post facto by the circumstance that he won. Or, more likely, Maxentius lost, as his political regime was more rotten than Constantine would have dared to hope for. The snide insinuation snuck into the jokes anent the Council of Nicaea to the effect that the reverend bishops unthunk three hundred years of rhetoric anent Principalities & Powers was quite unfair, as it is incontestable, theoretically, that social relations in the sphere of material reproduction being guaranteed by violence is every bit as true for social relations in the sphere of cultural reproduction. (Ie. In every revolutionary situation whereof we are informed, when the troops mutinied, the taken-for-granted Reality went out the window. Cf New York Times, Friday, Feb 9, 1979. Interview with Shahpur Bahktiar, wretchedly terminal Prime Minister of the Shah of Iran. Stack of French newspapers on BaKhtiar's desk. "I have to read the foreign press to know what's going on in my own country; the local press has lost touch with Realty." ¨uppercase mine. dafŁ As we recall, two days after the interview reported in the Times' Page A1 story, the Tehran garrison mutinied; Bakhtiar fled Iran; and distinguished generals were shot by firing squad. The inference, for Nicaea, is that had the TENNNN-HUT! been given, the bishops would have assumed formation, saluted when called for,...SUH! That's just the known facts, not just the issue. In the envisioned, if now cancelled, confrontation between Averil Cameron, in her robes of state as Master of King's College, and Louise Liu, in her bathtub to meke her now-tiresome statement that Fausta had a right to life, on the issue, *Would We Be Better Off Without Christianity*? Followed by the second round, *Julian The Apostate: How He Would Have Won*. This should, would certainly have, as these things tend to occur, have led to a conference: Comparative Religion & Comparative Human Rights Violation. Let's face it, you were safer, in life and property, in the Former Qin, the empire of North China expanded in all directions by the conquests of Fujian, proto-Tibetan, inevitalbly so to command the loyalties of proto-Mongols and proto-Turks, than in the East Roman empire of the Basque (well, Spanish, but put money on Basques for bloodlusty warriorship) Theodosius I. Survey the surivivors of the Thessaloniki Massacre; and it was by design so bloody that St Ambrose had to do something symbolic about it for motives now lumped under "hegemony." As a sample, they'd have nothing to lose, dead long since already. Theodosius, recall, maede X-tianity, in Orthodox variant, sole legal religion of the Empire (which took time, admittedly, to make stick), in the same year that Fujian did the same for Mahayana Buddhism, the orthodoxy whereof was determined, in the final analysis, by himself. Theodosius I was Vice-Gerent of Christ on Earth, quite understandable in terms of the zeitgeist; and in similar vein, Fujian was "living Tathagatha." In which one's juristiction were taxes paid, corruption suppressed and education flourishing; whilst conscripts reported for service in accordance with law? The latter. Under Fujian, the status of women rose in North China. There was no trick involved, as he had some way to go toward full assimilation of Chineseness. Fujian, a great hero of mine, made one dreadful mistake. As you saw, I've tried to figure out a way to stop him, HALT! from making it, viz, you just don't fight with cavalry in Yangzi valley mud. At the battle of the Fei river, it is reported in Chinese imaginary fiction called dynastic history that Fujian had 300,000 infantry and 670,000 cavalry, far too many to fit onto the battle- field and much more. Geewiz, with possession of Riaozhou (Hanoi-Haiphong), Guangzhou, and Quanzhou, the Chinese south sea ports, hence cessation of competition between silk exported by land and sea, there's no good reason why the lands of the whiteman would have ever figured in the Asian world-system overlapping its hegemonic core state within its state system, and we would all have been prevented. In the immortal words, one slightly changed, of the man whose Day we've just celebrated, "I had a dream." Foreknowledge wasn't necessary. If only, that's all it'd taken, *some people had drifed a little harded than they actually did*, we wouldn't be here. There'd have been no whitemen, as those pallid enough to give rise to the relevant somatic norm image would've remained slaves in body paint. Just because we're here, by which is substantively meant, *you* are here, and you cannot detect by visual cues the proof positive and behavioural evidence conclusively in support, that I am not one of you though if, when coerced by repressive restrictions, I am forcibly restrained from writing as I wish to, hence from making the assertions anent the object of investiga- tion, historical development, in particular the depiction of it in what I take to have been its full disgustingness. So, during my incapacitation, mental and physical, when I am compelled to modestly fake scholarly demeanour (representing whining on bended knee for tolerance of tedious, tiresome wheelchair-shuffling that you take for *sane* and *sholarly*, you mayhap were relieved that I never asserted my article of faith, hardly itself original. WHAT IS, IS WRONG. That Japanese Quality Control would never have left me off the line is beside the point. The lousiness in the aggregate has never done anything for me, satisfacitionwise or Else. Only something as atrociously Inferior as Notactually Nonexistent Socialwasm might have done something for me, as they would have been required, at costs in excess by vast orders of magnitude of any withdrawals I might make, costumed as contributions, to society, which would have been Them, to give me a job. We denounce wage-labour as wage-slavery; free time is the only freedom; time is life; timescheduling in capitalism is panopticon incarnate; your time is my money and my time I will not be paid for; and all the other pieties be damned. If a social order be such as to define the relative degree of moral virtue of the people by jobs, those without jobs being most wicked, those with jobs if starving lesser reprobates; those with jobs and well remunerated in the Kingdom of Heaven, it follows that the society which gives me a job has my poltical commitment however imaginary. All forms of actually existing capitalism, accordingly, be damned to irrelevance. I shall continue to imagine outside the Normal discourse, for the simple reason that each and every one of you is capable of doing the Normal discourse lots better than I can. What I promise to do is cancel ventures in word-output which *don't work*, in that, screwy as are ways I insist on doing things, there's within that what works and what doesn't. Now, what you got the last few days was the synopsis of sci-fi drivel which was written wrong the first time. It recrudesed for the simple reason that, in order to fictify, you have just gotta know people, which for various reasons is for me unwise if not dangerous. Basically, I was bored with it, and the characters, initially invented to be less boring than me, got even worse. The most fun stuff, for me, was the True Facts in the story, which I never ran altogether through. Like the Buddhist Riots of 404. When Lady Liu escapes through a tunnel hastily abandoned by the Americans due to a flash Flood of the Antiquities Market; the city of Jianking is burning. Because the Retard, Liu Yu, Power Behind the Gauzy Throne, just seized power, in 404, and has set about LAYING DIRTY FILTHY HANDS ON HOLY CHURCH! The fifth century is a time of club-wielding monks wherever you look. Q.v. Council of Chalcedon, 451. Back to South China, 404: "Hui-yuan (334-417) "proudly asserted the Church's independence of the political power (his *Treatise explaining the reasons why monks are not obligated to pay homage to sovereigns*,*Shomen puching wang-che lun*, 404)." (Gernet, 1992) ********* Even the emperor's kid sister would find conditions getting hot, but might feel emotional tug of family, especially with a loony sworn to kill her fled to 1996, hadn't she known about Family Feud. Like Merovingians! "At the beginning of the fifth century a soldier of fortune named Liu Yu, a former cobbler turned general, gave a transitory vitality to the old empire. Emboldedned by a few successes against the barbarians, he dethroned the Jin and proclaimed himself emperor of the Song dynasty (now called Liu Song, to distinguish it from the great Song dynasty founded in the tenth century. His family, which occupied the throne of Nanjing from 420 to 479, lapsed into a state of degeneracy worse than ever before. The third emperor of this line was assassinated at the instigation of one of his own sons (453). The parricide was afterwards put to death by his own brother (454), who became emperor (454-465) and, fearing a similar fate, took the precau- tion of massacring the majority of the other princes of the royal blood. The next emperor, who only reigned for six months (465)--he came to the throne at sixteen and was assassinated at seventeen--was a sort of Nero who who ordered the execution of his regents, close relations and concubines. It was not long before he was murdered himself, but his uncle and successor (465-472), nicknamed 'The Pig' because of his obesity, was no less bloodthirsty, and he in turn had all his brothers executed. When he was dying, 'The Pig' bequeathed the empire to the son of his favourite. This emperor-by-chance was a precocious youngster (crowned at ten, killed at fifteen) and showed such ferocity that he had to be beheaded, which was done during a night of drunkenness (477). Liu Yu's family was already decimated and dishonoured when, in the year 479, one of the state officers deposed it and founded a new dynasty called Qi. (Grousset, Rise & Splendour ..., pp. 108-109) Honest, no jokes, just the plain old nauseating, unvarnished, atheoretical, moralizing l'histoire evenementelle. What it's got in common with the joke nuisance is, you don't want, you don't need, you can very easily do without thank you the deliberately provocative iteration of stuff what just can't happen. What I love about WS Theory, that's the very place where it just can't happen even less thay anywhere else. So that's today's lies, folks; you keep me on a leash, I'm gonna be nice and whiny and forget I hate everyone of even slightly higher SES and cognitive capability. Because as a Jewish only child I was taught the total impossibility of such other people. Found out, even the IQ tester was paid off. The authors of The Bell Curve forgot that, one way or the other, all IQ testers are paid off, if not necessarily directly across the palm by the testee's Jewish mother. Wow, before this week, didn't get to talk to anybody since October! That's being quiet and not bothering people, which the latter approved of, and staying home and, what I liked, reading books, which of course had to be paid for, cuz I am not allowed, legally, into the library. The purpose of telling you all this, folks, is that, sooner or later, not being like you, who are by definition the Normals, gets to someone. Just think of the effort, the chemicals licit or illicit, requisite to sustain the delusional state of being not-Retarded. The more it's writ, the less I know why, but the more fun it is doing it. Better stop. Daniel A. Foss From majones@netcomuk.co.uk Tue Jan 21 21:01:07 1997 Date: Wed, 22 Jan 1997 04:00:19 +0000 From: MA&NG Jones Reply-To: majones@netcomuk.co.uk To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: Tusk was way overhead Daniel said: > you just > don't fight with cavalry in Yangzi valley mud. It is true that the Jurchids failed to cross the Yangtse in 1161, but this was mainly because the Sung used vast cannons and missiles with gunpowder-filled iron-cauldron rocket-motors. So let's be reasonable about this. The Jurchids won so much ground in the first place because a half century before Hui Tsung was thrashed in the same place, more or less, and the Sung then lost everything north of the Yellow River. Later on Subedei had no difficulty, except from cholera, with the Yangtse. Apart from that, everythign is normal. -- Regards, Mark Jones majones@netcomuk.co.uk From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Wed Jan 22 18:32:08 1997 Date: Wed, 22 Jan 97 15:45:13 CST From: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Subject: tedious sermon instead of unappreciated serious jokes To: World Systems Network Sirs: There are some jokes, as in the FEDERAL BLDG BOMB COVERUP fable, which are of deadly serious intent, but as I got chewed out via private e-mail, thereafter killfiled (having told the party *everything but* what it was about), it requires the tiresome sermon the homour was erroneously expected to obviate. 1. Hyposemia caused by cultural complexity undermining itself, also the industrialization of meaning production. Hyposemia is a private coinage I've defined elsewhere as "a subjectively perceived deficiency of meaning in the cultural environment." Which is redundant, but we're oversimplifying here. What the culture is paid for is for Thingies to be Meaningful as well as to Mean other Thingies. What meaning means, and why it should be so meaningful, is handed over to professional philosophers, Sages, and gurus so as not to annoy the rest of us. When, per contra, it is bruited about by the Professionally unqualified, or unProfession- als, such as myself, that Things Don't Mean Things Like They Useta (which I personally would rather die than tell anyone), something in the culture is slacking off or requiring the service contractor. Actually, this condition may have a number of causes, many of which are observable in the historical record centuries or millennia ago. One or two are quite recent. (See Ulf Hannerz, Cultural Complexity, 1992.) When cultures get sufficiently hierarchized and specialized-subcultureized, frictionizing and fractionizing gets terrific, and many become confused as to what's appropriate even if they could do it if they knew, which I personally can't. More nebulous, perhaps far more insidious, and certainly of a greater order of intentionality, is the industrialization of deliberately concocted meanings, symbols, icons, even ikonoklastic ikons. A specific reference was made in what was charged to "runaway amphetamines" via private e-mail to the historical type of ikonoklastic ikon, most familiar to us in the guise of the late, great Abbie Hoffman, a man who would have been my role model the way Zhu Yuanzhang was Mao Zedong's, had I not been ab initio to this very day Chickenshit. Specifically, the allusion to Abiezer Coppe, author of A Fiery Flaming Roll, suffient in its scatologies to induce, I am certain, the spontaneous combustion of Papistry in his time, the 1650s, I am sure. **************** That's an obscurity, true, but it's a preplanned, premeditated, preplanted obscurity, for the express purpose of putting the lie to the very sort of runaway Drugged-Psycho-Degenerate charges that you actually pulled on me. Do any of you really believe, after all these years, that I want to, when I'm articulate enough to express something that's recognizably me, *communicate* over this e-mail idiocy? What I want to do is disrupt and, if possible, destroy, extirpate, spurious meaning which already exists, comprising and constituting the basis of a vast volume of verbiage output such that none of it is meaningfully different from the rest of it. A deliberate, false, but necessary exaggeration. ******************* Half-trillion in dollars armenian is expended globally on advertising, not counting political candidacies, media subsuming news and information, and public relations/propaganda. Fine distinctions betwixt/among these variants of hype, quasi-fakery, overtly true-looking imagery that's tantamount to exposed- posterior lies, dramatizations, simulations, and checking up with what's sanctioned as legitimate to have felt or, more Seriously, Direct-Experienced, disseminable because it's popular, and all the rest of it you already know. In former times, it was still possible to say, as I did ad nauseam, "No Experience is allowed to exist in any culture until it's first been Standard- ized." Well, you can't actually Standardize the Normals too much, Else you don't have enough variability in your conformists to have the Vicariously Experiencing studio-audience (quasi-viewer-surrogates, except better, cuz the presumptive viewer is presumed such an inarticulate slob, true representative- ness, or the showing thereof over the air, is taboo. (Have no set, and only once, when couldn't move, did I catch one of these Thingies, over a Chicago channel for racial minorities.) Say, there's Performing Seals on stage, who've had, claim to've had, wish to communicate the having of, the Direct Experience of Seducing & Abandoning Promiscuity. There's these anti-promiscuous if awestruck gigglers in the Chorus, or ministudioaudience, who ask the soi-disant Experienced Experiencers whether, and how terribly, they also Experienced Guilt over their Unsafeness. Their Impregnation track record, whereof the worst part was the Anticipatory Fear. The smugness of the Fallback Position that, if I, Joe RedDog, are this low/selfish/callous, there's hudndeds like me she coulda Done It With just as easily, you think I'm something special, like there's aught whatever Good in or about my Nature/True Self? The other Normals, who raise hands from the slightly plush seats, are as I said, censorious but withal giggly, as they're morally appalled yet normatively Turned On. Whatever that means. I am Coming Out and telling you, you are all the first to know, that I have no idea in hell what is "turned-on." Normals are the Great Unmarked Category. I'm in several Marked Categories, so can't tell anyone anything, can give no response to the hostile query, "Well what *are* you ¨around hereŁ anyhow?" The Normal may be safely presumed able to (a) cook eggs, (b) pass salt, (c) pour goo(s) in washer at cycle-appropriate instants, (d) change, whereby is presupposed, wear underwear (e) drive a motorious vehicle, and (e) have a more than nominal emotional-moral commitment to labour-market participation. By consequence, you are, as Normals, familiar with social statistics to the point of being Took, but not to apprehend your sociopolitical world, 'neath the clouds of idelological pollution (the Chinese got use of the word Spiritual for this purpose first, there's no money in it, we're screwed). The best known of all social statistics, for example, is the height of, at this time, former Secretary of Labour Robert Reich, which is or was four feet eleven inches. But then, look at what Napoleon managed to do with undissimilar problems. The foregoing is a bunch of jokes which is avoiding coming to the point, and for a very good reason, because it takes lots of anecdotal data before you will even begin to accept how much baloney is deliberately manufactured around the clock, the truth value of the Thingies being irrelevant. What matters, and matters very seriously, is the aggregate of the Thingies. The Gross National Datamass, or is that Gross Domestic Datamass, I forget, and whilst I'm sure that foreign trade has something Serious to do with baloney, not least transaction costs of US corporations' branches in the Cayman Islands, and that memorable Stones song, Aruba Tuesday, well, contemplate it, do your contemplating in the BESEECHING position. Cuz it's as the kidz say awesome in that, if the statistical properties attributed to it are anything like, uh, objectively real (as opposed to ideological Reality, remember, this is a basic & fundamental theoretical distinction with me, learn it), then it's the most monumental Thingie in the ¨socialŁ universe whut is getting bigger as it simultaneously gets more worthless. That's what makes this, what I am typing onto the screen at this instant, ASCII string, not text. What consti- tutes text qua text, IF THIS IS INDEED CAPITALISM, aint it? is: Text is text cuz and insofar as it's PAID FOR. Now, howzis grab ya. What you, plural, are posting to this list is TEXT, onnacounta you are paid for by universities. You are paid regularly, bimonthly or however often they shell out funny money in Russia, which is fully converti- ble, but to what? Judaism? I doubt it. Too many East European immigrants in the "boroughs" of Brooklyn and Queens in New York City for this to make sense. The cover price of the Economist, for Russia, is denominated in Dollars Armenian. And, crown it all, for the Great Moment of the Revolutionary Transformation to undo the Revolutionary Transformation, it gives a figure the Tsarist police who wrote The Protocols of the Elders of Zion were too feebly endowed with imagination to invent for demonizing-propaganda purposes, Prof Jeffrey "Shock Treatment" Sachs of Harvard. (Shock treatment, I'd thought, is for treating psychosis, not socialism, but whaddahell.) Story wuz, back in 1989, Sachs' receptionist tells him Field Marshal Wojtech Jaruszelski is on the phone: "Tell him to legalize Solidarity, then call me back!" Geewiz, had I known that, I'd'a said to the polltaker, the lady with the elegant Southern, presumptively Georgia, accent, "...You *have* heard of Jimmy Cawtuh?" "Tell him to legalize LSD and call me back!" This is what you say when the abosolutely objectively impossible happens, such as, you are trying to conceive a child to the Hosanna of Bach's B-Minor Mass, but get the Transcendent Ultimate instead, and THEN the survey taker calls up. Precision timing. This is the closest you get to the Direct Experi- ence of Baloney. You have, each and every one of you, given graduate courses on baloney from earliest times to the present. You have, in some nations not fully educated by professional educatiors in place of the vulgar propagandists who previously did it, given what Pluto Perot called "Infomercials" on Baloney. And all these inculcations of Truth are assimilated into the ambience of baloney which they are intented to oppose unto death (whose) as THE CRITIQUE. Everyone qusting/ lusting after Hegemony in English Depts or Cult Studies Pogroms is Baloney tout entiere with vested interest in nonrecognition for what it is. The worst baloney I ever read in my life was Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. But it got paid for, didn't it. Your posts, and all other word outputs, are Text, as I sez, cuz you are regularly Paid for a job whose description includes the generation within the quantified delimited time frame specified, the publication, wherefor you receive nothing, and may even require the services of an expert in conversion of mangled gibberish into readable professional-looking prose, may I recommend my good friend Ralph W. Larkin, PhD (Sociology), (212) 889-3428, 410 Second Avenue New York City NY 10010. If you yourself strongly believe that what you wrote MEANS SOMETHING, howbeit neither you nor anyone else can say, from the looks of it, what that was or is, Ralph, I swear, will have you proudly distributing reprints to people who will query you, "Who was that masked man?" It's not that he cannot render publishable near ¨or farŁ English prose which never meant anything in the first place. It's that he will moralistically refuse. Baloney must have its limits, or we ourselves despair of our own Reality (in the ideological sense). In terms of objective reality, there never was, nor can be anywhere except in bourgeois ideology, any such Thingie as the figmentational heroically monadic insular Individual, long may it Aynrand. She's the offspring of a Hebrew consonant and a South African unit of currency. She's the imaginary woman who wants to be raped, imaginarily, by the imaginary male Aryan beast she's made up cuz she's Jewish. Also dead, leving behind Camille Piglia. Ideology is wonderful, it really makes it, said Frank Zappa. All these named individuals, from Ayn Rand through Frank Zappa, also produce text, but the Text, not the writer or Elsewise organism held Responsible (if rarely receiving royalties, least of all in China), is paid for. This is of lower prestige, with exceptions, than getting paid regularly such that, as part of your job, the text *comes out*, like excrement or something, keeping you Regular, and if so long enough, tenured. There's exceptions, but the latter is prioritized. Does that mean, Criticism is prioritized over Art? Yeah, quite likely, the various Depts of Crit could go on for YEARS without anyone noticing there wuz no more Art. Now, looky here, I have got in the bookbag undoubted and without question Great Art, which is David Foster Wallace, Infinite Jest, 1996. How I know this is, I read a previous novel of his, The Broom of the System, 1990ish, which I just outandout loved. Something I have a Direct Experience of as Terrible, as I can't write like that myself, and my mother is holding me Strictly Responsible to this very day for not having been the Messiah, even if she was the one who bribed the IQ tester. I just got the lie to live up to. It was the fake IQ which got me into the Bronx High School of Science, Cornell University, and best luck of all, in Brandeis University the very first year of their Sociology Dept graduate program. Moral: If you're not very bright, dyslexic, suffer from Attention Deficit Disorder (which is when they drop a pin three blocks away just to annoy you), and can't talk from Cerebral Palsy, the first year of a graduate program is The Way To Go. Cuz They Don't Know, they're LOST. Oh, yeah, I was lazy, too; AND never had a Direct Experience of Willpower and Self-Discipline. But with truly great effort, as you've watched me over the years, I HAVE LEARNED HOW, IF THAT'S WHAT I WANT TO DO, TO FAKE SMARTNESS! Which aint essential, at least in most Smart people. It's part of the Job, like sex. So here's this guy, David Foster Wallace, who has got Real Talent. There are a prioritized Thingies I hold important. Firstly, David Foster Wallace is not merely Jewish; from the cover photo, which is identical to that on The Broom Of The System, he *looks Jewish*. And as a former sociologist who used to be a consoisseur of stereotypes, ate them in the best restaurants, *that's something*, dig it. The clincher is, he lives in Syracuse NY, where I myself lived for seven years, divided into two segments. The drawback, apart from the national record snowfall in inches for cities with populations > 50,000, is that you risk everyone you're ever likely to want to meet despising you on sight within two days. The advantage, though, is that with some combination of exhibitionism and talent, you may become, without really trying after the first yearish period, which seems like forever, *a living legend*, given the notoriety, well-earned, of the Syracuse Boredom, wherewith it earned the title, TYPICAL ARMENIAN CITY, 1965-1966. This, by the way, is worth a small bonanza to anyone with a front door, as there is a predictable deposit of platic Thingies with bluish or greenish goo in front, at least weekly; test-marketing. One may even tell the political scientist surveying ERA, "I wouldn't put anything else in my washing machine." Alas, the sinkhole of cultural primiti- vism has evolved toward Metro sophistication; even a Dome. David Foster Wallace is the Biggest Thing in Syracuse *without* having to make the rounds sixteen hours a day annoying people! We all realize, all we got to choose from is between assortments of Natural baloney and Cultivated baloney. What's more, in selling a cultural product, unlike a yard of woolen cloth or ton of steel, like all other yards of cloth or tons of steel qua Marx's archetypal commodity, which is defined as an "article, thing, object" which has got two Persons, use-value and exchange-value, in the same Thingie, which is *identical to anything of the same sort of Thingie which meets the same Need, "and it matters not how that need arises, whether from biology or from fancy," UNLESS AND ONLY UNLESS one specimen or batch is DEFECTIVE. A cultural product, materially, say, a CD, or the right to get into a movie theater, is materially speaking the same damned thing. A CD is the same shiny round Thingie, whatever's on it. You collect these boxes with these indisting- uishable objects in them, requiring the covers to know which from what. The difference one from the other in your collection among these boxes and shiny Thingies is, they are *meaningfully different to you*. You can tell Megadeth from Crash Worship. If I had a CD player, and put effort into it, I'd be able to, also, after several dozen times as long a time as it took you, and would never know which one was Good, whatever that meant. The same principle goes for porno videos, software, and sociologists such as World Systems Theorists. The marketability of a World System Theorist is dependent on the meaningful difference, within the confines of Professionalism, wherewith those who possess STRATEGIC POLITICAL CONTROL OVER THE DEFINITION OF THE COGNITIVE determine the operational definition of Smartness, and who is deemed to possess it, in contradistinction to those who may be legitimately charged with SEEMING TO OPERATE, UNDER FALSE PRETENSES, A MIND, wihtout a licence or permit for same. Don't go by what I'm saying. There's a REAL HOLLYWOOD MOVIE, "Phenomenon," starring John Trevolting, which sez the same Thingie. You see how one has gotta cop *legitimacy* for ideation, which is gonna count as screwball psychotic amphetamine-crazed drivel anyhow, given that, as I said, I do not live in your neighbourhood, and never did. Meaning, I cannot hold the kinds of jobs you did or do. That is, I must invoke in my behalf a specimen of Baloney Of The Lowest Common Denominator, to support what, if any one of you bothered to think it out, would be prima facie obvious and not worth saying; besides, your colleagues would tell you to stop annoying them with "guilt-tripping," because what is academia for if not to have some kinda privilege, however measly and crummily paid as it is. (One motive for my fiction, which you got an overexposure to, and that was just the barebones synopsis, mind you: I made up an academia where the local graduate students, trained to become technocrats, *publish and perish*. Due to the logic of patriarchy. If people tend to die of disease around 30-35, and men of the ruling class are routinely massacred in each of the very frequent military coups on trumped-up charges, and *this was China*, how do you treat women even worse than that? The whole thing was suggested by the Vietnam War, which started bothering me when I first met a political scientist who wrote a South Vietnamese constitution. At the other end of the historical period, uh, anyone still recall the meaning of the word *VIETNAMIZATION*?) Now, if you got this far, you may be grown up enough for the point. As the supply of manufactured meaning increases, what happens to PRICES, class? If this is capitalism, AND IT IS CAPITALISM, AINT IT? even stuff, entities, Thingies, which are immaterial and cannot be quantified anyway anyhow have attached *senses of plentifulness*, like the primordial capitalist construct itself, which is what, class? SCARCITY! Scarcity is not some quantity or mass of Stuff. It is a subjective sense, loosely related to the imaginary Experience of Hard Times as opposed to Cornicopiahood, that Life is dogeatdog hardscrabble, or money actually does grow on trees. And I submit, distinguished ladies and gentlebeings of the jury, that for an instant there in the 1960s, just because nobody was looking for it, and because it was posited by all reputable social scientists, a very substan- tial part of the Broad Masses of the Armenian people did indeed have a Direct Experience, like all Direct Experiences to be sure just another instance of fabricatable baloney, but Directly Experienced As Real (remember, uppercase is the ideological sense), when there was widespread belief, for whatever reason, that *the only way to tell for sure-ish what was Real-ish was Direct Experience in that all Else was guaranteed Baloney*. It took decades of reactionary inegalitarianism to restore the MOTIVE, that is to say, the MEANINGFULNESS, of the imperative in the culture of a capitalist society which says, MONEYGRUBBERS ARE THE HIGHEST FORM OF LIFE. DONALD TRUMP IS GOD, cuz HE LOOKS LIKE HE IS. Hyposemia struck in a big way, where nobody much, even those who Served Time in New Mexico shuffling sand around, making fake Native Armenian artifacts, and such, and Ended Up where they woulda been in the first place, which is at Los Alamos national laboratories, with Two, Three, Many PhDs. The word "incentives" is the tipoff that the cetral meaningfulness of capitalism requires COERCION, the APPLICATION OF THE MEANS OF VIOLENCE TO YOUR BUTT, to inspire you to get rich. For the first time in the history of capitalism, it is necessary to BRIBE PEOPLE TO EXPERIENCE BEING RICH AS MEANINGFUL. As I said for starters, the first sign of something losing its Meaningful- ness is people talking about how it should have meaning where it DON'T MEAN NOTHING NO MORE. Cruddy activity which formerly got done by hiring people overglad to get the money, no longer is got done so automatically. In the late 1970s, when the dropout culture was longsince liquidated and reactionary- repressive Shrinko-cults were making vast quantities of money telling people, "Acknowledge the existing power! There is nothing whatever in life except Winning as opposed to Losing. I am Winning. Look, I have got your money!" This was called est, Erhard Seminars Training, also the Latin for "it is," for a hit of mystical zing, invented by Jack Rosenberg, Pennsylvania encyclopedia salesman who changed his name to Werner Erhard, went into the business of selling exchange-value because that's what it costs. ("I have here something that works. It costs five hundred dollars. Why does it cost five hundred dollars? Because that's what it costs. Once I have your five hundred dollars, I've won, because I have your five hundred dollars and you do not. If that's the way you want to let it be, then I win, you lose. Or you can *get* the Training, which is an Experience which cannot be expressed in words. Either you *get* it or you don't *get* it. *It* is what you *get*. est means *it*.) The spectacle of hundreds of people convinced the Way to Meaning was through holding their urine for fourteen hours showed the way both to greater hyposemia and greater desperation. People ask, "Why is all this crazy shit happening *right now*?" where there is no operationalizable measurement of what is meant by "all this crazy shit," nor how much incrementation of crazy shit has transpired since the last measurement-period or interval boundary, nor any agreed upon standardized components of a unit package of crazy shit as is used for concoction of the Consumer Price Index (at this time itself becoming a bit controversial, in part because of the very hyposemia insisting that, in general, crazy shit is getting worse). Recall somebody who used to be Carl Sagan? Who propagated the respectability of the idea of extraterrestrial life, whence he expected inundations of grant support in search therefor. Toward this end, he wrote CONTACT! wherein the extraterrestrials were infinitely wise superbeings. Then he was shocked, appalled, horrified beyond horror, by the commercial success of ABDUCTION! by John E. Mack, MD, claiming the respectability and moral virtue of the Harvard Medical School. In this book, sold in better subway news kiosks and Long Island Railroad stations everywhere, Extraterrestrials were gray slugs who forced disgusting sexual attention on humans who were held in Restraint from evading Monstrous Acts. Then, Sagan wrote a book of consummate silliness, title something like Candle In The Darkness, meaning Science, wherein he said, yes, he was quite enthusiastically in favour of the Extraterrestrial Aliens he figured us humans had a great deal to learn from, like Graduate School, but disbelieved, emphatically, firmly, and categorically, in the gray slugs Mack was peddling, which may readily, Sagan said, be demonstrated as spurious, hallucinations and delusions of the terminally mediocre, and under no circumstances would he allow Aliens or Extraterrestrials of such base proclivi- ties, representing beyond all question, a disgrace to all decent life forms of Interstellar, even Intergalactic, Space. On one thing Sagan and Mack tacitly agreed. Why is all this crazy shit going on right now? As I pointed out, plain as a Jewish nose, pardon my pride, in the post you, plural, denounced and despised as pure Drug Overdosed Crazed Psycho Whatever, because, as we all know, the functional equivalent of Mediaeval Demons in the department of Possessing Souls is Bad Molecules, if one tries to make sense of what has come to one's attention, in part due to MOTIVATED AWARENESS of aformentioned "crazy shit that is going on," then one is in Deep Trouble. Do not get me wrong. This is not a societal "self-destruct trip." It's an ongoing reaction to *the failure of transformation in the 1960s*, and the spiralling social irrationalities consequent to that which have exacerbated ever since. RESOLVED: THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IS THE MOST IRRATIONAL SOCIETY IN HUMAN HISTORY. More sermons where that came from. Daniel A. Foss From ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au Wed Jan 22 19:10:05 1997 Date: Thu, 23 Jan 1997 13:08:42 +1100 From: "Bruce R. McFarling" Subject: Re: tedious sermon instead of unappreciated serious jokes To: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU On Wed, 22 Jan 1997 U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU wrote: > ... > What matters, and matters very seriously, is the aggregate of the > Thingies. The Gross National Datamass, or is that Gross Domestic > Datamass, I forget, ... Gross National Datamass would be all the datamass attributed to nationals of a particular country, Gross Domestic Datamass all the datamass produced within a particular country. So if this text were paid for (which, as far as I can make out, it's not, and therefore not text), it would be GND of the United Snakes of Armenia, and GDD of OZ. Virtually, Bruce R. McFarling, Newcastle, NSW ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au From ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au Wed Jan 22 19:18:12 1997 Date: Thu, 23 Jan 1997 13:17:25 +1100 From: "Bruce R. McFarling" Subject: Re: Davidson and World System In-reply-to: To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK On Tue, 21 Jan 1997 11:40:09 -0500 (EST), Gernot Kohler wrote, on PKT (pkt@csf.colorado.edu): > Keynes's _General Theory_ has a reputation for > being nothing but a closed-economy theory. A recent article > by Davidson corrects that view: > REFERENCE: Paul Davidson, > "The _General Theory_ in an Open Economy > Context," in: > _A Second Edition of the General Theory_, > edited by G.C. Harcourt and P. Riach > (London, Routledge, 1996), pp. 102-130 > The GT contains many statements relating to > international economics, as Davidson shows. > In a theory section of the article, Davidson develops > the point that "(i)n a flexible exchange rate world, > governments can have an incentive to pursue export > policies rather than stimulating internal components > of aggregate demand, if growth without inflation > is an objective." (p. 110) > This section is followed by a presentation of > Davidson's IMCU proposal for a reform of the > exchange rate mechanism, along lines developed > in his book PKMT. > The article concludes with an Appendix which shows > how "Thirlwall's law" concerning the relationship > between the foreign trade sector and national income > is an extension of Keynes's multiplier. > * * * > COMMENTS: Rather than commenting on details of the > article (pkt mouse squeaking at pkt CAT), > I would like to point to an interesting possibility. > It would be fascinating, to my eccentric imagination > anyway, to bring about a theoretical linkage > between the Keynes/Davidson/Thirlwall "open economy > Keynesianism" and the Amin/Chase-Dunn/Frank/Wallerstein > et al. "world system perspective". > Small problem, though. Keynesians are afraid > of getting too close to Marxists and Marxists see > in Keynesians nothing but running dogs of capitalism. > Apart from that, such a linkage between "open economy > Keynesianism" and "world(-)system analysis" would be really > neat, in the sense of Classicism-bashing. As someone who's interested in both, I wonder if the Post Keynesians and World Systems theorists on these two lists could comment on (a) potentials of such a linkage and (b) whether each has the posited view of the other. Virtually, Bruce R. McFarling, Newcastle, NSW ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au From austria@it.com.pl Thu Jan 23 02:39:34 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Thu, 23 Jan 1997 10:39:05 +0100 (MET) Subject: transnational integration and national disintegration To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu attached you now find the entire mnauscript, part 1 When you use microsoft word 3.1 (or respective higher versions) + word 6.0 + excel 5.0, you will have no problem I hope it functions Yours Arno Tausch <---- Begin Attached File ----> begin 644 EUROPR1.TXT MT,\1X*&Q&N$`````````````````````.P`#`/[_"0`&```````````````0 M`````0``````````$````@````$```#^____``````````!V````YP```'0! 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Now I am eagerly awaiting your comments and suggestions, as well as critique. Please also try to get hold of Ed Luttwack's article in London Review of Books, 14 November 1996, on the Euro. I read his short synthesis in Corriere della Serra, 12 Dec. I'd welcome manuscripts on the subject as well; also on liberation theology and the social sciences. Kindest regards Yours Arno Tausch From austria@it.com.pl Thu Jan 23 09:15:57 1997 From: austria@it.com.pl Date: Thu, 23 Jan 1997 17:16:08 +0100 (MET) Subject: size limitation to my manuscript - Tausch To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu dear friends and colleagues - I have asked Chris Chase Dunn to arrange for an exception. I strongly feel that the text should become available to you; I'd even be prepared to share my data outprints on the net with you. To all colleagues who have mailed to me directly - please be patient; I'd like to tell you once again that the text is written in Word 6.0 + EXCEL 5.0. With similar attachments, I never had any problem in the past. Perhaps the people in Colorado can arrange for the sending of the text. Their message was 'size limitation'. Kind regards Yours Arno Tausch From scc1@axe.humboldt.edu Thu Jan 23 11:20:25 1997 Date: Thu, 23 Jan 1997 10:20:22 -0800 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu From: scc1@axe.humboldt.edu (Sing Chew) Subject: Chicana/o and Latina/o Workers Announcement The Humboldt Journal of Social Relations just published an issue Vol 22 #1 dedicated to the study of Chicana/o and Latina/o Workers. Table of Contents 1) Rank and File: Historical Perspectives on Latina/o Workers in the US - Zaragosa Vargas 2) Negotiating Urban Space: Latina Workers in Domestic Work and Street Vending in Los Angeles - Norma Stolz Chinchilla and Nora Hamilton 3) Who Subsidizes Whom? Latina/o Immigrants in the Los Angeles Garment Industry - Socorro T. Sarmiento 4) Chicano Educational History: A Legacy of Inequality - Gilbert G. Gonzalez 5) Mujeres en Huelga: Cultural Citizenship and Gender Empowerment in a Cannery Strike - William V. Flores 6) Chicana/o and Latina/o Workers in a Changing Discipline - Matt Garcia. Single issue (US$5.00 plus US$1.00 (Postage and Handling)) can be ordered from: Linda Hall-Martin Managing Editor Humboldt Journal of Social Relations Gist Hall 208 Humboldt State University Arcata, CA 95521 USA Phone 707-826-3716 Fax 707-826-3717 E-Mail Hallmartinl@axe.humboldt.edu Sing C. Chew Humboldt Journal of Social Relations Humboldt State University Arcata, CA 95521 USA Phone 707-826-4554 FAx 707-826-3717 From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Thu Jan 23 21:00:09 1997 Date: Thu, 23 Jan 97 21:11:36 CST From: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Subject: defense of south china or offense against the people To: World Systems Network Mark Jones said something I thought interesting and important about the Jurched invasion of South China, 1127-1141; that it was not stopped by Yangzi valley mud, for one thing. But as I cannot find his post at this time, I'm uncertain what to say about it, as it deals with a historical problem about which a truly fantastic amount of uncertainty exists. Let's go back to First Principles for a second. We are living in the Present of a society, ie, a Delusional Systematic Representation of the objective reality of that society which is Reality to us. The extent to which our misrepresentation of "our" society, whatever that means, is to be left to the determination of those who do not share our culture, though they may harbour delusions to the effect that they do. That is, they may take for granted that they are in or partake of the same Tradition that we are ourselves an early stage of. I'm sorry, but this suggests a digression. In Getting Through The Day in the everyday-life praxis of the Observed, which is what the social scientist must do in order to get paid for social science, rather than get Put Away for Bizarre Behaviour unbecoming of a member of the Learned Professions, it is necessary to obliterate from consciousness the development of past forms into present forms, assuming that any continuity existed, and is not merely suppositious on the Observer's part. Consider: Two days ago, I went to the locally prestigious Bookstore, where I bought Weighty Books, by content, as well as in pounds-ounces (or kg/g). As I'd got a heavy book bag, and my dry-cleaning from next door in a large plastic bag previously obtained from this same bookstore, I asked the Churchly-looking woman salesclerk whether she perhaps had a potato sack for the books. "You know, Industrial Hemp, that's a potato sack, hemp, OE *haenep*, from L *canna- bis*, Gr *kannabis*. I'm terribly sorry about that. Perhaps, if this establish- ment might happen to sell canvas bags, like the other place (Barnes & Noble), it might simplify matter greatly, oh, excuse me, canvas of course deriving more directly from *cannabis*, and it's simply dreadful that, in an old sailing port as this city once was, it is required to teach little children the euphemism "naval stores," given that, if an army be said to travel on its stomach, a navy even more truly travelled on marijuana, the rope, sails, etc. This language, doubtless, was concocted by Drug-crazed people." With the Churchly salesclerk utterly horrified, but with little chance of Summoning Authorities in time, I'd demonstrated to myself the forgettingness of Tradition as critical to delusional faith in its transmission. The delusional Present requires a Past whose ideologically compelling power is its apparent success in having Given Rise to the Present. Consider that even in Multicultural Times such as ours, "the Greeks" and "the Romans" have got stuck in "our" Past like Splinters. Take them out. But then, in these days of Industrialized Manufacture of Meanings on an Extended Scale, we can generate a Meaningful Heritage or Contribution to Our Ancestral Tradition out of damned near *anything*. OUR VISIGOTHIC HERITAGE. (The test.) 1. Name the Principal Products of the Visigoths. 2. Explain closeness of San Ysidro and San Leandro. ¨No credit for any mention of or reference to Orange County in whole or in part, class.Ł ..... --Ms Pu, please explain these Chinese Characters on your answer to Question 2. --It say, Surely we study fengshui Aspects Else of Toponymy art So make Overflowing quality Peach & Pear Garden *xian*. --Ms Pu, is Peach and Pear Garden your idea of renaming Orange County? --Oh no! It's *obscene*! The Past, when it was a delusional Present of its own, had no intention, of course, of giving rise to *our* Present; and had generated a Past of its own, wherewith it was satisfied that there *had been* a Past whose telos was to have given rise to itself. One curious additional mental gizmo operates in our mental contraption about "our" Past, which is, we are much more Distant from "ours" then lesser peoples still living uncomfortably close to, or stuck in, even, their own. Who, out there, is not convinced of the age-old tradition of Chinese handicraftspersonship in fine plastics? That for sure, Chinese plastics artistry goes back to Yao & Shun, or something? That only the most exquisite of plasticwear bears the label FABRIQUE EN CHINE? That the price goes *up* before the name goes on, as with all crafty goods. --Ms Pu, can you please read aloud the manufacturers' name, in English, which I'm sure yours isn't, of your upscale Rodeo Drive footwear? --What kinda filthy disgusting pervert are you?!? --I must confess, actually, I'm checking up on if it's the same one's made my $17.99 Payless chainstore schlock, ALL MAN MADE MATERIALS. --Well, fuck you, anyway, it's Confiscate Footwear Corp, Shenzhen. --Quite, uh, interesting, same as mine. --Unbelievable, so like, totally, in their TV commercials, I mean, that shot of Tiger George's loincloth, he's like, 'I must confiscate your shoes now. You won't be needing them where you're going.' --Is that, uh, a Chinese, uh, that is, uh.... --No, it's GRAY SLUGS! From 'Earthwoman Abduction Etiquette, Vol I'. *** At any moment you, too, may become Clueless, and the word Clueless itself be changed without warning. *** As you can readily detect, I'd rather do almost anything than discuss the tangled mess of the defense, if that is what it was, of South China from the Jurched, 1127-1141. Recall the Greatest, and Only, fighting general in the history of the Song dynasty, holder of the worst and longest unbroken losing streak in military history, and if there's a Warfare Hall of Ill-Fame somewhere in the Universe, the Song military has earned a wall or glass case in it. Out of nothing and nowhere, Yue Fei apparently, as Chinese historians may prefer to believe, Yue Fei won victories with peasant infantry, who ferociously attacked the Jurched cavalry, mired or impeded as the latter may have been by Yangzi valley mud or lost in river systems from the Huai valley on south. The career of Yue Fei is treated, then and to this very day, in terms, anachronistic or Elsewise, of Duty, Honour, and Country. For Taiwanese as much as those in the People's Republic, Yue Fei was the Patriot killed by a conspiracy of Traitors, executed (or purged, as we would say), in 1141 *because he was victorious*, thereby impeding the chickenshit government from concluding a shameful peace acknowledging humiliating defeat; vassalage of Song to Jin (Jurched); 600,000 units tribute, half silk, half silver. In 1161 Yue Fei was "rehabilitated," a statue to his heroic memory erected, and the cabal blamed for his death portrayed kneeling at his feet (and vandalized in proportion to Rise of Nationalism). What was happening? Let's review the achievements of Want Anshi, the Great Administator. Briefly, he couldn't have done anything for Chiang Kai-Shek, but he might have done wonders for winning World War II in Washington, what with his fertility in creating new agencies (with acronyms), his slogan, "many officials," and his faith in lavish equipment and quantitative expansion. I-forget-who said, "By the year 1100, China had many of the characteristics of an industrial society. Someone-entirely-Else noted that, about the year 1000, the government in Kaifeng was by exaggeration called "the hundred bureaus"; by 1100, "it was an understatement." The ruling class was split down the middle by material vested interests, by generation, by pedigree vs arriviste. The most magnificent achievement of Wang Ansh's administration was, actually, getting the system to pay for itself. It was by no means self- evident to the Yangzi valley landlords that, merely because they got a windfall in production subsidies from the Green Sprouts Administration, that they should pay land taxes in full. Which was the major presupposition in state finance. The Green Sprouts Administration enabled the state to increase grain production to feed its merchant class and marketing hierarchy, its industrial working class (no kidding), its standing army of 1.25 million men, armour-plated and Elsewise expensively equipped, and its metastasizing cancerous bureaucracy--gotta finish this in 40 minutes, value-neutrality next week--just as one aspect of expanded state activities (there's the controversial tea-supply monopoly granted southwestern producers, which elicited screams of pain from southeastern tea producers, for the purposes of the activities of the Tea and Horse Administration, which appears to have made a lot of money, but did nothing for Song cavalry forces). If I'm getting lost in confusion here, it's not a total loss, because there was enough anger on the part of vested interests benefiting or suffering, along with their dependent peasants, to confuse people at the time. When the arty emperor Huizong proved slack in cracking down on tax delinquencies, the whole social order seemed to have come unstuck. The Yangzi valley estates were on acreage tax, which was regressive to begin with; the same percentage of the crop was collected by the state regardless of ability to pay, if any. So long as the landlords paid the heavy taxes, the illusion of equitability might be kept up. But a screwball emperor, as Huizong was, who did not, frankly, care as much about state finance as he did about the fitting and proper hierarchical ranking of gods, and whether the artists were painting the way he did (they didn't; his stuff was ridiculed as overly ornate; the hip artists went for Chan, marketed by Japan under the name Zen, minimalism), might easily allow landlords to evade taxes which were then collected directly from the cultivators instead, under fraudulent ownership. Already, under Huizong, there was an uprising of a sect with White Lotusish beliefs, "basically Buddhist, were tinged with Manichaean influences. Its members were strict vegetarians and worshipped devils." That was in Zhejiang. "Very poorly armed, the insurgents, who were led by one Fang La, massacred the distinguished, the rich, and government officials." Upon the loss of North China, a peasant movement around Lake Dongting, in Hunan, appears to have fought the Jurched, the regular Song army, and mercenaries hired by local landlords on emergency retainers. "A peasant rising broke out in 1130, led by a certain Zhong Xiang, who was a talented military leader, magician, and healer. Zhong Xiang is alleged to have remarked, 'The law separates the high and the low, the rich man and the poor man. I shall publish a law ordering that the high and the low, the rich man and the poor man shall be equal.' He was soon captured and executed, but his troops increased in number and built themselves defenses in the marshes of the lake." This is from Gernet, 2nd ed, p. 315. "In order to eliminate this abscess, which interfered with the organization of the defenses against the Jurchen, a vast repressive operation was mounted. It went on until 1135 and was directed in its final year by the famous general Yue Fei." (ibid) The Jin, or Jurched, empire should be seen, maybe, as a Chinese state, without the sources of legitimacy, yet by the same token, with the idiocies and irrationalities corresponding to the sources of legitimation removed. The Jin (Jurched) preferred, when possible, to keep Song officials in office in territories overrun by themselves. They had neither need nor use for egalitarian-anarchic "liberated areas," which were what these peasant-rebel enclaves amounted to. The peasants denied these territories to both sides, as well as to the landlords' mercenaries/gangsters, who were the law wherever they could manage to attain arbitrary extralegal power. The achievements of Yue Fei were, first, to stomp the egalitarian enclaves. Then, having destroyed the peasant forces, in armed strength and in livelihood, he gave them something to do, paying them in an improvised fashion. That is, they were turned loose to plunder and loot the Jurched, and hitherto-pacified agriculturalists under their control. By mutual agreement of both states pretending to Civilization, which in its most brutal essentials is a situation wherein one bunch does the Work, and a wholly different crowd does the Civilization, this sort of predation, howbeit of advantage to the Song, and at the expense of the Jin, was a threat and menace to the meaning and purpose of existence as construed by Song and Jin alike. While it was not certain that Yue Fei would die quietly until ordered to do so, he indeed did; and thereafter could be safely, ie, posthumously, commemorated. Daniel A. Foss From U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Sun Jan 26 20:31:32 1997 Date: Sun, 26 Jan 97 19:22:23 CST From: U17043@UICVM.UIC.EDU Subject: around the bend with mao zedong To: World Systems Network In 1965, Dr Li Zhisui, Mao Zedong's personal physician, was recruited into what was called the Socialist Education Program. He and those Sent Down with him were assigned to a destitute village in Zhejiang Province. As presented by Dr Li, the Socialist Education Program was a wasteful exercise whereby privileged city people, knowing nothing of agriculture or village problems, were supposed to investigate rural party and state mangagement, ostensibly to uncover graft, waste, and corruption; but this was a delusion. As Dr Li presented it, the Socialist Education Program amounted to an elaborate waste of time on both sides, as the city people could not possibly learn enough about how villagers were living and working to know if any abuses existed, let alone assess their significance, given the disparity between the living standards of the city people and the poor- beyond-all-imagination villagers. Conspicuously standing out, among these seemingly equally miserable villagers, according to Dr Li, was one wretch who worked at harder tasks, and worked longer hours, than the other miserable people in the village. He appeared to Dr Li so apathetic or psychically destroyed that he was incapable of complaining about the obvious discrimination against him. It turned out that he was, in terms of the Maoist system of hereditary "social origins," a "landlord's son." This, says Dr Li, was the accidental consequence of a legal fiction. The man's family had been on the very edge of starvation, so had him, as a boy, fictively adopted by a landlord in order to help ensure his sheer survival. Thus, having benefited from the adoption merely to the extent of not having died of malnutrition, he was morally tainted by reason of "class origin." In every village in China, the people were assigned to categories such as landlord, rich peasant, middle peasant, and poor peasant, in principle in terms of the labour theory of value, ie, whether they were living off the labour of others, supporting others by their labour, both, or neither. There were finer, more marginal distinctions, such as "lower-middle peasant." As these distinctions were hereditary, and had an impact on one's life chances, including mobility prospects, marriageability, accessibility to officialdom, admissibility into educational institutions, or any marginal increment of invidious distinction or social privilege whatever, it was desirable, perhaps imperative, to be classified as lowly, therewith morally highly, as possible. According to the Ming dynasty specialist Ray Huang, Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming, who began his career as a peasant guerrilla and ended as an autocratic monarch who reigned 1368-1398, ordered erected in each village pavilions bearing name-plaques of virtuous persons and evildoers. As the whole tenor of the Ming social policy was in the direction of hereditary occupational status, it is probable that, insofar as this piece of legislation was enforced, it would have the effect of transmitting a hereditary taint to those designated as village troublemakers and their descendants after them. Zhu Yuanzhang, as Dr Li Zhisui informs us, was so much Mao Zedong's role model or idol that, when the Ming founder's persecutory manias were compared (by Wu Han, an authority on the Ming Dynasty and biographer of Zhu Yuanzhang) to the reactionary repression perpetrated by Mao Zedong's worst enemy, Chiang Kai-Shek, Mao found complimentary things to say about Chiang Kai-Shek! A problem of interpretation in modern history is thus opened up: What did Mao Zedong know about the life and times of Zhu Yuanzhang, and when did he know it? Dr Li was, himself, not interested in Ming dynasty history, but was in effect ordered, as part of doing his job, to know something about it in order to communicate with his patient, who was himself "obsessively interested" in Ming history in general and the life of Zhu Yuanzhang in particular. Here was a national leader whose experience of higher education was confined to a spell of employment in the library of Beijing University and elsewise hanging out around the intellectual luminaries involved in the May Fourth Movement (of 1919) during the 1920s, whose members included Chen Duxiu and other founders of the Chinese Communist Party. But no formal academic work whatever. Yet he felt entitled to criticize Wu Han, China's leading authority on Zhu Yuanzhang and Professor of History at Beijing University, for "factual inaccuracies," according to Dr Li Zhisui. The historical Zhu Yuanzhang was not merely born a peasant, like Mao Zedong. He was likewise self-taught. If anything, he was even more prolific as a writer than Mao himself. He took over a China reduced to silly putty, depopulated by Bubonic Plague and further immiserated by warfare. He saw himself as restoring Authentic Chinese Tradition following foreign (Mongol) occupation and the moral corruption of commercialism run riot. It so happened that the preexisting centers of Chinese international trade, industrial production, and interregional commerce were rendered desolate by disease, bankrupted by business collapse, and situated in the bailiwicks of political enemies (eg, the formerly fabulously rich city of Suzhou, capital of a warlord state whose conquered ruler, once dead, was pilloried for his sybaritic lifestyle, including alleged ownership of a solid gold bathtub). The vested interests of the "Song Economic Revolution" and its further development under the Mongols went unrepresented or their representatives were dead or both. The Chinese Tradition that Zhu Yuanzhang was restoring represented a temporary aberration. Which got institutionalized, sent off in a different developmental trajectory (ie, marketization without technical change) and rigidified. The state personally created by Zhu Yuanzhang, according to Ray Huang, was resistant to "social dislocation" due to technical innovation. Such that, for example, the famous Upright or Model Official, Hai Rui (1510-1587) was moved to prohibit the production of new consumer goods.. The Ming state was incapacitated for dealing with commerce all along the line. In his amazingly researched book, Taxation and Finance in Sixteenth Century China, 1971, Ray Huang even mentions a Ming customs official who, when he had collected his annual tax quota in four months, thereafter allowed commercial vessels to conduct business duty-free! Huang, in general, demonstrates that, contrasted to the Song and Yuan regimes, the Ming represented institutional and technical regression all along the line. Tsai, in The Eunuchs of the Ming Dynasty, 1996, strongly hints at the only possible response to the quite-literally Paranoid rigidities built into the Ming system. Anything not specifically provided for in the Ming Code required eunuchs, by law abject slaves of the Palace, to get it done. In effect, Ming China was as ungovernable without eunuchs as the People's Republic of China today is without the Party. With a mere sixteen thousand to twenty thousand officials placed via the regular civil service (and not counting the local clerical sub-bureaucracies), there were eighty thousand to one hundred thousand eunuchs, with their hands in all imaginable state activities, from Zheng He's Treasure Fleet to the secret political police to supervision and control of the Ming pottery works. (The famous Ming vases were not handicraft products. They were produced in huge kilns, by thousands of wretchedly-paid industrial proletarians, in batches of ten thousand pieces at a time. In 1602 the workers at the Suzhou kilns, supported by students at Confucian academies, staged the largest industrial strike in history hitherto, when one worker immolated himself by jumping into the gigantic oven.) The Ming dynasty got what it deserved. In 1629, another year of widespread Bubonic Plague, the would-be reforming last emperor of the dynasty cut the costs of the Imperial Post, laying off hundreds of workers in backward Shaanxi Province. The fired men, skilled horse-riders, turned bandits and roamed at will from one jurisdiction to another. The forces of repression, meanwhile, had concentrated on the persecution of religious sectarians such as the White Lotus, whose insurrection in 1351 spelled doom for the Yuan dynasty and gave Zhu Yuanzhang his start in guerrilla war. A White Lotus rising in 1624 had been duly squashed with ease. But the bandits led by Li Zicheng, at first believing in nothing, were immune to ideological indoctrination as well as revolutionary motives. The latter did not appear until shortly before the collapse of the regime, which turned out too easy for the good of the revolutionaries themselves. The historic task before Mao Zedong, "Socialism with Chinese Character- istics," as he called it - the Constitution of the People's Republic still enshrines "socialist spiritual civilization with Chinese Characteristics" - was more complex. In principle, there was no socio-historical scope for technical regression. Overtly, there was a West to be Caught Up With. Mao, as of 1958, was out to "surpass Britain in fifteen years" in iron and steel production. Yet this very slogan was associated with an episode of massive and fantastic Luddism epitomized by so-called "backyard steel furnaces." Dr Li Zhisui was astounded to see "kitchen knives melted down to make kitchen knives." One recalls Ray Huang's critique of the Ming state for manufacturing salt and small-change coinage ("copper cash") by the most primitive techniques available. Mao glorified education with one hand, destroyed it with the other. He divided the student bodies of universities he had built into rival mobs of Red Guards "waving the Red Book to fight the Red Book at each other, and indeed at many places, it was impossible for even political sophisticates to tell who was who. Dr Li Zhisui constantly uses the word "chaos," which in Chinese, *luan*, is more dreadful than in English, and was uttered, says Dr Li, with relish by Mao himself. Back in the fourteenth century, Zhu Yuanzhang had restored the Song civil service examinations, suspended by the Mongols till 1315 (and then with quotas for the four racial castes: 25% Mongols; 25% *semu*, Turks, Russians, etc; 25% *hanren*, Northern Chinese; 25% *nanren*, Southern Chinese, ie, the economic- core region). The new system had even higher standards and more intermediate levels of competition for academic degrees than ever before. Which promptly aroused the scorn of Zhu Yuanzhang for producing erudite incompetents who could not get anything done. On top of this, elite society was terrorized by political purges and reduced to rubble as fast as it was being rebuilt. The conspiracy charges against Prime Minister Hu Weiyang and at least fifteen thousand other people, with associated legislation of the death penalty for advocating restoration of the office of Prime Minister (after the Strong Prime Minister system had been a fixture of Chinese government since the seventh or eighth centuries) was so closely parallel to the attack on Liu Sahoqi and Dang Xiaoping, with hundreds of thousands of deaths, that the parallel is impossible to avoid. Like Liu Shaoqi, Hu Weiyang was in some sense Guilty, ie, of having politically opposed Mao Zedong/Zhu Yuanzhang, though not of the specific charges (which ware outlandish). The most chilling aspect of The Private Life of Chairman Mao is Dr Li Zhisui's account of himself descending into a state of Clinical Paranoia, having as aforementioned commenced his medical career in a posture of utterly detached scientific objectivity. Yet, as the Cultural Revolution proceeds, we find him quoting himself or recalling his own thoughts as the very image of the Raving Paranoid, feverishly Plotting Against those whom he honestly belived were feverishly Plotting Against him, and quite possibly were. One finds here confirmation of the proposition that the ideological representation of social reality, or what goes by the name of Reality in common speech, is ultimately guaranteed by force, which is ultimately the control of the means of violence. Speaking of Mao's wife Jiang Qing, Wang Dongxing, Commander of the Central Guards, and the most level-headed character in the book, next to Dr Li himself, tells Dr Li, "You realize, she's out there somewhere, plotting to get you." Then, when Wang Dongxing engineers the arrest of the Gang of Four, the spell is broken. One gains the vivid impression, from The Private Life of Chairman Mao, that Mao Zedong was above all a student of the psychology of the human being as Conspiratorial Animal. Exactly after the fashion set by his role model, as cited in John W. Dardess, Confucianism and Autocracy, Columbia, 1983; Zhu Yuanzhang is quoted verbatim, at length, detecting political enemies according to such symptoms as, eg, the yes-man who always agrees with you; the yes-man who attempts to ward off suspicion by disagreeing with you over minor, fairly peripheral matters, and so on. Doubtless some of the above parallels are overdrawn, but who now can be sure. As I said, it is not known what Mao knew about Zhu Yuanzhang and when he knew it. And the historical parallel of both men finding China in a putty- like condition. Also, both of them Paranoids by inclination and makeup. Charles O. Hucker, following scholarly niceties, concluded about Zhu Yuanzhang, "¨F.W.Ł Mote has called him 'the most bloodthirsty butcher in Chinese history.'" That was published in 1978, in The Ming Dynasty: Its History and Institutions. Mao was already dead, but nobody yet knew where all the bodies, pardon the expression, were buried. It is difficult to imagine the culture of an entire society being forcibly detached from objective reality altogether. Since, after all, people must eat. But tens of millions of people in China failed to do just that during the Three Bad Years, 1958-1961. If it be true that ideological delusions on this order of magnitude may be fabricated, what must be the normal human condition of existence. We need not invoke the memory of Rwanda in 1994; but neither should we get complacent. It was not merely the reading of Dr Li Zhisui's The Private Life of Chairman Mao, nor even that plus the known parallelism of Mao Zedong with Zhu Yuanzhang. It's all that *and* the known, from explicit descriptions by Dr Li Zhisui, of the *role modelling* of one upon the other, that sent me around the bend. The effect, spread over a couple of weeks, or more, I would call "fully comparable to LSD," and worse, since the known historical facts do not wear off. I managed, quite frankly, to reach the psychic state wherein the very *belief in objective social reality* came to seem a mere childish superstition, perseverated in out of mindless compulsions. But I *know* that is wrong. I have *objective* social science knowledge to the effect that the foregoing position is insupportable. I *must reject* such an extreme position. Something is now always going to say, *Oh*? And that Something is always going to have a point. Daniel A. Foss From ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au Mon Jan 27 20:45:12 1997 28 Jan 1997 14:44:39 +1100 Date: Tue, 28 Jan 1997 14:44:39 +1100 From: "Bruce R. McFarling" Subject: Re: Keynesianism and the Theory of the State To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Regarding the query regarding potentials for theoretical interaction between WST and post Keynesian economics, two participants in the post keynesian thought discussion list (PKT) writes as follows. Any response to pass back to PKT (keeping in mind that I am hoping not to start a cross-list flame war)? Virtually, Bruce R. McFarling, Newcastle, NSW ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au --------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 24 Jan 1997 09:55:18 -0500 (EST) From: Gernot Kohler To: pkt@csf.colorado.edu Subject: Re: Keynesianism and the Theory of the State On Thu, 23 Jan 1997, Gregoire de Nowell (ci-devant) wrote: .......> > > World systems theory, on the other hand, is > "irrelevant" (in terms of everyday discourse) for > several reasons. First, it grounds its analysis of > economic behavior on observations of state behavior > and class relations which, while compelling in the > long run, are not amenable to quantification or > prediction. Second, to engage the arena of ........> Along the same line, the world system school uses a range of methodologies which is very much tilted toward historiographic and sociological methods and weak on quantification as common in economics. Secondly, that school is strong on critical thinking (good) but weak on constructive proposals (bad) -- e.g., what incomes policy? what investment policy? what monetary policy? what exchange rate system? etc. (Samir Amin seems to be the major exception, with his concept of a "polycentric world", which, if translated into Post Keynesian terms, is something like "regional Keynesianisms", e.g. Europe as a regional Keynesianism, NAFTA as a regional Keynesianism, etc.) There appears to be plenty of room for Post Keynesians to fill their ideas into the vacuum. Regards, Gernot Kohler Oakville, Canada From cjreid@netcom.com Tue Jan 28 03:42:40 1997 Date: Tue, 28 Jan 1997 02:42:36 -0800 (PST) From: "Charles J. Reid" Subject: Review - Evita (fwd) To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Hi, Folks! Hope you won't mind this slightly different post. -- Charlie Reid cjreid@netcom.com "Salus populi suprema est lex" (Cicero) The welfare of the people is the highest law. --------------------------------------------- The Humanization of Evita by Charles J. Reid SANTA CRUZ, Calif. -- Madonna is magnificent as Eva Peron in "Evita." Not since Meryl Streep as Sophie Zawistowska in "Sophie's Choice" has a performer so immersed herself in the essence of a character so successfully to portray the emotional repertoire of a truly tragic figure. This must be Madonna's greatest performance, and one difficult to ever transcend. Streep played a fictional character. Madonna's Evita reinforces the mythical aura of an historical heroine wafted through the vestiges of History, controlled by the spin doctors of special interests, all who would have their judgment "objectified." Meanwhile, Madonna turns Eva Peron into a living, vibrant, fragile human being. If Eva Peron's soul had been trapped in some ethereal sphere waiting to be captured by another living being for one more moment of self expression before release to judgment in an afterlife, Madonna captured it and set it free for all of us to see, indeed, as the words themselves echo: Don't cry for me Argentina The truth is I never left you... And as for fortune, and as for fame I never invited them in Though it seemed to the world they were all I desired They are illusions... There's nothing more I can think of to say to you But all you have to do is look at me to know that every word is true "Evita" shows us a collage of human and political truth. It is hard to imagine the global political turmoil following World War II. Nazism and Fascism were defeated. Joe Stalin still ruled the Soviet Union. The Western Democracies claimed the victory as theirs. Meanwhile, governments in Third World countries, faced with pronounced class disparities, had no independent model to follow, caught as they were in the middle of the struggle between the cold-war Super Powers. From independence in 1810, Argentina's history is a history of military coup and counter coup until recent years. Although he was actually elected, Juan Peron presumably never read Plato, Aristotle, or Rush Limbaugh's "The Way Things Oughta Be." It's easy to moralize about behavior of well-intentioned leaders caught between the rock of History and the hard place of power, fragilely balancing the interests of the wealthy, the Church, and the poor. Jonathan Pryce as Juan Peron provides a proper balance to Madonna's Evita. Confronted with Argentina's own aristocracy, its alliance with the Catholic Church, the aspirations of the Third World are found in the Peron's lines: Argentinos! Argentinos! We are all workers now! Fighting against our common enemies-- Poverty, social injustice, foreign domination of our industries! Reaching for our common goals-- Our independence, our dignity, our pride! Let the world know that our great nation is awakening Pryce's aura of male dignity enables Madonna's femininity to shine. In one scene, on tour somewhere where people seem to need such attention, the Perons get overwhelmed by the cheering masses. Madonna's Evita blushes girlishly as she turns to become enveloped in Peron's embrace. It is hard to imagine another actress who would have been able to capture this simple moment so beautifully. Indeed, it is a screen shot of true happiness cut away from all too quickly. Antonio Banderas is perfectly cast as Che Guevarra, who comes across not as a Latino Revolutionary, but as an ugly American with a Hispanic accent. Somehow, we just don't like Che, even though his commentary in the story might reflect our own values. In the movie, Che represents Historical Consciousness, Judgment. But it is as if Historical Consciousness cannot be objectified: it is an American Historical Consciousness in an American Century, still hung over by a residue of Puritanism. And all the envy, harsh moralizing, hubris, and hypocrisy American values have come to be are reflected in Che's commentary on the action throughout Evita's story. As Eva lies in state in her coffin, Che mockingly complains: You let down your people Evita You were supposed to have been immortal That's all they wanted As Eva Duarte struggles to rise above her state in a life with few options, Che speaks not the words of a revolutionary, but as a moralizing aristocratic wannabe: The lady's got potential She was setting her sights Of making it in movies With her name in lights The greatest social climber Since Cinderella Once the Perons acquire power, Lyricist Tim Rice has Che observe: How annoying that they have to fight elections for their cause The inconvenience--having to get a majority. Actually, Peron was elected twice, in 1946 and 1952, before being ousted by the military the first time in 1955. And Che certainly would not have worried about the niceties of a bourgeois electoral process in a pseudo-democratic environment, one becoming more and more under the control of graduates of the College of the Americas. Eva covets the Vice Presidency, but human frailty denies her the office. Ultimately, she has only done some of the things the politicians promised to do. This is enough to make her politically undesirable. Detractors say the real Eva Peron placed her own interests above anyone else's. They say she laundered money that came into her Eva Peron Foundation in Switzerland. They conclude that, in the end, Evita did nothing for Argentina. This is all probably aristocratic spin, initiated by the Perons' wealthy, connected political opponents, the same folk the lyricist has say: Such a shame she wandered into our enclosure How unfortunate this person has forced us to be blunt No, we wouldn't mind seeing her at Harrod's But behind the jewelry counter--not in front History gives us a different story, and Madonna's Evita shows us a bit about what true human nobility might be: overcoming the vicissitudes of life to make a difference in the lives of others. Even if that life was all too short, the difference is part of History, the political history of Argentina, and now cinematographic history. For those who want to surf the web for more information, you can find a 5MB AVI file trailer at: http://www.movies.com/EPK/EV608050.avi. If you want to read through the lyrics, you can point your browser at: http://www.geocities.com/Hollywood/5967/lyrics.html. And you can get a very short history of Argentina, including a few short paragraphs on the Peron period at: http://www.dreamscape.com/tony/arge0007.htm -30- Charles Reid is a freelance writer living in Santa Cruz, CA. From agfrank@chass.utoronto.ca Tue Jan 28 07:53:33 1997 Date: Tue, 28 Jan 1997 09:52:51 -0500 (EST) From: "A. Gunder Frank" To: "Bruce R. McFarling" Subject: Re: Keynesianism and the Theory of the State Alas, whatever the postings by de Nowell and Kohler may say about or for PKT, they reflect almost total ignorance and/or far toooo much misrepresentation of World System Theory and analysis. Without tooting anybody's horn, I am prepared to compare the theoretical, analytic, epirical AND predictive track record of any ONE of "us", eg. Amin [who received a polite nod], Arrighi [if he would admit to SW membership], Wallerstein, Chase-Dunn, and in my humble opinion Gunder Frank - and others - to any and all PKT put together, and I will bet dollars to donoughts that we will win hands down on the USA, Western Europe, Japan, "the West", Eastern Europe, the ex-Soviet Union and its successors, China, and the "Third World" individually or taken together, not to mention the world as a whole. That there are gaps, if not vacuums, for PKT or any other theory/analysis to fill is nopt disputed or disputable, but that PKT, or KT, or mainstram economic analysis and forecasting can even begin to hold a candle to WST's PROVEN track record, is to put it mildly just LUDICROUS. I am willing to put up against any and all of these even just my own CRISIS;IN THE WORLD ECONOMY and CRISIS;IN THE THIRD WORLD [1980], or LONG LIVE TRANS-IDEOLOGICAL ENTERPRISE! in the SOVIET UNION etc [1977] or THE EUROPEAN CHALLENGE ... TO PAN-EUROPEAN ENTENTE [1983], or IS THE REAGAN RECOVERY REAL OR THE CALM BEFORE THE STROM? [1986] or "The Perils of Economic Ramboism: The NExt Recession Threatens Deflation and Depression" [in URPE - THE IMPERILED ECONOMY 1987], or "American Roulette in thge Globonomic Casino" [C1991], or "A World Economic Interpretation of Politics in East-West Europe" [UNESCO JOURNAL 1992] or THE THIRDWORLDIZATION OF RUSSIA AND EATERN EUROPE While PKT may have done a bit better than KT and other "received" econ theory/analysis, what I published and empirically demonstrated two decades ago still remains true today: EQUATING ECONOMIC FORECASTING TO ASTROLOGY IS AN INSULT - TO ASTROLOGERS [1978] Respectfully submitted - nto the test of the historical and contemporary evidence! Gunder Frank On Tue, 28 Jan 1997, Bruce R. McFarling wrote: > Date: Tue, 28 Jan 1997 14:44:39 +1100 > From: "Bruce R. McFarling" > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: Keynesianism and the Theory of the State > > Regarding the query regarding potentials for theoretical > interaction between WST and post Keynesian economics, two participants in > the post keynesian thought discussion list (PKT) writes as follows. Any > response to pass back to PKT (keeping in mind that I am hoping not to > start a cross-list flame war)? > > Virtually, > > Bruce R. McFarling, Newcastle, NSW > ecbm@cc.newcastle.edu.au > > --------------------------------------------------------------------- > Date: Fri, 24 Jan 1997 09:55:18 -0500 (EST) > From: Gernot Kohler > To: pkt@csf.colorado.edu > Cc: POST-KEYNESIAN THOUGHT > Subject: Re: Keynesianism and the Theory of the State > Message-ID: > > On Thu, 23 Jan 1997, Gregoire de Nowell (ci-devant) wrote: > ......> > > > > World systems theory, on the other hand, is > > "irrelevant" (in terms of everyday discourse) for > > several reasons. First, it grounds its analysis of > > economic behavior on observations of state behavior > > and class relations which, while compelling in the > > long run, are not amenable to quantification or > > prediction. Second, to engage the arena of > .......> > > Along the same line, the world system school > uses a range of methodologies which is very much > tilted toward historiographic and sociological > methods and weak on quantification as common in > economics. Secondly, that school is strong on > critical thinking (good) but weak on constructive > proposals (bad) -- e.g., what incomes policy? > what investment policy? what monetary policy? > what exchange rate system? etc. > (Samir Amin seems to be the major exception, > with his concept of a "polycentric world", > which, if translated into Post Keynesian terms, > is something like "regional Keynesianisms", > e.g. Europe as a regional Keynesianism, > NAFTA as a regional Keynesianism, etc.) > > There appears to be plenty of room for > Post Keynesians to fill their ideas into the vacuum. > > Regards, > Gernot Kohler > Oakville, Canada > > From joki0733@mailszrz.zrz.TU-Berlin.DE Fri Jan 31 02:42:33 1997 for ; Fri, 31 Jan 1997 10:42:11 +0100 (MET) Date: Fri, 31 Jan 1997 10:42:01 +0100 To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK From: Rodrigo Jokisch Subject: seeking for help... I would like to know how to managed this list (World Systens Network) because I will leave Germany for a couple of months... Could somebody tell me how to get the commands of this list? I apologize for this helpless intrusion... Rodrigo Jokisch ************************************************** Institution: Dr. Rodrigo Jokisch Technische Universitaet Berlin, Institut fuer Sozialwissenschaften Abt. Soziologie (Prof. Mackensen), DO 716, Dovestr. 1 10587 Berlin, Germany Phone: +49 (0)30 8526544, Fax: +49 (0)30 85963067 E-Mail: joki0733@mailszrz.zrz.tu-berlin.de --------------------------- Home: Isoldestrasse 9, 12159 Berlin, Germany Phone: +49 (0)30 8526544, Fax: +49 (0)30 85963067 E-Mail: joki0733@mailszrz.zrz.tu-berlin.de ************************************************** From stefosis@phil.muni.cz Fri Jan 31 09:43:13 1997 Received: from elessar.ics.muni.cz (elessar.ics.muni.cz [147.251.4.10]) by csf.Colorado.EDU (8.7.6/8.7.3/CNS-4.0p) with ESMTP id JAA09510 for ; Fri, 31 Jan 1997 09:43:03 -0700 (MST) Received: from lvt.phil.muni.cz (lvt.phil.muni.cz [147.251.96.1]) by elessar.ics.muni.cz (8.8.5/8.8.5) with SMTP id RAA06280 for ; Fri, 31 Jan 1997 17:39:23 +0100 (MET) Received: by lvt.phil.muni.cz id AA23698 (5.67a/IDA-1.4.4 for wsn@csf.colorado.edu); Fri, 31 Jan 1997 17:46:01 +0100 Message-Id: <199701311646.AA23698@lvt.phil.muni.cz> Subject: WS and Central Eastern Europe To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Fri, 31 Jan 1997 17:45:59 +0100 (MET) From: Dimitris Stefosis Content-Type: text Could somebody explain to me how WS therorie(s) see post-communist East Central Europe (Hungary, Polland, Czech Republic)? How WS theorie(s) consider(s) the transition to democracy and capitalism? I admit that I'm rather ignorant about WS theorie(s), so forgive me if this question is already answered. Dimitris Stefosis stefosis@phil.muni.cz From mb242@is6.NYU.EDU Fri Jan 31 10:50:25 1997 Received: from is6.NYU.EDU (IS6.NYU.EDU [128.122.253.147]) by csf.Colorado.EDU (8.7.6/8.7.3/CNS-4.0p) with SMTP id KAA12565 for ; Fri, 31 Jan 1997 10:50:23 -0700 (MST) Received: from localhost by is6.NYU.EDU; (5.65v3.2/1.1.8.2/21Aug96-0825PM) id AA20607; Fri, 31 Jan 1997 12:50:19 -0500 Date: Fri, 31 Jan 1997 12:50:19 -0500 (EST) From: MOHAMMED BAMYEH To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: faculty positions-nyu Message-Id: Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII New York University FACULTY POSITIONS Gallatin School of Individualized Study Gallatin's BA and MA students create integrated, multidisciplinary programs of study, combining courses in the various schools of NYU with independent studies, internships, and thematic interdisciplinary seminars, which bring debates from within the Western Great Books tradition into dialogue with current and historical scholarship, contemporary problems, traditional and popular culture, and alternative canons. We seek an experienced teacher/scholar for a full-time, tenure-track position beginning Fall 1997. A teacher/master teacher position may also be available. Candidate's teaching and research should transcend traditional disciplinary boundaries. Preference will be given to candidates with a background in one or more of these areas: * African-American, Latino, Latin American, American, or Asian and Asian American studies; * Anthropology, psychology; * Interactive communications and media studies. Applicants should have a Ph.D. and a demonstrated commitment to teaching, intensive student advisement, individualized instruction, and academic innovation, an ability to develop courses on a wide variety of subjects and periods, and high quality scholarship. Send letter of application and c.v. only to: Chair, Faculty Search Committee, Gallatin School of Individualized Study, New York University, 715 Broadway, NY, NY 10003 by February 15, 1997. NYU encourages applications from women and members of minority groups.