From ROZOV@cnit.nsu.ru Sun Aug 3 21:51:43 1997 Mon, 4 Aug 1997 10:48:26 +0700 (NSD) 4 Aug 97 10:48:29 NSK-6 From: "Nikolai S. Rozov" To: PHILOFHI@YORKU.CA, wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Mon, 4 Aug 1997 10:48:15 -0600 (NSK) Subject: Millennium Project: Lessons of History Jerome Glenn kindly delivered me an information of his project for PHILOFHI, but it may be also of interest for WSN-ers. Millenium Project as a part of American Council of UN is closer to (or directly promotes?) the mainstream liberal ideology, while major part of PHILOFHI and WSN seems to be more close to 'antisystemic' intellectual movements. This opposition can be useful for dialogue and discussion about 'lessons of history' (if both sides are open for it). At the same time I would like to get some more informal information of the Millenium Project. Maybe anybody can help? best, Nikolai To: "Nikolai S. Rozov" From: "Jerome C. Glenn" The Millennium Project of the American Council for the United Nations University in cooperation with the Smithsonian Institution and The Futures Group is conducting a unique study with an international panel of eminent historians, social scientists, and scholars to explore the possible uses of history in creating and improving scenarios of the future. As a scholar interested in the philosophy of history you have unique perspectives that will be valuable to this study. We invite you to respond to the the second round of the study on Internet web site: http://nko.org/millennium and select "Lessons of History." A futurist's use of the term "scenario" means a description of how a future might evolve from the present. Scenarios are usually written as sets of three or four scenarios, each with different assumptions. Futurists and planners often construct scenarios with insufficient understanding of history and how an historical perspective can provide a reality check in their work. By identifying and exploring lessons of history, we hope that this study can provide a new tool (a series of lessons and questions to act as a "check list" for futurists to apply) that will improve forecasting and planning. The Millennium Project is designed to provide a global capacity for early warning and analysis of long-range issues and strategies. The purpose of the Project is to assist in organizing futures research, up-date and improve global thinking about the future (which this study of the lessons of history is one approach), and make that thinking available through a variety of media. It accomplishes these ends by connecting individuals and institutions around the world to collaborate on research to address important global issues. It is not intended to be a one-time study of the future, but to provide an on-going capacity as a geographically and institutionally dispersed think tank. Cooperating groups called "Millennium Project Nodes" assist in the work of the project. Current nodes are in Beijing, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Lismore (Australia), London, and Moscow. Other nodes are in formation in Berlin, Paris, Rome, Teherhan, and Tokyo. We hope you and your colleagues will take a few moments from your very busy schedules to share the lessons of your culture and civilization in the global study. If you have any questions, please email me at: jglenn@igc.org or visit the Millennium Project's website: http://nko.org/millennium. Sincerely yours, Jerome C. Glenn, co-director AC/UNU Millennium Project From austria@it.com.pl Mon Aug 4 06:08:05 1997 for <>; Mon, 4 Aug 1997 14:08:56 +0200 (MET DST) Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: "<" Subject: Theory of decay or development? Date: Mon, 26 Jul 1993 14:09:16 -0700 Arno Tausch Ass. Prof. of Political Science Innsbruck University Austria Labour Att., Austrian Embassy, Warsaw Dear friends, the exchange on development theory starts to be interesting. Let me rapidly intervene with the following points 1) in all seriousness, we should start to construct a theory of decay in view of the horrific environmental changes that go on on our globe. The effects of global warming, marine pollution etc. are so obvious (less obvious to many governments around the world) that - in a word - not development, but the past of planet Mars seems to be our future. Recommended macroquantitative research strategy: we should integrate much more indicators like deforestation etc. into our universe. 2) decay, instead of development, should be also on our priority agenda, because 'normal' capitalism (whatever that means) is slowly substituted by robber capitalism, the underworld, organized crime. Just think about the 500 to 800 thousand millions of Dollars in the world-wide profits from the narcotics trade. Recommended macroquantitative research strategy: we should follow much more closely imbalances between current accounts and international reserves, we should take the "crime section" of good international newspapers like the NY Times etc. more seriously. In addition: http://dialogselect.krinfo.com 3) decay should be also on our agenda, because in a territorial sense, capitalism more and more destroys, even in the developed zones of the earth, family-based agriculture that works and in a way cares for the surface of 80% or more of countries like France or Germany. What capitalism has done to agriculture in the Third World, is all too well known from the days of Mariategui onwards. Recommended: let's go for texts from Ernest Feder etc. to deepen our understanding, relevant for the territorial view of the problems of our tormented globe 4) decay characterizes also the social systems in terms of rising crime rates, de-personalization, rising suicide statistics etc., especially in the urban areas. The UNDP over the years provided us with abundant statistics on these subjects. If we continue to talk about development in view of megacities like Kairo, Mumbai, Lagos, Calcutta, we are - pardon me - fools 5) decay is also a world political phenomenon, since after the end of "global hegemony", the world is now tending slowly towards a renewal of the de-legitimation, deconcentration etc. cycle, low intensity to medium intensity conflict will increase 6) I fully agree with the long-term perspectives of "Rise and Demise". Parallels between Ancient Rome and the developed centers are indeed an interesting subject for future research 7) personally, I'd be interested in your own thoughts on the particular issue of migration and the future of world capitalism Kind regards Yours Arno Tausch From thall@DEPAUW.EDU Mon Aug 4 09:47:30 1997 04 Aug 1997 10:47:26 -0500 (EST) Date: Mon, 04 Aug 1997 10:47:26 -0500 (EST) From: "Thomas D. [Tom] Hall, THALL@DEPAUW.EDU" Subject: decay? To: Network World-Systems In regards to Arno Tausch's question/suggestion, it seems to me it is very hard to distinguish--from the midst of the process--between a more-or-less normal cycling of the system, and a significan change/transformation of the system. A good read is Joseph Tainter's Collapse of Complex Societies (1988). His argument is that under conditions of declining marginal returns the overhead of organization is too expensive, so collapse can happen. An interesting class aspect of his analysis is that while collapse is disastrous for elites, commoners may actually benefit--atleast those who survive. tom Thomas D. [tom] Hall thall@depauw.edu Department of Sociology DePauw University Greencastle, IN 46135 ***EFFECTIVE FEB 1, 1997 NEW AREA CODE 765-658-4519 HOME PAGE: http://www.depauw.edu/~thall/hp1.htm From rkmoore@iol.ie Mon Aug 4 12:43:36 1997 Date: Mon, 4 Aug 1997 19:43:24 +0100 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu (world-system network) From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: Re: decay? 8/04/97, Thomas D. [Tom] Hall wrote: >In regards to Arno Tausch's question/suggestion, >it seems to me it is very hard to distinguish--from the midst of the >process--between a more-or-less normal cycling of the system, and a >significant change/transformation of the system. But in the case Arno is concerned with - today's historical situation - are the distinctions difficult to make? The biosphere IS decaying - being polluted from all directions - and various kinds of collapse are just waiting to happen, the question is only one of timing. The environmental movement itself is decaying, removing the main counter pressure to biosphere decay. The nation-state system is being intentionally led to decay by the neoliberal forces of globalization. Social services are being systematically dismantled, governments are being bankrupted, privatization/laissez-faire has become the effective religion of the day, and national sovereignty is being dismantled economically, politically, and militarily. But the world-system is not decaying, it is undergoing a "significant transformation" to a global corporate state. The legislative and judicial branch is the WTO (et al) and the executive branch is the US/NATO military. >His argument is that under conditions of declining marginal returns the >overhead of organization is too expensive, so collapse can happen. The new globlalist system is designed to have low overhead. Costly administrative burdens, such as domestic police and paramilitary forces, are left to be handled by the vestigal nation state. >An interesting class aspect of his analysis is that while collapse is >disastrous for elites, commoners may actually benefit--atleast those who >survive. Not this time. rkm From ROZOV@cnit.nsu.ru Mon Aug 4 22:06:50 1997 Tue, 5 Aug 1997 10:58:52 +0700 (NSD) 5 Aug 97 10:59:04 NSK-6 From: "Nikolai S. Rozov" To: PHILOFHI@YORKU.CA, wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Tue, 5 Aug 1997 10:58:43 -0600 (NSK) Subject: Fwd: a link to Millennium Project's Round 2 From: "Jerome C. Glenn" Subject: AC/UNU Millennium Project's Lessons and Questions of History Round 2 now on homepage Dear Nikolai, Please let your listservs know that Round 2 of the Lessons and Questions of History study is now on the homepage at. http://nko.org/millennium/history/loh-rd2.html This includes the results of Round 1. Jerry Glenn From Michael.Kennedy@student.ul.ie Tue Aug 5 07:03:47 1997 From: Michael Kennedy To: "'wsn@csf.colorado.edu'" Subject: ISA and ASA conference info request Date: Tue, 5 Aug 1997 14:06:18 +0100 List, In preparation for the upcoming conference of the European Sociological Association to take place at the University of Essex at the end of August, I wonder if it might be possible to request information about the recent/upcoming ISA and ASA conferences. Specifically, I would be interested in a list of presented papers and plenary sessions. The theme of this year's ESA conference is "20th Century Europe: Inclusions/Exclusions", and so I thought a comparison with issues raised at the ISA and ASA conferences might be interesting (unfortunately, I don't even know when either conference did/will take place). I would imagine such information would be on a web page somewhere (and possibly in the WSN archives), and would much appreciate the site address, if available. Thanks very much Regards, Michael Kennedy michael.kennedy@student.ul.ie From austria@it.com.pl Tue Aug 5 08:41:50 1997 for <>; Tue, 5 Aug 1997 16:42:30 +0200 (MET DST) Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: "<" Subject: Fw: Theory of decay or development? 1997 vs. 1993 version Date: Tue, 5 Aug 1997 16:42:09 +0200 Thanks to Tim Perttula's insistence and effort, you now receive the previous message with a correct date. The issues remain, regardless of the fact, whether or not the message was dated 1993, and not 1997, don't they? Kind regards Yours Arno Tausch ---------- > From: Arno Tausch > To: > Subject: Theory of decay or development? > Date: Montag, 26. Juli 1993 23:09 > > Arno Tausch > Ass. Prof. of Political Science > Innsbruck University > Austria > > Labour Att., Austrian Embassy, Warsaw > > > Dear friends, > > > the exchange on development theory starts to be interesting. Let me rapidly > intervene with the following points > > 1) in all seriousness, we should start to construct a theory of decay in > view of the horrific environmental changes that go on on our globe. The > effects of global warming, marine pollution etc. are so obvious (less > obvious to many governments around the world) that - in a word - not > development, but the past of planet Mars seems to be our future. > Recommended macroquantitative research strategy: we should integrate much > more indicators like deforestation etc. into our universe. > > 2) decay, instead of development, should be also on our priority agenda, > because 'normal' capitalism (whatever that means) is slowly substituted by > robber capitalism, the underworld, organized crime. Just think about the > 500 to 800 thousand millions of Dollars in the world-wide profits from the > narcotics trade. Recommended macroquantitative research strategy: we should > follow much more closely imbalances between current accounts and > international reserves, we should take the "crime section" of good > international newspapers like the NY Times etc. more seriously. In > addition: http://dialogselect.krinfo.com > > 3) decay should be also on our agenda, because in a territorial sense, > capitalism more and more destroys, even in the developed zones of the > earth, family-based agriculture that works and in a way cares for the > surface of 80% or more of countries like France or Germany. What capitalism > has done to agriculture in the Third World, is all too well known from the > days of Mariategui onwards. Recommended: let's go for texts from Ernest > Feder etc. to deepen our understanding, relevant for the territorial view > of the problems of our tormented globe > > 4) decay characterizes also the social systems in terms of rising crime > rates, de-personalization, rising suicide statistics etc., especially in > the urban areas. The UNDP over the years provided us with abundant > statistics on these subjects. If we continue to talk about development in > view of megacities like Kairo, Mumbai, Lagos, Calcutta, we are - pardon me > - fools > > 5) decay is also a world political phenomenon, since after the end of > "global hegemony", the world is now tending slowly towards a renewal of the > de-legitimation, deconcentration etc. cycle, low intensity to medium > intensity conflict will increase > > 6) I fully agree with the long-term perspectives of "Rise and Demise". > Parallels between Ancient Rome and the developed centers are indeed an > interesting subject for future research > > 7) personally, I'd be interested in your own thoughts on the particular > issue of migration and the future of world capitalism > > > Kind regards > > Yours > Arno Tausch > > > From dale.wimberley@vt.edu Wed Aug 6 16:15:30 1997 for ; Wed, 6 Aug 1997 18:15:26 -0400 (EDT) for ; Wed, 6 Aug 1997 18:15:25 -0400 (EDT) Date: Wed, 6 Aug 1997 18:15:25 -0400 (EDT) To: World-System Network From: dale.wimberley@vt.edu (Dale W Wimberley) Subject: PEWS Section Business Meeting, Monday, August 11, 9:30 am PEWS Section members and prospective members attending the ASA meeting in Toronto: The business meeting is in the MORNING this year, at 9:30 no less - NOT THE AFTERNOON AS IN THE PAST! Check the program for the location (it immediately follows the 8:30 PEWS roundtables). Please come and help us make a quorum! At this point, our draft agenda is as follows: Election results Treasurer report Web site Awards Committees for coming year: Membership PEWS News editorial board Nomination Awards (dissertation, book, article - 3 committees) Upcoming PEWS conference, 1998 Paper sessions, roundtables Party info New business Is there anything else that should be on this list? If so, please contact me or Terry Boswell (tbos@soc.emory.edu) in the next couple of days. See you there! Dale Wimberley PEWS Secretary-Treasurer Dept. of Sociology Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University From PAT.LAUDERDALE@ASU.Edu Wed Aug 6 17:53:39 1997 From: PAT.LAUDERDALE@ASU.Edu Date: Wed, 06 Aug 1997 17:08:25 -0700 (MST) Subject: Latest Issue, INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE , SOCIOLOGY To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK I will not be able to attend the ASA meeting in Toronto next week, therefore, let me list the table of contents for the latest issue of the IJCS for those of you who have expressed an interest in the work. Thanks. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY Special Issue Justice in Controversy: A Comparative Analysis of Injustice and Inequality Introduction: Critical Perspectives on Justice: The Persistence of Global Injustice and Inequality Ramirez, Francisco O. and Elizabeth McEneaney---From Women's Suffrage to Reproduction Rights? Cross-national Comparisons Ben-Yehuda, Nachman---Political Assassination Events as a Cross-cultural Form of Alternative Justice Oliverio, Annamarie---The State of Injustice: The Politics of Terrorism and the Production of Order Maxted, Julia and Abebe Zegeye---State Disintegration and Human Rights in Africa Harris, Richard L.---Capital, Inequality and Injustice in Latin America von Werlhof, Claudia--The "Zapatistas," Indigenous Civilization, the Question of Matriarchy, and the West Lauderdale, Pat---Indigenous North American Jurisprudence There also will be a modest extension of the special issue in a book entitled, Lives in the Balance: Perspectives on Global Injustice and Inequality: Lauderdale and Amster (editors), 1997. Lieden, The Netherlands: Brill From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Wed Aug 6 22:40:53 1997 Date: Wed, 06 Aug 1997 20:52:12 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Re: help? To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > >>STAVROS, is a young boy who was born with a very rare genetic ubnormality, > >>which can be cured now. > >>The problem for his family is that they must get him for treatment to USA > >>and that will cost more than $100,000 dollars, money they don't have. > >>WE, 4 friends of the family, owners of PC's we decided to leave the shame, > >>the laws, and everything else back, and using this technology and with trust > >>to the humanitarian feelings of our human brothers and sisters around the > >>world, to ask for your help. > >>WE are asking from YOU, IF you can and you spare even the smallest amount > >>of money, even one dollar,sterling,franc,mark,yien or whatever, an amount > >>you was not even take it if you would see it in the street, and which you > >>really don't need it, is a nothing for you, WE PLEASE YOU, take that amount, > >>place it in an envelope and mail it to us, with your name and address too. > >>This message is been sent and from the four of us. > >>YOUR E-mail address is been choosen by luck.We shared common names,we shared > >>countries and we started searching in YAHOO's e-mail searching engines, so > >>here I am. > >>I will be very happy to have even a negative answer from you, but with your > >>wishes for Stavros. > >>I am sorry I could not translate this message and to YOUR language. > >>DO NOT BE AFRAID, money in envelopes will not be lost here in Cyprus. > >>In case you want to participate with any amount (the thought counts), to our > >>huge trial,I AM YOUR HOST, so please send your cash to me. > >>In case, due to misunderstanding you received the same message and from one > >>of the others, please inform the one of us with an E-mail. > >> > >>THE FAMILY OF STAVROS, AND WE, THANK YOU A LOT FOR YOUR DONATION. > >> > >>Mail address and name for your letter: > >> > >> > >>Mr. T.Theocleous, > >>Evagora Pallikaridi str. > >>Tsokkos Court No 8, flat 47, > >>6050-Larnaca, > >>CYPRUS, > >> > >> > >>Thanks again. > >> > > > T. Theocleous > Evagora Pallikaridi str. > Tsokkos Court No8,flat 47, > 6050-Larnaca > CYPRUS > E-mail:mihaela@cytanet.com.cy > Tel. & Fax.:00357-4-659284 > > > From austria@it.com.pl Thu Aug 7 03:58:51 1997 Thu, 7 Aug 1997 11:57:09 +0200 (MET DST) Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: Not development, decay! Date: Thu, 7 Aug 1997 11:56:48 +0200 I enclose here 35 arguments along Aminean and Arrighean lines for our current debate in the world system network about development theory, which I rapidly assembled from ongoing research. I hope the technical aspects of the transmission work. 35 Elements of a theory of decay by Arno Tausch, Attaché for Labor and Migration, Austrian Embassy Warsaw. Opinions expressed in this paper, are exclusively those of the author 1) Civilizations as such, recent comparative research teaches us, are transitory in nature. When there is a 500 year cycle over the last 10000 years, consisting of a 250 years of rise and a 250 years of decline (Chase-Dunn and Hall, 1997) for civilizations as different as Peru, the Hawaiian islands, Ancient Rome, why should it be different this time in the case of capitalism? And what about those destructive forces of center-periphery relationships, ecological and social constraints brought about by patterns of exploitation of labor and unequal exchange, mass migration processes and the inability of systems to defend their outer borders in the end? Disturbing as such questions may be, they are more relevant than ever before, when problems like the trilateral relationship between the capitalist center powers, transnational integration patterns, geographical shifts in world accumulation, and, finally, threats of global environmental catastrophes, anarchy in large parts of the world, and mass migrations are on the agenda. 2) In a way, our theoretical understanding also goes back to the thought of Giovanni Arrighi, who proposed in his provocative analysis of the 'Long 20th Century' (1995) the thought that the logic of accumulation on a world-scale is governed by the ups and downs in the succession of regulation and de-regulation, starting from the Venetian (regulatory) and Genoese (deregulated) era of capitalism, followed by the Dutch (regulatory) and British (deregulated) era, and the US hegemony, which - after 1945 - was a regulatory model. From the late 1970s, however, we witness, Arrighi's argument goes on, again the renewed rise of a deregulated model of world capitalism. The often bemoaned end of the Keynesian era has its real basis, Arrighi's argument goes, in the shifting accumulation pattern of world capitalism. We agree with Arrighi that the rise of financial capitalism and the decline of productive capitalism are always connected to major shifts in the location of the centers of world capitalism, first from Venice to Genoa, followed by the shift from Genoa to Amsterdam, from Amsterdam to London, from London to New York, and from there on to the capitalist archipelago of East Asia today (Arrighi, 1995). Arrighi also introduced the important notion, that there is a certain coexistence in the time-perspective between the 'different logics', so that elements of the waning and elements of the emerging order might coincide for years. Arrighi's sequential model of world capitalism is also a historic interpretation of the old Marxist notion of financial expansion - > material expansion- >financial expansion (MCM'), and as such radically challenges the notion of 'unchanging' general laws of rise and decline under world capitalism. Following Arrighi, we postulate that regulatory strategies might have been well compatible with growth under the rise of the Venetian, Dutch, and American era, while at the time of the rise of 'deregulation', such deregulatory strategies and not 'big government' will be conducive to economic growth. 3) What also should be carried over into the future debate is the pressing need to focus our research capabilities on the variety of crisis symptoms that the world is now facing in the process of transition from world hegemony to system de-concentration. Where the present author especially agrees with Joshua Goldsteins results is the emphasis on the fact, that the next 25 years will be determining the issue of war and peace for the next century. Past history suggests, that - due to the very logic of unequal development - peace does not occur, and that the underlying tensions in the capitalist world economy enhance national conflict. All this is compounded today by tendencies for national disintegration in countries as far apart as India, Italy, and Russia. So, Sunkel first proposed in his 'Transnational capitalism and national disintegration (in Latin America)' the still provocative thought, that transnational investment and integration might go hand in hand, under certain conditions, with an increasing relative social polarization between rich and poor in the host countries of the evolving transnational system and on the international level. For the strategists of European integration, this hypothesis has many and disturbing implications. Needless to say, this simple statement is heavy ammunition for the debate that goes on in many parts of the world, especially in Europe and North America, about the advantages and disadvantages of accelerating continental integration processes like the European Union and NAFTA. At that time, Sunkel said: 'The interpretation so far advanced suggests that the international capitalist system contains an internationalized nucleus of activities, regions and social groups of varying degrees of importance in each country. These sectors share a common culture and 'way of life', which expresses itself through the same books, texts, films, television programs, similar fashions, similar groups of organization of family and social life, similar style of decoration of homes, similar orientations to housing, building, furniture and urban design. Despite linguistic barriers, these sectors have a far greater capacity for communication among themselves than is possible between integrated and marginal persons of the same country who speak the same language (...) Modernization implies the gradual replacement of the traditional productive structure by another of much higher capital intensiveness (...) On the one hand, the process of modernization incorporates into the new structures the individuals and groups that are apt to fit into the kind of rationality that prevails there; on the other hand, it expels the individuals and groups that have no place in the new productive structure or who lack the capacity to become adapted to it. It is important to emphasize that this process does not only prevent or limit the formation of a national entrepreneurial class, as indicated by Furtado, but also of a national middle class (...) and even a national working class. The advancement of modernization introduces, so to speak, a wedge along the area dividing the integrated from the segregated segments (...) In this process, some national entrepreneurs are incorporated as executives into the new enterprises or those absorbed by the TRANCO (i.e. transnational corporations), and others are marginalized; some professionals, forming part of the technical staff and the segment of employees are incorporated, and the rest are marginalized; part of the qualified labor supply and those that are considered fit to be upgraded are incorporated, while the remainder are marginalized. The effects of the disintegration of each social class has important consequences for social mobility. The marginalized entrepreneur will probably add to the ranks of small or artesanal manufacture, or will abandon independent activity and become a middle class employee. The marginalized sectors of the middle class will probably form a group of frustrated lower middle class people trying to maintain middle class appearance without much possibility of upward mobility and terrorized by the danger of proletarization. The marginalized workers will surely add to the ranks of absolute marginality, where, as in the lower middle class, growing pools of resentment and frustration of considerable demographic dimension will accumulate (...) Finally, it is very probable that an international mobility will correspond to the internal mobility, particularly between the internationalized sectors (...) The process of social disintegration which has been outlined here probably also affects the social institutions which provide the bases of the different social groups and through which they express themselves. Similar tendencies to the ones described for the global society are, therefore, probably also to be found within the state, church, armed forces, political parties with a relatively wide popular base, the universities etc.' (Sunkel, 1972: 18-42). The relative polarization effects along the welfare borders of the world, which happen to be the outward borders of the economic integration zones, built up by the rich countries, are the basic conflict that confronts the process of transnational integration, and especially European integration today. The second basic conflict is the tendency towards increasing social exclusion in the trasnationally integrated core areas and in the semi-peripheries and peripheries themselves. Suffice to look at contemporary Mexico after NAFTA to find preliminary evidence that speaks in favor of Sunkel and against the optimistic predictions of the integrationists. In the words of contemporary journalists: Le Monde Diplomatique for April 97 reported the latest research into the incredible pace of the concentration of Capital. This is leading to what Le Monde calls a "A Global Government of the Multinationals". It reports that, Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union have been "colonised" in the name of "the glories of the free market" and that, inspite of 41 million unemployed in the advanced capitalist countries, "the manufacturing industries worldwide (excepting those of China) only operate at 70-75% of their capacity". "The top 200 companies are conglomerates whose planetary activity cover all sectors without distinction, the primary, secondary and tertiary, the grand agricultural exploiters, the manufacturers, financial services, commerce, etc. Geographically they are divided between ten countries: Japan (62), the United States (53), Germany (23), France (19), Britain (11), Switzerland (8), South Korea (6), Italy (5) and the Low Countries (1)." Their turnover at 7,850 trillion dollars was equal to 30% of world GNP in 1995. Le Monde Diplomatique explains that in reality the concentration is even greater than the figures indicate. For example the world's number one company Mitsubishi owns five companies in the top 200. Their empire pays 37% of the funds of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan thus completely corrupting the political system. In South Korea, 6 of whose companies leapt into the top 200 between 1985 and 1995, Daewoo the largest, now has a turnover of over $ 52 billion (US), ahead of Unilever and Nestle. The largest 30 company groups in South Korea have a turnover over 4/5ths of the country's GNP. These companies support the, "ruthlessly repression of the working class and the liquidation of the rights of the individual", says the report. Such dictatorial concepts pervade in the older centres of world capital as well. The Director General of Nestle, Helmut Maucher presides over the European Round Table of Industrialists, the elite club of 47 companies. "An implacable opponent of the European Social Chapter, he is an militant fighter for the flexibility of work, like all the members of this caste". Le Monde Diplomatique explains that the "Global Government of the Multinationals" is run by "Totalitarian Structures". This latest evidence of the increasing concentration of wealth and their dictatorial hold on political and economic life, comes after the shocking United Nations Human Development Report 1996. This revealed that, "the assets of the world's 358 billionaires exceed the combined annual incomes of countries with 45% of the world's people." (p2) The UN Report showed that the idea that, "the only way to finance growth would be by channelling the initial benefits into the pockets of rich capitalists"...has ..." been disproved by recent evidence of a positive correlation between economic growth and income equality"...(p6) If there is not a radical shift towards egalitarianism and control of the major corporations in the interests of working people, then the predictions of the UN, of a "world gargantuan in its excesses and grotesque in its human and economic inequalities", will become a terrible reality. Trade Unionists and Socialists worldwide must make it their responsibility to combine together through computer networks which will link the unions in the largest 200 companies together. In this way we can act to defend the workers, protect the environment and the consumers. Unions monitoring the activities of these companies will be able to shatter their "Totalitarian Structures", establishing in their place direct democratic control over decision making processes through worldwide workers' councils. (WNR Editorial 28-4-97) heiko@easynet.co.uk 4) Living and working in Eastern Europe one cannot but remember the important lessons of dependency and world system research for an understanding of what surrounds us. Income poverty has spread to a third of the population of the region - 120 million people below the poverty line of $4 a day (UNDP, 1997). Pressure towards peripherization in Eastern Europe builds up, thus vindicating the more pessimistic prognosis voiced by Samir Amin (1997) about the 'Latin Americanization' of Eastern Europe 5) Transnational corporations and their foreign investments are the cornerstone of the international system, as Osvaldo Sunkel so correctly foresaw in his penetrating analysis a quarter of a century ago. The outward stock of foreign direct investments of 39000 parent firms in their 270000 affiliates reached $2.7 trillion in 1995. The gross product of foreign affiliates amounted to 8.7% of home country GDP in the countries of the European Union in 1991, the last year with available data. In North America this ratio stood at 6.4%, in the LDCs at 6.5%, and in Central and Eastern Europe at 1.3%. On a world level, the TNCs control 6.4% of the world gross domestic product. In Eastern Europe, too, this relationship is on the rise, with the transnationals now controlling - through their FDI stock - up to 15.6% of the GDP of Eastern Europe, like in Hungary, 1994. The sales of foreign affiliates amounted to 116% of the total of world exports of goods and non-factor-services in 1982; this ratio now has risen to 127.9% (UNCTAD, 1996). For ages, economists have warned repeatedly against the danger of monopoly capitalism. Kalecki and Rothschild should be specially mentioned in this context here. An ever larger proportion of world trade is nothing but trade between the affiliates and headquarters of transnational corporations. 6) The international system, in addition, is not only a system of social and economic polarization, it is also a system of recurring international long-run tensions, that erupt along these socio-economic conflict lines. Ever since the days of Akerman's pioneering study, published with Macmillan's before the Second World War, social scientists have studied by quantitative methods the connection between economic long cycles and major wars, among them Modelski, 1987, and Goldstein, 1988. International tension has characterized the world system since 1450 in ups and downs, that have led the world to three catastrophic world wards (Goldstein, 1988). Whether there is room for optimism now, after the end of the so-called Cold War, will be finally decided, among other factors, by the growing tension between the human species and the environment. Each day, 140 species are condemned to extinction; the CO2-content in the atmosphere is 26% higher than at the beginning of the industrial age; the earth surface was warmer in 1990 than at any point since the middle of the 19th century, when measurements began; each year, a forest area of the world as big as Finland is being destroyed, and each year, another Mexico is being added to the world's population (World Watch Institute Report, 1992). 7) Rather than predicting the end of history, the acceleration of history - might loom ahead. Our work shows that there is strong evidence to believe that transnational capitalist penetration in the end leads to disintegration, and conflict, and not towards integration and peace. We use up to 19 indicators of social change since 1980 to show precisely that. Sunkel foresaw then, from the viewpoint of his structural economic theory, many of the problems that seem to beset the post-1989 world. At the time of writing this analysis, Central Africa is being plunged into chaos, drug lords dominate de facto a number of countries south of the 23rd parallel and north of the 23rd southern parallel, civil wars and refugee crises dominate the international headlines of stations like BBC and CNN, which present to their listeners more than the usual parochial and limited information that is in reality so common today around the globe. Instead of heralding a better and more peaceful future, recent tendencies might imply: (i) an ever greater ecological danger for the future of our globe, stemming mainly from the rapid depletion of the ozone layers, now also over the northern hemisphere (ii) the rapid destabilization of large parts of West and Central Africa, which in turn might increase the migratory pressure to Europe and North Africa, which (iii) in turn might finally bring to an end the present regime of 'West Rome' 8) A look at recent UNDP and UNCTAD statistics gives us a more than alarming picture of the reality of transnational integration and national, economic, social, ecological, and spiritual disintegration. In 1993, 76% of the stock of world-wide foreign direct investments were still anchored in the old industrialized countries, and only 23% in the developing countries. Although 40% of all investment flows between 1990 and 1994 went to the LCD's, 4/5 of which to the top ten among the semi-industrialized or newly industrialized nations (China, Singapore, Argentina, Mexico, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Nigeria), European leadership towards growth for the European East in an ecologically sustainable way is one of the main tasks of rebuilding the world-economy. Between 1990 and 1994, the share of the 'triad'(US+CND; Japan; EU) in world GNP rose from 50.3% to 50.7%; the share of the rest of Asia rose from 17.2% to 23.1%, while the participation of Eastern Europe and the ex-USSR in the world economy was nearly wiped out and reduced to half in less than a decade - from 10.9% to 5.3% of world GNP. Will Europe be able to lead to growth for the East, or will - what a bleak, though nonetheless realistic scenario, the stagnation of the East between 1990 and 1994 become the future of the West of the continent (our compilations from Stiftung, 1993, and 1996)? 9) The wealth gaps between the rich center in Europe and the surrounding peripheral and semi-peripheral areas are part of the economic, ecological and social history over the last 500 years. They continue to exist today, and if anything, have deepened since the 1980s. In terms of most wealth indicators, as calculated by the UNDP, the East (Eastern Europe and the former USSR) and the southern rim of Europe (the Arab world), are as distant from 'us', the European Union, as the 'Haves' and the have-nots are divided from each other at any welfare border around the world, be it on the shores of the Rio Grande or across the China Sea. However, it would be wrong to be mislead by wealth statistics alone. In terms of life expectancy, only 7% separate Poland, say, from Austria, while in terms of real purchasing power, the differences are estimated to be 1:4. But wealth differences create political tensions of their own, and wealth and consumption differences lead to 'catch-up' processes, with a structurally unbalanced development in the semi-peripheral and peripheral societies resulting in the end. Thus, from ancient societies onwards, wealth and consumption differences have lead towards a polarized form of development in peripheral societies (Chase-Dunn and Hall, 1997). At the same time, the population balance, and the balance of military forces shifts in favor of the poorer nations, that surround the rich man's land, the European Union, beset by a growing number of internal problems, like unemployment, drugs, crime, environmental decay, and aging populations. 10) The East's challenge to the aging north-west is its population and thus migration potential, its high military personnel ratio, but the East's unease number one is its low share in world total GDP and industrial GNP. The South's challenge in military terms has been building up over recent years, combined with a rapid population growth and still existing large-scale poverty. Let us hope and work for peace in the Middle East; but if that is not achieved quickly, and development in the Arab world does not reach down to the poorest strata, centuries of unequal exchange, foreign rule and neglect could combine with the archaic weight of religious tradition - then the Dar al harb, the world of war and disbelief will be held responsible for 80 million illiterates, for the 73 million poor, for the 12% of resources, spent on arms, for the scarcity of water that affects 55% of the Arabs. If the balance will not be achieved by political and economic means within the next 25 years, then migration and the military expansion of the desperate nations will attempt to redress the balance. This scenario is all the more likely, since migration pressure from the decaying center of Africa will start to push northwards in the coming years. Re-reading Osvaldo Sunkel's penetrating analysis, one is struck by the parallels between the Latin America of yesterday and the Eastern Europe of today. One of the most recurrent predictions of structuralists as Osvaldo Sunkel, Raul Prebisch, and many others would be that a country, specializing in investment goods and other manufactures has a much better chance for long-run and stable development than nations, specializing in raw materials and semi-finished products. Samir Amin and other critics of the Union have maintained, that the structure of trade relations with the outer rim of the Union favors unequal specialization, and prolongs the periphery's trade in raw materials and semi-finished products. 11) While other regions could advance and received a fairer share of the world market, Eastern Europe was increasingly marginalized at the very hour of liberation in 1989. More and more, there seems to be a 'legal' and a parallel illegal core of the world economy. What the legal economy cannot redress, the illegal economy will. The Mafias around the world have a turnover of more than $ 500 thousand million a year alone from the narcotics' trade. Each year, $ 85 thousand million in drug profits are 'laundered' through the financial markets. The new, speculative character of the global market economy dictates, that even legal transnationals have to earn much of their profits from speculation on the international financial markets. With that, the basic instability of the international system increases (UNDP, 1994, 1995; Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996). Among the most powerful groups, threatening the very fabric of legal society in western countries today, are the following large illegal transnational corporations (with their estimated turnover) La Costa Nostra (USA) 100 thousand million $ Colombian cartels (Colombia) 15 thousand million $ Italian organized crime (Italy) 100 thousand million $ Cosa Nostra Camorra Ndrangheta Sacra Corona Unita Yakuza (Japan) 120 thousand million $ (Source: our compilation from Raith, 1995) Newcomers, like the Russian Mafia groups, and formally regional groupings, like the Chinese triads, are expanding rapidly as well into the core areas of the world-wide market. By the year 2020, the expansion of these and other criminal corporations will be not a threat, but a reality, practically subverting entire states of even the developed capitalist centers (Raith, 1995). The logic of accumulation of these large, transnational criminal corporations seem nowadays to reflect the growing weight of 'flexible specialization', while the earlier, post-1932 model reflected 'corporatist structures' (Behan, 1996). The 'neo-corporatist' structure of the classic Sicilian mafia is more and more superseded by flexible newcomers like the Camorra and the drug cartels of Latin America and Eastern Europe. In terms of profits, the Asian gangs seem to be on the ascent. Indeed, a relevant issue for future world systems research: the interaction between long economic and civilizational cycles and patterns of the criminal underworld. The question cannot be neglected any longer by world system research: in the 1970s and 1980s, reported crimes increased worldwide by 5% per annum, in the US alone, there are now 2 million victims of violent crime every year (UNDP, 1997). The rise of crime is going parallel with the destruction of the family. Killings of minors increased in many developing countries by more than 40% in the 1990s. A third of married women in the developing countries are battered by their husbands during their lifetime. Dowry deaths in India are put at least at 5000 a year. In the US, every year nearly 3 million children are reported to be victims of abuse and neglect. 75 million children in the developing world are working in slavery, prostitution and hazardous conditions; among these 1 million girls, mostly in Asia, are forced into prostitution each year. In the OECD countries, there are now annual 129000 reported adult rapes; the prison population has increased from 80 to 88, there are now 4.8 intentional homicides, committed by male persons per 100000 inhabitants, 1020 annual road deaths per 100000 inhabitants. The suicide rate is at 21 (males) and 7 (females); 34 annual divorces per 1000 couples. 12) The core of the transnational economy, Sunkel and many others observed, used to be the legal transnational corporation and the legal transnational bank. From 1991 to 1993, the following growth rates were observed: world GDP +1.6% world trade +3.1% world-wide stock of FDI +8.0% sales of the foreign affiliates of transnational corporations +20.0% Source: our own compilations from Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1996 13) More than $ 1600 thousand million are shifted around each day by way of international financial markets. The cumulative debt of the developing countries reaches the staggering proportion of $ 1945 thousand million, and will tend to grow by around 1998 to $ 2600 thousand million dollars 14) The problem of international development, to a large extent, is also the problem of underdevelopment and poverty, in which a large part of the malnourished children of this world grow up - 11 - 19 countries, which, in addition, have to shoulder a large part of the world refugee problem as well: estimated number of poor people according to the capability-poverty-measurement-scale Mexico 14,5847 Brazil 15,16 Turkey 12,1264 Thailand 11,6894 South Africa 11,8256 Philippines 18,3744 China 204,8725 Iran 17,8502 Algeria 12,672 Indonesia 79,3971 Morocco 12,7729 Egypt 23,4232 Pakistan 73,872 India 530,5605 Tanzania 10,5986 Zaire 17,2542 Nigeria 57,8436 Bangladesh 89,5116 Ethiopia 36,0314 Rest 172,2797 Source: our own calculations from UNDP, 1996 and the data-base of this work 15) Globalization negatively affected the lives of around 1.5 thousand million people on earth, whose per-capita incomes were lower than in earlier decades. These 1.5 thousand million people live in around 100 countries; while 15 nations experienced rapid capitalist development over the last decade. Among the world's desperate nations, 43 countries had a per-capita income which was lower - in real terms - than that of the 1970s. The poorest 20% of the world saw their share in global product reduced from 2.3% to 1.4% over the past 30 years. The incomes of more than a billion people have fallen below levels first reached 10, 20, sometimes 30 years ago (UNDP, 1997). Between 1987 and 1993 the number of people with incomes of less than $1 a day increased by almost 100 million to 1.3 billion, and the number appears to be growing in every region except East and South-East Asia and the Pacific. In the past year, the Human Development Index dropped in 30 countries (UNDP, 1997). The share of the richest 20% in world incomes rose from 70% to 85%, with the differences between these two rising from 30:1 to 61:1 in 1991, to reach 78:1 in 1994 (UNDP, 1997). The share of the poorest 20% of the world's people in global income now stands at 1.1%, down from 2.3% in 1960. Even in the developed core countries of the world economy alone, 80 million people are categorized as poor with less than $14.40 a day in 1985 PPP$ (the US poverty line), and 30 million are homeless. On a world scale, at least 100 million people are homeless. In the United States of America, 47 million people have no health insurance. In Eastern Europe, the introduction of capitalism brought about 2 million extra deaths, caused by violence and the sharp increase in cardiovascular diseases. In the Federal Republic of Germany alone, 900000 people are homeless, more than 5 million people officially have no job, and 7.5 million are poor (Orientierung, 60, 1996: 204). Between 1989 and 1996 the number of billionaires increased from 157 to 447. The net wealth of the richest 10 individuals on our planet is 1.5 time greater than the total annual income of all the least developed countries of our globe with 534.2 million inhabitants. The richest single individual in Mexico had a bigger wealth than the annual income of 17 million of his compatriots. Nollert (1990), based on Berry et al., has shown, that the share of the bottom 60% in world consumption, after due consideration to income distribution within the nations of the world, is 11.9%, while the share of the top 10% is 50.5%. The wave of the world recession - or as we prefer to say, the Kondratieff B-phase - first hit Africa in the 1970s, and rolled on to hit Latin America and the Arab world in the 1980s and Eastern Europe in the 1990s. Even in the highly industrialized countries, capitalist development became more and more (i) jobless: in the countries of the European Union in 1993, there were 16.86 million unemployed people. In the industrial countries as a whole, there are 30 million people out of work. (ii) ruthless: global GNP grew by 40%, but the number of poor grew by 17%. In the European Union, the ratio between the richest 20% and the bottom 20% is now 7.5 in France, 9.6 in the UK, 7.1 in Denmark, 5.8 in Germany, and 6.0 in Italy. Each year, damage to forests due to air pollution leads to economic losses of about $35 billion - about the annual GDP of Hungary. In Europe, the number of poor people increased within half a year from 50 million to 80 million (Afheldt, 1994) (iii) voiceless: human and political rights performance on a global scale has deteriorated in many countries according to the well-known Freedom House data series (Stiftung, 1996); even in the countries of the European Union, the following performances in 1993 were below the maximum value '1' Germany: civil rights 2 France: civil rights 2 Greece: civil rights 3 Great Britain: civil rights 2 Northern Ireland-political rights 5 civil rights 4 Irish Republic: civil rights 2 Italy: civil rights 3 Spain: civil rights 2 The poorest 40% in the EU countries receive only 18% of total incomes. Women receive on average only 2/3 of the income of males; and hold only 12% of parliamentary seats (iv) rootless: 10000 cultures of humans and millions of species are on the verge of disappearance world-wide; local human dialects, cultures and accents, disappear also in Europe at a rapid pace. Nationality conflicts and regional conflicts have increased in many countries of Europe over the last decade. Low-quality satellite TV more and more substitutes national TV output; the transnational economy dominates more and more domains of radio, TV, and the press. Even in EU countries, nationally made films amount from only 2% (Greece) to 34.9% (France) of all films shown in cinemas. The US film industry holds a market-share of 2/3 or 3/4 and more. The US exports more than 120000 hours of television programming a year to Europe alone (UNDP, 1997). At the same time, social deviance increases in the age of rootless growth or stagnation. In the European Union, there were 77 prisoners per 100 000 people in 1987; now there are 87. The intentional homicide rate is Union-wide 7.7 per 100 000. 44% of all male EU adults smoke (women: 25%), alcohol consumption is 9.6 litters per capita and year, and the male cancer rate is 235, the female cancer rate is 171 Union-wide. Television takes up now some 40% of the free time of the average American, and participation in voluntary associations such as the Red Cross has declined by 25-50%. The basic networks, necessary for the functioning of democracies, are on the retreat around the globe. Trade Union membership rates declined in the Netherlands from 39% in 1978 to 25% in 1991; from 30% to 15% in the USA et cetera. In the Union as a whole, trade union membership declined from 37% in 1970 to 33%; in Austria and in many other countries, the decline was even more dramatic (from 62% to 46%). Nearly 130000 women are reported annually to be raped in the industrial countries. (v) futureless: annual fresh water withdrawals amount to 862 m^3 in the Union. Commercial energy use in oil equivalents is 3588 kg per capita in oil equivalents, and each year, the Union produces 15.13% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions, 3373 metric tons of heavy metal from nuclear reactors, 48220 tons of hazardous highly-toxic waste. The average Union citizen produces 399 kg of municipal waste a year, and recycles only 45% of his or her paper and 52% of his or her glass. 2 million people are already affected with HIV. 16) More than ever before, economic growth tends to be concentrated in some regions of the world system, most notably East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific, while other regions tend to be excluded. Not only the world's South, but also the extreme North seems to be put at increasing risks. Among the nations, that reached their present-day real per capita income level already back in the 1980s, we find - perhaps to our surprise - the 'northern democracies' Canada, Finland, and Iceland, among a total of 31 nations. In all, these three OECD democracies, 7 'other Asian' nations, 14 Arab countries, 20 Eastern European and CIS countries, 22 Latin American countries and 35 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa were, in per capita terms - richer in earlier decades. China, India, 20 OECD democracies, 2 Arab countries, 12 Latin American and Caribbean countries and 8 Sub-Saharan African nations, together with 21 'other Asian countries', increased their per-capita income over the last decades (UNDP, 1996). In the developing countries, despite the increases in life expectancy over 1960-93, the specter of poverty is still overwhelming. 1.3 billion people are to be classified as poor, 800 million people do not eat enough food, and 500 million are chronically malnourished. Each year, 20 million hectares of tropical forests are degraded or completely cleared; there are now 11 million refugees in the developing countries, and entire regions are affected by destabilization and war, most notably the lake region of East-Central-Africa, wide areas of Central Asia, and some countries of West Africa. 17) Instead of an end of history, global or regional anarchy in countries like Kampuchea, Somalia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Georgia, Albania, Liberia, Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, and Mozambique seems to be likely. A global financial crash cannot be ruled out entirely. In a very brilliant commentary, Rudi Dornbusch thinks that another Mexican crisis - or rather Peso disaster for the world economy - is likely (Dornbusch, in Business Week, November 25th , 1996). Recent experience in Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand, where the negative current account balance went out of proportion, underlines his point. The ghosts of this 'tequila effect' or 'caipirinha-effect' walk around Eastern Europe, too. 18) The capacity of the US to act as a global policeman under such circumstances is severely constrained by the secular balance of trade deficit of the US economy, not being offset by an enough positive balance of services and payments. Indeed, the outflow of hegemonic capital after each hegemonic period in the history of world capitalism is a well-known phenomenon and in the end explains very well, why American capital today will have no tendency to restore the US economy at home. The comparative characteristics of hegemonic decline were always, Chase-Dunn and Hall teach us, secular balance of payment deficits. America is no different from Britain, the Netherlands, Genova and Venice before. Hundreds of millions of human beings are unemployed or under-employed on a world scale. In the industrialized countries alone, more than 30 million people are looking for work. Even in a highly social-policy-oriented country like Austria, which ranks 13 among the 174 nation list of human development and the 137 nation list of gender development, and 10 among the 104 nation list of gender empowerment, net earnings from profits and property are now 29.4% of national income, the state withdraws and has a share of 27.7% in net national income, and net total wages are now 43.3% (Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, Social Report Austria, 1995). This tendency for relative wages to fall in relation to profits, property and the state, seems to be universal. There are reliable income distribution data available from 68 countries. In 29 nations, the ratio of the top 20% to the bottom 20% exceeds 10 to 1; in 17, 15 to 1; and in 9, 20 to 1. At the same time, a considerable percentage of people even in the 'advanced countries' in Europe lives in poverty, and are thrown into poverty by the workings of the process of globalization. In the European periphery, full employment is more distant than ever before. Nations like Spain or Ireland have not only very high official unemployment rates; even worse, their labor force participation rates are very low indeed. In Spain, more than 40% of young people under 25 years are out of work. True enough, socio-religious patterns probably determine employment rates via their effects of gender empowerment and gender development. The contradictions of capitalism itself today are truly global: during 1965-90, world merchandise trade tripled, and financial cross-border flows exceed a trillion US $ a day. 19) Poverty and backwardness in poor countries is caused by the peripheral position that these nations have in the international division of labor. Ever since the capitalist world system evolved, there is a stark distinction between the nations of the center and the nations of the periphery. Hirschman, Kaldor, Kalecki, Mandelbaum, Rosenstein-Rodan, Rothschild and many other prominent economists, who knew the Eastern European region very well, were all very much aware of the problems of monopoly power and structural imbalances that are to be observed under conditions of 'market imperfection'. At a time of the retreat of the idea of 'national sovereignty', 'independence' and 'socialism', the re-discovery of dependency theory might sound as a provocation. Critics will say - look at the famine in North Korea and what has become of 'Juche' - and compare the trajectory of North and South Korea. The argument, presented here, is different. Rather than following the path of 'Juche', the essence of the argument will consist in inviting comparisons between, say, Southeast Asia and Latin America. Cardoso summarized the quantifiable essence of dependency theories as follows: (i) there is a financial and technological penetration by the developed capitalist centers of the countries of the periphery and semi-periphery (ii) this produces an unbalanced economic structure both within the peripheral societies and between them and the centers (iii) this leads to limitations on self-sustained growth in the periphery (iv) this favors the appearance of specific patterns of class relations (v) these require modifications in the role of the state to guarantee both the functioning of the economy and the political articulation of a society, which contains, within itself, foci of inartuculateness and structural imbalance (Cardoso, 1979) Already the classics of political economy provided a framework of quantifiable dependency theory. Let us recall that for Marx and his labor theory of value, total product consists of constant capital, c, variable capital (labor), v, and surplus, s. Rate of surplus value, s', the organic composition of capital, q, and the profit rate, p, are hence: (2.1) P = c + v + s (2.2) s' = s/v (2.3) q = c/(c+v) (2.4) p = s/(c+v); hence, after some transformations: (2.5) p = s'(1-q) Class relationships of a rising power of labor in the centers determine, that, in the end, long-term fluctuations notwithstanding, cheaper raw materials and exploitation of the periphery become one of the cornerstones of a strategy to halt the fall in the profit rate. Among others, migration, unequal exchange, and a new international division of labor are key elements to increase, at least temporarily, s'. Kalecki adapted political economy to the age of monopolization. Let gross production be P, W are wages, M are the payments for raw materials. The monopolization factor is k. We are in a situation of less than full employment. Costs for wages, W, and raw materials M, are multiplied by a factor of k (k > 1) to arrive at prices. The gross value of production of an enterprise is thus (2.6) P = k * (W + M) (2.7) if M/W denote the terms of trade, j, between the raw material producing sector of the economy and the rest, then we arrive for the determination of the share of wages, w, by the following formula: w = 1/(1+(k-1)*(j+1)) A rising degree of monopolization in the leading center countries over time determines, that, in order to keep the share of wages at least constant, a rising exploitation of the raw material producers sets in to offset the balance. There is now a massive, internationally published evidence that speaks in favor of dependency theory. Other formulations of dependency insisted on 'unequal exchange' which, according to one such formulation, hampers development if double factorial terms of trade of the respective country are < 1.0 (Raffer, 1987, Amin, 1975). Labor in the export sectors of the periphery is being exploited, while monopolistic structures of international trade let the centers profit from the high prices of their exports to the world markets in comparison to their labor productivity. Since double factorial terms of trade are simply net barter terms of trade weighted by productivities (F) of X, exports, and M, imports, the formula (2.7) ((PX * FX)/(PM*FM)) = 1 denotes the conditions of 'equal' exchange as opposed to unequal exchange: (2.8) ((PX * FX)/(PM*FM)) = < 1.0 while nations with (2.9) ((PX * FX)/(PM*FM)) = > 1.0 are the countries that benefited from unequal exchange. Since the early 1970s the least developed countries have suffered a cumulative decline of 50% in their terms of trade. If terms of trade in 1987 are 100, the 1994 values indicate Sub-Saharan Africa 95 South Asia 97 East Asia 104 South-East Asia and Pacific 94 Latin America and Caribbean 96 least developed countries 91 Industrial countries 104 For the developing countries as a whole, terms of trade losses between 1980 and 1991 amounted to $bn 290 (UNDP, 1997). Real commodity prices were 45% lower than in 1980 and 10% lower than the lowest prices during the Great Depression, 1932 (UNDP, 1997). Interest rates for credits of the developing world were in effect four times as high as those charged rich countries during the 1980s. Goods from the developed countries enjoyed much greater tariff reductions in the Uruguay Round than those from developing countries - 45% compared with 20-25%. The least developed countries face tariffs that are 30% higher than the global average (UNDP, 1997). Tariff escalation forces developing countries into primary commodities, whose real prices are declining. For developing countries, tariffs will be higher for final products. The discrimination of LDC textile exports continues, while subsidies to agriculture in the rich countries keep world prices low and exclude the Third World from the food markets of the rich countries. It confronts domestic food producers in the poorer countries with cheap food imports, which reduce the incentives for local food production and destroy the livelihoods of millions of peasants (UNDP, 1997). A reduction of agricultural subsidies by just 30%, LDCs could earn an extra $bn 45 a year. Unequal access to trade, labor and finance costs the periphery up to $bn 500 a year, 10 times the amount of the yearly foreign assistance (UNDP, 1997, 1992). Intellectual property rights increase the price of technology, while the USA in the 19th Century and Japan in the 20th Century enormously benefited from the free flow of ideas (UNDP, 1997). 20) The second 'Great Transformation' of our century, that from socialism back to the world-wide market economy, can be seen in the perspective of the specific globalization aspects also inherent in the writings of Karl Polanyi: a Polanyian world view would hold, that authoritarian socialism in Eastern Europe crumbled like the old Hapsburg empire back in 1918 under pressure of the world market, that democracy had a chance in the region, as it had from 1918 onwards, but that this new chance, as the one in 1918 is now being at stake. For followers of the globalization school, Polanyi's anthropology in a way foresaw the destabilization, the nationalist warfare, the unemployment, the international conflict, the social decay, and the more than 800000 excess mortality cases since the transformation in the whole of Eastern Europe and the former USSR, as Cornia's UNICEF study so aptly put it in 1994. These phenomena also, the argument goes on, imply why in the East the lessons of 'critical' development theory should remain on the agenda. Political turmoil continues in some regions of Eastern Europe and the former USSR 7 years after the transformation, and transnational crime from the East and the South has become a very serious negative factor in international relations. Indeed, it is even plausible that the old big-power rivalries will continue under the new banner of culture and nationalism. Only four of the seventeen countries that adopted democracy during the Kondratieff cycle B-phase between 1915 and 1931 could save democracy; and today, freedom in the world is again on the retreat while violence and repression is on the increase. At the end of 1993, only 57.5%, that is, 107 out of 186 UN member countries had competitive elections and various guarantees of political and human rights (Lipset, 1994: 1). 21) Mass demand as the motor of capitalist development is seriously underminded by ongoing globalization. Linnemann and Sarma developed a model, whereby the linkages between external and internal constraints become clear. Let CA denote the current account balance, NFP net factor payments, NTR net transfers, C consumption, I gross domestic investments, S gross domestic savings, T government revenue, G government expenditure, X, exports, M, imports, NFA net foreign assets, DS foreign debt, K reserves, L liabilities, let DYN symbolize growth, GDP gross domestic product, GNP gross national product, let the suscript g denote government, p, the private sector, f foreign countries, so we have (2.12c) CA = (GDP + NFP + NTR) - (C + I) (2.12d) CA = (C + S) - (C + I) (2.12e) CA = ((Cg + Sg) - (Cg + Ig)) + ((Cp + Sp) - (Cp + Ip)) (2.13f) (T - G) + (Sp - Ip) = (X + NTR + NFP) - (M) (2.14g) (T - G) + (Sp - Ip) = DYN NFA (2.14h) DYN DS = DYN K + L - If - CA Privatising rapidly public enterprises might lead reform countries - given rigidities of supply - even to higher inflation rates, while the effects of the liberalization of prices and the cut-back on government subventions will be only a more short-term improvement in the current account balance. Reconstruction makes necessary investments which by far exceed savings, and hence, the current account balance will deteriorate again. Ever since the classical political economy of J.S. Mill, socio-liberal reformers (who would add in the above equation inequality as an additional predictor of stagnation, thus distinguishing themselves from the neo-conservative currents who think the contrary holds) have maintained the compatibility of social reform and market economic/capitalist growth. The official social doctrine of the Christian Churches, in Latin America especially the Catholic Church, in some aspects is using similar arguments - from Pope Leo XIII to John Paul II, with liberation theology at any rate advancing the viewpoint of non-violent salvation and liberation, justice and community (Brackley SJ, 1996: 117). In a world, where structural adjustment, Maastricht and other similar concepts dominate (or should we rather say: 'doom-inate?') the scholarly horizon, at least in the West, liberation theology with its emphasis on the two millenia old beatitudes of the Sermon of the Mount, on Yahweh, the God of the poor, and the Hebrew concepts of hendiadys (steadfast living-kindness) and sedeq (justice for the oppressed) turns development theory on its head (Brackley SJ, 1996: 129). The rich literature of liberation theology, draws parallels between the LDCs today and landlessness, debt, unemployment, heavy taxes, hunger and malnutrition suffered by the mass of the people in Galilee two thousand years ago. It is a conscious effort at re-discovering the social commitment of these traditions; non-violent protest movements, that empower people, are certainly corresponding to the spirit of liberation theology and the Judeo-Christian gospel (Brackley, 1996: 153-155). The Catholic Church magisterium (official teaching) has been more in line with traditional, 'top' to 'bottom' visions of the state and of organizations as actors, delivering and inter-mediating goods and services in favor of the poor, although recent pronouncements were also very frank and forwardlooking in defending landless laborers and the poor in general (see especially John Paul II, 1988, 1991a and 1991b). Already in his famous macro-economic model, Nicholas Kaldor explained the conditions of growth of a capitalist economy in the postwar-period. Let total product Y be the sum of wages, W, and profits, P, let there be the identity between savings and investments, I = S, and let us divide the savings rate S into savings out of workers' incomes and out of profits, and let savings of workers Sw be proportional to wages and savings of profit income recipients Sp be proportional to profits, we arrive at the final, but still tautological formulation, that profits are a function of investments: (2.13) Y = W + P (2.14) I = S (2.15) S = Sw + Sp (2.16) Sw = sw * W (2.17) Sp = sp * P (2.18) P/Y = f (I/Y) At given propensities to save out of profits and wages, the profit rate is a function of investments. On the way to a model of the real economy in the postwar period, Kaldor now says, that real wages have to be above subsistence wages, the profit rate must not fall below a certain minimum, the share of profits is institutionally determined at least at a certain minimum, and the capital output ratio must not be influenced by the profit rate. Only these conditions, Kaldor thinks, assure that the clear causal relationship between investment and profits holds. Else, especially, when wages fall down to the subsistence level, the Keynesian mechanism to guarantee full employment will not be in force anymore, output will be limited by available capital, and not by labor, and finally, the classic and not the Keynesian adjustment mechanism will be in operation: the surplus, available for investment, determines investments, and not investments savings. Capitalism must have a long-term interest in wages in order to survive. This is also the reason, why, of lately, there is a growing concern in the international press about the effects of globalization on mass demand. 22) Arrighi (1995) indicated, that the basic movement of the capitalist world economy during the 1980s and 1990s is the geographical shift away from the Atlantic region towards the Pacific. 'Hard' data about international capital movements support Arrighi's hypothesis. Our basic hypothesis is, that West European capital flows out, partially to Eastern Europe, but also to the United States and the Pacific theater, while the long-term tendency for the balance between outflows and inflows in both North America and Japan decreases, indicating the international production capital shifts to the Pacific region. At the same time, the rise of China as a haven for transnational capital continues. 23) Apart from the USA, the LDCs - especially in East and South Asia and the Americas - will become the major investment areas of the international order, while Europe as a whole loses (with shifts between Western and Eastern Europe still being likely). Thus, Eastern Europe could become again a contested zone of influence - in between the eastward expansion of west European, Asian and North American capital and a newly asserted Russian power projection. 24) Western Europe could be tempted, in order not to fall behind rising Asia, to overexploit Latin America and Africa, and to try to shift the present favorable East European and former Soviet balance in its favor, while North America's negative balance with Asia is also an expression of the dramatic shifts in the production of multination US corporations. Although some dependency authors, most notably Chase-Dunn, 1984, dismissed the 'new international division of labor' approach, millions of jobs, especially those of women, were lost in Northern manufacturing over recent decades and were 'exported' to the East and the South. There are very clear trends towards peripherization and marginalization of entire regions, social groups and industrial sectors in the developed countries. Ross and Trachte were among the most prominent authors to voice such concerns in the USA; in Europe, the 'Starnberg group' authors Froebel, Heinrichs and Kreye advanced this point in a systematic fashion. Mass migration, as Amin (1997) reminded us, is part and parcel of this process of transnational capitalism 25) The market economies of western Europe first imported labor; now, with the transfer of production away from the European central zones, foreigners become increasingly marginalized. In the inner cities of countries like France, Germany, and Britain, real 'ghettos' develop, a process that began in the United States of America three or two decades ago. Women also have to suffer from these tendencies, as their jobs are being exported away to the still much-lower paid labor power of the periphery and the semi-periphery (Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 1993). Migration is even part of the five pillars of international inequality (Amin, 1997): (i) unequal exchange: the gaps in wages are much greater than the gaps in productivities (ii) capital flight from the peripheries to the centers (iii) selective migration from the peripheries into the centers (iv) the monopoly position of the centers in the international division of labor (v) the control of the centers over the earth's natural resources 26) There are signal crises of world capitalism, and there are terminal crises of the world system, like the great crash of the early 1340s, which marked the beginning of the Genoese age, the 1560s, which marked the beginning of the Dutch era, the 1750s and 1760s, which marked the beginning of the British era, and the 1930s, which were the terminal crisis of British world capitalist dominance. Regulation can be successful, like after 1560, and 1930, and deregulation can be successful, like after 1340, 1760, and - most probably - the 1980s (compiled from Arrighi, 1995). Macroquantitative research about the determinants of world development has to be conscious about the time horizon, in which the research design is situated. Bornschier (1988) found out that state sector expenditures in 21 western democracies correlate with economic growth in the following fashion: 1950-60 r = + .41 1960-75 r = - .07 1974-77 r = - .72 (Bornschier, 1988: 309) Thus, the growth efficiency of public expenditures has drastically declined over recent decades. If the post-war period was regulatory, the post-1968 period decidedly is anti-regulatory (Arrighi, 1995; Bornschier, 1988). Studies about world development throughout the entire period 1960 - 1997 might be misleading, because the time period would reflect the 'logic' of the waning 'regulatory' cycle, the economic global crisis of the 1970s and the early 1980s, and the ascent of financial capitalism and the East Asian archipelago of the 1990s. Thus, the beginning of the 1980s serve as our 'cutting point'. 27) The long cycle literature, largely overlooked by macroquantitative development studies, tells us, why there is a recurrent pattern of instability in the social orders both at the level of national society as well as at the level of the international system. It also explains the often puzzling aspect, how different studies, using different time perspectives, reach different results. Long cycles by themselves are quite a strong argument in the debate about the long-run viability of the world-wide market economy: the recurrence of cycles, depressions and wars was thematically portrayed, amongst others, by Goldstein (1988) and Arrighi (1995) in ver y far-reaching empirical studies of world development from 1450 onwards.Ample empirical evidence supports Arrighi's and Goldstein's theories. The recurrence of major power wars in the capitalist world economy from 1495 to the present is one of the most intriguing features of the international system. Each world political cycle up to now corresponded to a 'W'-pattern of war intensity. From Goldstein's data series, it is possible to derive - without any smoothening of the data - the following cycles of war in world society since 1495, using 6th order polynomial expressions. The R^2 for the test series is between 31% and 91%; no further transformation of the data was performed. The W-structure of conflict emerges neatly from all the tests. And each time, the challengers for world hegemony of a dominant sea-power were former members of the ruling coalition (France, Germany, Russia + China?), while the challengers in the world wars (Thirty Years War, Napoleonic Wars, German Wars of our century) always were continental powers (the Hapsburgs, France, Germany) (see also: Modelski, 1987; Goldstein, 1988, Arrighi, 1995). Thus, there is some support at least for the hypothesis about the sequence of world politics, leading from global wars to hegemonies, to the de-concentration of the international system, to the de-legitimization of international leadership, and finally, to new global wars. 28) Ever since the days of Schumpeter, economists and sociologists were inclined to see also more short-term cycles at work, namely the Kitchin cycles, lasting three and a half years, the Jugar cycles lasting 8-10 years, and the Kuznets cycles between 18 and 25 years. The intense controversy about cycles should only be mentioned briefly here; for the policy-maker perhaps more important is the fact, that after the economic crisis of 1825, the stock exchange collapse of 1873, the Black Friday of 1929 and the world recession starting in 1973/75, world capitalism has experienced quite severe downswing-phases, that hit with elementary weight especially the countries of the periphery and the semi-periphery. The Kondratieff cycles of approximately 50 years duration and the Kuznets cycles, 20 years long, are especially relevant for our understanding of the ups and downs of world economics and politics: our data series, constructed from Goldstein's original data, is explained quite markedly by the application of the Kondratieff and Kuznets-cycle hypotheses, even when there are now data filtering or smoothening operations being performed. And thus, we have to disagree in one fundamental aspect with Chase-Dunn and Grimes, 1995. Among the main theories, that explain these Kondratieff cycles, the following schools stand out (Bornschier and Suter, 1992): (i) economic factor theories, that again have to be broken down into the sub-categories of innovation theories, capital accumulation theories, sector theories, and terms of trade approaches (ii) socio-cultural factor theories, that explain from the viewpoint of quantitative and historical sociology the long cycles by the social structure of accumulation, by the modes of regulation (regulatory approaches), by technological styles, by employment processes, by social inequality trends, by social movements and conflicts, by cycles of order, or by societal structural change (iii) hegemonic cycle theories of the discipline of quantitative international relations, that link Kondratieff cycles to international instability, war and peace For Bornschier's sociology of the long cycle, there are the following phases (i) upswing (ii) prosperity (iii) prosperity-recession (iv) crisis (v) temporary recovery (vi) depression The question is not to choose between Kondratieff and Kuznets cycles, the research strategy should integrate these two concepts by properly applying more long-term moving averages that filter the shorter-term fluctuations. The 'filtering' of the very short-term economic fluctuations plays an important part in the debate about the existence of Kondratieff-cycle fluctuations. It should not be denied here, that Kondratieff cyclical movements in the world economy are seen to be highly controversial, with a large tradition in economic literature, like Eklund and Kuznets, denying the existence of such cycles. Other social scientists from a variety of theoretical camps, only some of them, like Mandel, Marxists, others, like Forester, W. W. Rostow, also took up the challenge of long-wave research. Filtering out the very-short-term Kitchen-cycle fluctuations by applying 5 year moving averages and then to explain these moving averages by a Kondratieff cycle hypotheses from 1756 seems to be a reasonable new research strategy. Let Xtn+1 be the index value of world production from Goldstein's world production series for tn+1; Xtn index value of world production for tn Xtn+1 (3.1.1) DYN = _______ - 1 Xtn The R^2 for the Kuznets cycles with unfiltered growth rates, calculated as above, are: 1741-1756; R^2 = 23.5% 1756-1774; R^2 = 36.1% 1774-1793; R^2 = 34.8% 1793-1812; R^2 = 39.7% 1812-1832; R^2 = 16.4% 1832-1862; R^2 = 25.7% 1862-1885; R^2 = 36.3% 1885-1908; R^2 = 56.2% 1908-1932; R^2 = 44.2% 1932-1958; R^2 = 19.1% 1958-1975; R^2 = 68.8% 10-year moving averages from this data series now achieve the following R^2 for the Kondratieff dating scheme: 1756-1832; R^2 = 53.3% 1832-1885; R^2 = 20.2% 1885-1932; R^2 = 51.2% 1932-1975; R^2 = 49.0% 29) Decay is also present in every serious formulation of the development level development performance trade-off. The curve-linear function of growth, being regressed on the natural logarithm of development level and it's square, is sometimes called the 'Matthew's effect' following Matthew's (13, 12): 'For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance: but whosoever hath not, for him shall be taken away even that he hath' Social scientists interpreted this effect mainly in view of an acceleration of economic growth in middle-income countries vis-à-vis the poor countries and in view of the still widening gap between the poorest periphery nations ('have-nots') and the 'haves' among the former Second and Third World (Jackman, 1982): (3.2b) economic growth/adjustment success = a1 + b1* ln (PCItn-1)-b2* (ln(PCItn-1))2 The same function is also applied to income inequality, following a famous essay published by S. Kuznets in 1955. Redistribution gets underway after 1000 $ per capita income is reached; the share of the richest 20% diminishes from approximately 55% to around 40%. Growth and adjustment accelerate with redistribution. Now, we should turn to basic human needs satisfaction and hence, life expectancy: it is very difficult to arrive at valid propositions about social conditions and development as a dependent variable on the basis of income distribution data alone. There are comparable World Bank income distribution data for only 65 countries, while basic human needs satisfaction data are available from many more countries. Studies about the determinants of basic human needs satisfaction, and hence, poverty are of a more recent date (Stokes and Andreson, 1990; Tausch and Prager, 1993; furthermore: Moon and Dixon, 1992; Ragin and Bradshaw, 1992, just to mention a few). The idea to link life expectancy to energy consumption levels or dollar income levels, that is to say, to patterns of civilization, that exploit mother earth and lead to the self-destruction of life chances of the human species, is still somewhat revolutionary, although there has been quite an extensive debate among different researchers from the ILO, the World Bank and other researcher institutions, most notably Goldstein, 1985b and Russett, 1983b, on the proper specification of the development-basic-human-needs trade-off. Among the decision makers of our time, US vice-president Gore formulated such 'green' philosophical apprehensions in the most stringent fashion (Gore, 1994). It is difficult to design a single indicator of the civilisational malaise constituted by the environmental crisis caused by the industrial mode of production. But the energy consumption-life expectancy trade-off offers a very clear, mathematical expression. The prime success measure of a society should be, how much energy can be saved in achieving a given quantity of life of the population and to avoid premature death. The limited resources of our planet, so clearly foreseen by Polanyi, dictate, that as little as possible energy is being used. The social demands and moral convictions of civilizations dictate, that premature death should be avoided. Thus, eco-social reasoning taking into account the performance scores of the energy consumption-life expectancy trade-off would hold, that the energy consumption of a society should be minimized and life expectancy maximized. One recent formulation of this position, reported in Tausch and Prager, 1993, that contains a reference to the extensive earlier debate at the World Bank and at the ILO about this trade-off, arrived at the conclusion that using very common deviates of the natural constants e (2.7) and pi (3.1) reproduce this important trade-off in an optimal fashion, although most other published mathematical formulations boil down to similar strong curve-linear functions. It is also imperative to consider the effect of already achieved levels of life expectancy on the subsequent life expectancy increase: a poor society with, say, 40 years life expectancy, will find it easier to expand the well-being of the population to 50 years average life expectancy than a society that already reached the level of a 75 year-average. To avoid problems of collinearity, increases in life expectancy over time are being calculated by differences in logarithms 10, i.e. (3.3) DYN LEX = ((log 10 (LEX tn)-log 10 (LEX tn-1)) * 100 Let LEX denote life expectancy or other basic human needs indicators, PCI per capita incomes, ENCONS p.c. energy consumption rates per capita and year in kg oil equivalent, and DYN rates of increases of basic human needs satisfaction. On a world scale and for different groups of countries, levels of human development and increases in terms of human development, reductions in infant mortality et cetera will always significantly correspond to the following function and the first derivative: (3.4) LEX = a + b1 * (ENCONS p.c.)^(1/(e^2)) - b2 * (ENCONS p.c.)^ln(pi) R2 = 72.4%; F = 157.63; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289 (3.5) DYN LEX(tn) = a - b1 * LEX (tn-1) +- b2 * (PCI)(tn-1)^((1/(e^2))-1)-b3 * (PCI)(tn-1)^(((ln(pi))-1))) R2 = 69.8%; F = 91.85; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289 predictors b2 and b3 only: R2 = 43.3%; F = 45.89; df. = 120; alpha (one-tailed) 5% > 1.289. Formulation also possible with ENCONS p.c., but the PCI data series is more complete Based on UNDP (1993) data for all the countries that report economic growth rates for the periods 1965-80-90, equation (3.4) explains 72.4% of total variance of life expectancy; equation (3.5) - even without life expectancy in 1960 as an additional control variable - explains 45.9% of total variance. Equation (3.2) can also be applied to human development, the world gender issues and democratization: (3.6a) human development or gender development or gender empowerment = a1 - b1* ln (PCItn-1) + b2* (ln(PCItn-1))2 or (3.6b) political rights violations or civil rights violations = a1 + b1* ln (PCItn) - b2* (ln(PCItn))2 Human development, and the growing participation of women in society, are a clearly rising function of achieved development level, while political and civil rights violations decrease along the course of development. No result is weaker than roughly 2/5 of variance explained; and all results show - per se - an optimistic perspective for human development, gender justice and democratization: the human development index, the gender development index, the gender empowerment index (ranging from 0.0 to 0.999 each), political rights violations and civil rights violations (ranging from 1.0 to 7.0) are all to be represented as a function of achieved development level in 1990 (expressed in purchasing power parity rate). For the calculation of the gender empowerment (GEI) function, the following procedure to estimate missing data was followed: means of country groups with available data were taken to substitute missing values. The following groups were used: industrial countries (UNDP definition, 1993; GEI = 0.56); developing countries with a higher human development index (UNDP 1993 list - Barbados through to Saint Lucia; GEI = 0.391); developing countries with medium human development (UNDP 1993 list - Turkey through to El Salvador; GEI = 0.347); developing countries with low human development (UNDP 1993 list - Maldives through to Sierra Leone; GEI = 0.27). The following statistical properties of the functions hold: human development index R^2 = 82.4%; F = 281.0 gender development index R^2 = 80.1%; F = 240.8 gender empowerment index R^2 = 60.0%; F = 90.0 political rights violations R^2 = 38.0%; F = 36.8 civil rights violation R^2 = 40.0%; F = 39.9 (3.6a) might be formulated, however, by function (3.6b), applying model (3.4). The function is: (3.6b) Human Development Index = a + b1 * (real purchasing power p.c.)^(1/(e^2)) - b2 * (real purchasing power p.c.)^ln(pi) 30) The following elements of a theory of decay emerge from a serious analysis of post 1980-capitalist development on a world scale: MNC penetration in the present Kondratieff cycle period significantly blocks adjustment, growth, the political and human rights record, human development, gender development, gender empowerment, life expectancy, a reduction of maternal mortality, and the protection of the world forests. MNC penetration increases significantly poverty, as measured by the new UNDP 1996 CPM poverty measure. International system participation age is an important control variable in the whole process of the explanation of post-1982 growth and development/stagnation. It significantly enhances the increase of life expectancy over time, gender empowerment, and the educational and employment record of a given country (the strong points of belonging long enough to the de-facto distribution coalition of long-standing UN members), while it significantly fails to block the deforestation process, especially due to the divergence between professed ideals and dire realities in the long-standing UN member-nations in Latin America and in Eastern Europe. Terms of trade have a significant effect in the expected direction on the process of maternal mortality, and life expectancy. The most important further results are: (i) militarization is still one of the main development blocs in the period after 1980, with 5% significant results regarding adjustment, growth, employment, income redistribution, the greenhouse effect, and further notable effects on the two deforestation indicators. The main theoretical thrust of our new results with MNC penetration during the 1980s points, however, in the following further directions: (ii) fertility is negatively related to redistribution, employment and human capital formation, but there is perhaps somewhat surprising ceteris paribus positive effect on gender empowerment, mainly due to the relatively good gender empowerment performance of countries with a relatively higher historical fertility rate like Barbados, Bahamas, China, Ireland etc., whose gender empowerment is higher than that of nations with a historically low birth rate like France (iii) The small and open economies in the world society also tend towards gender political power sharing and towards a better employment situation. A world economically open society with a high proportion of foreign trade per total product is also more likely to have - ceteris paribus - a lower greenhouse-index. To further support the predictions about the positive effects of trade dependency on development, developed by Katzenstein, one should emphasize also the positive effects on human capital formation and employment. But trade dependency also works as a classic transmitter of mechanisms of dependency by the effects it wields on life expectancy, maternal mortality, and the coverage of a nation with forests. (iv) Government activity is not significantly related to adjustment and growth; but a government-controlled economy increases also in this research design in a negative way the performance of a country regarding the political and human rights record. On the other hand, strong, and not weak government, enhances the human development index, the gender development index, the human capital formation record of a nation, and government significantly reduces the amount of absolute poverty measured by the new UNDP CPM-measure to be found in developing countries. The effects of government or - more specifically - the social welfare state (social security index) on the indicators of the situation of the world woodland's are however not giving reason for optimism. The relative strength of the social welfare state has - like so many explanatory variables - positive and negative effects on the process of world development: it has a negative effect on employment, and it has a negative effect on human capital formation (mean years of education), while welfare states - ceteris paribus - still tend to behave in a protective fashion regarding their ecological systems (% forest coverage). (v) Established feminism (representation of women in parliaments and in the work force) emerges as the main loser of the world economic changes that have taken place since the 1980s. States with a high feminist power base at the one hand were - as in the above research design - successful in still increasing the feminist power base (gender empowerment index); and were performing relatively well on the forest protection front; but even the gender development index could not be affected in an upward direction by established feminism; and ceteris paribus, states with a well-developed feminist power base were performing very badly regarding adjustment, growth, life expectancy increases, political and civil rights performance, the human development index. 31) It is to be expected, that world capitalism is on its way towards an anti-egalitarian, and de-regulatory phase which will do away with many of the social advances that characterized the corporatist economic cycle of the post-World-War-II period. A recent analysis by Deininger and Squire compares the evolution of the GINI-coefficients of inequality in the different regions of the world from 1960 onwards and comes to the following results which I presume to be known here. From these data it is also possible to arrive at the following projections of inequality until the year 2000: South Asia's and Latin America's inequality will decline, while in Sub-Saharan Africa, in the industrialized countries, and in Eastern Europe inequalities will increase considerably, and in the Middle East and North Africa there will be only a slight reduction of inequality rates. The growth of inequality in Eastern Europe, in Sub-Saharan Africa and in the industrial countries might herald the advent of a 'Latin-American'-style capitalism of the 1960s and 1970s, that goes hand in hand with the growth of transnational corporations penetration, short-term spurts of growth and long-term stagnation, and protected markets and economic distortions. The imperative of 'balanced budgets', 'financial markets' and 'de-regulation' might, in the end, undermine the very logic of economic growth that the anti-Keynesianism of the 1990s maintains to uphold. Comparative data for the 1980s and 1990s show, that inequality - as in the past - has no positive relationship to economic growth, and that, rather, the opposite is true. Samir Amin and Giovanni Arrighi most vocally proclaim today the idea that there has never been any 'catching up' of the semi-peripheries and peripheries, and that there is a fairly constant real gap between the rich and the poor regions in the world system. Apart from that dire enough fact, matters are - Amin's argument goes - made worse by adhering to neo-conservative strategies in precisely those countries that would need a new political project. Such a socio-liberal interpretation of dependency theories also receives qualified support from a careful analysis of existing UNDP data about the determinants of absolute income growth from 1960 onwards. 58 nations experienced an absolute, not only relative, decline, of their real per capita incomes in the 1980s (Nohlen, 1991). While the monopoly position in the international system, as expressed by years of membership in the UN, together with the social security effort are a significant positive contribution to growth, human rights violations and population density rates are significantly blocking long-run economic growth. Whatever methodological preference we have, our analysis confirms the shape of distribution, expected for the dependency model of global polarization, and certainly not the modernization hypothesis, which clearly would expect a closing of the gaps. Our results also show, that the W-shaped international distribution with strong semi-peripheries, expected by the world system approach (Arrighi, 1996a), has become weaker over time, resembling more and more the distribution, expected by dependency theory. 32) Our analysis also shows the effects, that transnational migration has on the sending and on the receiving countries in the context of overall dependency mechanisms across long cycles. The hope of many semi-periphery and periphery nations to change their weak position in the world-wide structure of the division of labor by mass migration to the developed countries is not realistic. These findings could have an implication not only for the social scientific, but also for the political debate in Europe. At present, 'green', 'alternative' and socialist-left-wing groups claim that Western Europe should allow more immigration from the South and the East. But migration greatly increases inequality in the migration recipient countries. In the migration recipient countries, environmental decay, as measured by the UNDP greenhouse index, increases. For us, migration is - above all - an expression of a peripheral position in the world economy. At first sight, migration has practically no positive or negative effect on economic growth. The dominant countries, like Japan or the United States, send their managers abroad, but not their workforce. It is a sign of world economic weakness to be a net exporter of labor force. Poor and peripheral countries, like Jordan, Pakistan, Ireland, Portugal, or nowadays Poland, send their workers abroad, and import their managers. In the old colonial days, priests and soldiers were imported, timber, ivory, copper, slaves and bananas were exported. Still, the structure exists, but at a much higher level. Interestingly enough, the effect of government size on growth becomes significantly and highly negative, once we consider for the effect of migration on development. Introducing the variable: 'worker remittances per total GNP' into our growth equations, we come to realize that migration conserves economic structures that inhibit world economic adjustment. The effect is significant at the 12.5% level and narrowly misses the 10% mark. 61.4% of economic growth are explained by our equation. Although the small and open economies - especially in Europe - tend towards a higher economic growth rate and a less painful structural adjustment towards the realities of the evolving post-1982/89 world economic and social order, it stands out very clearly, that under due consideration for the effects of migration on growth, the critique of the state sector and an excessive social security burden becomes relevant. 33) Over recent years, there has emerged a new sub-field of development and transformation theory, that is sensitive to the concerns of 'the new social movements' around the globe (Bello, 1989; Friberg, 1988; UNDP, 1993, 1994; Woehlke, 1987, 1993). The situation of women and the situation of the environment emerge as one of the prime issues of development (Benard and Schlaffer, 1985; Betz and Bruene, 1995; L. R. Brown, 1992; Dubiel, 1993; Frank and Fuentes-Frank, 1990; Leggett, 1991; Saffioti, 1978; Seager and Olson, 1986). Cross-national analysis about economic and social preconditions and the quality of the environment are relatively new (Beckerman, 1992; Shafik and Bandyopadhyay, 1992). In the former or continuously communist countries of Eastern Europe and the USSR-successor-states, environmental quality poses indeed one of the main concerns of development planning nowadays (World Resources Institute, 1992). Eastern Europe's transformation could be again seen as a testing ground for various development paradigms and strategies. The globalization argument would emphasize, that, contrary to the optimistic expectations about an improvement in the environmental situation due to the new presence of transnational capital, the adoption of an energy-consuming 'US-style'- model would mean a significant long-term increase of various emissions. The global atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration increased from 280 ppm in pre-industrial times to 315.8 in 1959, to stand at 354 in 1990. World carbon dioxide emissions increased from 6.002 thousand millions of metric tons in 1950 to 21.863 thousand millions of metric tons in 1989. In 1995, CO2 emissions reached 23.1 thousand millions of metric tons (Fischer Weltalmanach, 1997). The United States are responsible for 4.88 thousand millions of tons, followed by China (2.67 thousand millions) and Russia (2.1 millions), followed by Japan (1.09 millions), Germany (0.88 thousand millions), India (0.77 millions). Desertification, storms, flooding in many parts of the world during the winter seasons, as well as famine and droughts during the summer months could be the results of these recent increases in carbon dioxide levels and are indeed already a reality in many parts of the world. There were 16 major disasters in the 1960s, 29 in the 1970s, and 70 in the 1980s. Natural disasters now strike 120 million people each year (UNDP, 1997). Since 1967, 1.3 million people died from droughts, 800000 in cyclones, 600000 in earth quakes and 300000 in floods (UNDP, 1994). The last time, that a carbon dioxide concentration as high as around 300 ppm was reached in the earth's history was around 130000 before our time; from that moment onwards, global temperatures and carbon dioxide concentration ratios fell to 20000 before our time, when a level of just 180 ppm was reached. And again, the poor have to pay the bill: Bangladesh produces only 0.3% of global greenhouse emissions but could see it's land area shrink by 17% due to global warming (UNDP, 1997). An important question is, whether or not the recurrence of major floods and hurricanes in our age is coincidental or connected to global warming. In the summer of 1997, Europe again was hard-hit by extensive floods, just as in summer 1996. In 1996, the Netherlands were hardest hit, and in 1997, Poland and the Czech Republic. Apart from the social aspects of these disasters, which bring to the surface the vulnerability of the social structures of people living in poverty, there are severe ecological implications. The delicate long-standing oscillations in the velocity and temperature of Oceanic currents intervenes. Precisely this delicate balance seems, one could tentatively argue, to have been upset now in a fundamental way: already in 1991 it was discovered that the velocity of the Gulf stream northeast of Iceland decreased by 80%, thus affecting the delicate equilibrium between the salt-content of the Oceanic waters, the velocity of Oceanic circulation, and the cold winds from the North Pole (Gore, 1994). A huge, powerful current usually carries warm water from the vicinity of Florida to the coast of Ireland before turning westward, cooling, sinking, and going back south near Labrador. Deep-lying parcels of unusually warm water move continually through that pipeline, alternating with cooler ones, along with the rhythm of sun-spot activity. Each parcel takes about 20 years to travel from the tropics, around the North Atlantic circuit to Labrador. Sea-surface temperatures rise and fall in concert with the movement of these parcels (New York Times, March 18th, 1997). Since the 1970s, the North Atlantic oscillation and a similar oscillation in the Pacific have made the continents of the Northern hemisphere unusually warm, during winter and spring (New York Times, March 18th, 1997). 'El Nino', that vast pool of unusually warm surface water that comes and goes every few years in the eastern tropical Pacific, and first discovered around Christmas by Peruvian fishermen 200 years ago, is a similar phenomenon (Los Angeles Times, May 16th, 1997), that, in the past, was followed each time by 'La Nina', the corresponding pool of cold water in the rhythm of two to seven years (NY Times, June 3rd, 1997): In their search for convincing evidence of global warming, scientists have been puzzling over shifting tree lines in the Sierra Nevada, dying coral in the Caribbean, melting alpine glaciers, and seasonal temperatures so extreme that the 10 warmest years of the past century have occurred in the last 15 years. When malaria-infected mosquitoes recently turned up in New Jersey and tropical microorganisms were discovered poisoning shellfish as far north as Monterey, climate experts were quick to wonder whether they had detected evidence of climate changes. In each case, pests once confined to the world's hottest regions appeared to be moving into new territory--evidence, perhaps, of formerly cool zones warmed by greenhouse gases. Now some researchers believe that they have detected the distinctive signature of global warming in the infamous Pacific Ocean current known as El Nino, a seasonal upwelling of warm seawater that has been implicated in disastrous droughts, torrential rains, killing heat waves and other distortions of the daily weather from Southern California to South Africa. The El Nino current arises from the dance between order and chaos as the ocean and the atmosphere interact to balance the Earth's thermal energy. It is the heart of a complex system called the El Nino Southern Oscillation, which is so delicate that even a subtle alteration in temperatures can affect its seesaw, annual rhythms. Global warming should make El Nino effects stronger and more frequent, said Kevin Trenberth of the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, Colo. And, as if to prove his point, the most recent El Nino, which some scientists say lasted from 1990 through 1995, is the longest in 130 years of record-keeping (Los Angeles Times, May 16th, 1997) The emerging pattern seems easy to predict: milder and drier winters in Alaska, Canada, and the Pacific Northwest, cooler in the Southeastern United States and wetter in the US Southwest. Powerful west-to-east winds across the Atlantic brings more oceanic warmth to Northern Europe and Asia, making for milder winters there. Northern Europe gets more precipitation, while Southern Europe and the Middle East less. Until now, the oscillations in Oceanic currents caused ups and downs in world weather cycles, causing a shift of the westerly winds to the European South, making Northern Europe much colder and drier and bringing more warmth and precipitation to Mediterranean Europe, Africa and the Middle East. The Medieval warm period and the Little Ice Age were all - current opinion goes - a consequence of previous such oscillations (New York Times, March 18th, 1997). The question is of course, whether or not we're in for a more secular change, that seems to be directing towards more hurricanes in the Southeastern US, more torrential summer rains in Europe, and Western Latin America, and more droughts in many other parts of the world, among them Australia and many parts of Asia. It might also well be that the 'peaks' in the common re-occurence of the 'El Nino' phenomenon get larger, up to five years (Los Angeles Times, May 16th, 1996). Several meteorologists, among them Timothy Barnett at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, rule out the connection between 'El Nino' and global warming, however. Their arguments say that similar prolonged El Ninos were observed during 1911 to 1915, and that volcanic eruptions, deep-sea thermal events or the 11 to 22 year sun-spot cycle may cause the phenomenon. Indeed, they'd argue that up to 50% in global temperature rise since 1900 must be attributed to a rising sunspot activity, and not to Carbon Dioxide levels (LA Times, ibidem). Fairly safe predictions estimate however, that up to a third of the world's glaciers will melt away over the next decades, together with a 2-6 degrees Fahrenheit rise in average surface temperature and a rise in the sea levels up to three feet during the next 100 years (LA Times, ibidem). Such huge fresh water supplies from the Antarctic to the South-east Pacific, and from Greenland and the Arctic to the North Atlantic would in turn explain, why less salt water submerges and becomes colder in the process, moving southward along North Americas coastline. However, there seems to be rising consensus that severe hurricanes will continue to develop in the Atlantic arena over the next years (New York Times, June 3rd, 1997). The hurricanes are facilitated by the warming up of the tropical zones of the Atlantic, but expected to be kept in check at least in part by the El Nino phenomenon. The coincidence of the cold La Nina in the Pacific and higher Sea surface temperatures in the tropical Atlantic, which have risen since 1955 in almost continuous fashion, would however combine to create terrible hurricanes that will hit the Eastern USA (NY Times, ibidem). It should be recalled, that wet weather and low pressure areas in Africa's Sahel zone are the at the root of hurricane embryos, kept in check by high-level westerly winds blowing from the Eastern tropical Pacific, and caused by El Nino (NY Times, June 3rd, 1997). One plausible hypothesis is of course: One of the most powerful indicators, according to the new study by Dr. Saunders and Andrew R. Harris, climate scientists at University College London in Britain, is the Atlantic sea-surface temperature. Their statistical analysis found that while most of the relevant factors were indeed favorable for hurricane development in the banner year of 1995, the dominating influence was the unusually warm ocean. The temperature in the region where hurricanes develop was 1.2 degrees Fahrenheit above the 1946-1995 average, a record. The development region was 0.36 of a degree warmer than average last year and is about 0.9 of a degree warmer now. This, said Dr. Saunders, presages another active season. His study appeared in the May 15 issue of the journal Geophysical Research Letters. The researchers suggest that warmer seas cause more water to evaporate from the surface. With evaporation, latent heat is released in the atmosphere, and the researchers believe that this is what imparts more energy to the embryonic storms coming out of Africa, making it more likely that they will develop into hurricanes. "It seems that this is a stronger effect that any other mechanism, like El Nino or the monsoon in the western Sahel," Dr. Saunders said. The question, he said, is whether the rising sea temperature is a natural expression of the climate system's variability, independent of any influence from a warming atmosphere. Dr. Gray, for his part, says he believes the warmer ocean temperature is "a manifestation of a major change in North Atlantic ocean circulation." Stately currents in the North Atlantic undergo periodic shifts on decadal time scales. Dr. Gray said he believed that a new pattern was in place, and that it was likely to presage a decade or two of above-average hurricane activity. "This is the greatest fear we have," he said, "that we're entering a new era. I believe we are." (New York Times, June 3rd, 1997) In the northern hemisphere, regions north-east of the warming Ocean regions receive above than average rainfalls, while in the southern hemisphere, regions south-east of the 'El Nino' area receive the highest rainfalls. On the western shores of the Pacific and the Atlantic, severe droughts can develop during the summers, in regions as far apart as North Korea, Australia, and Eastern Canada. Severe storms are to be expected in countries or regions like Western Mexico, Peru, and Chile (Reuters, North America News Report, July 15th, 1997). World poverty and environmental degradation in marginal lands are closely inter-linked with such phenomena. During the last El Nino, which happened in 1982-83, hundreds died in Peru in flood and landslides, and tens of thousands were left homeless. Colombia braces itself for a severe drought, starting in February 1998, in turn, while Brazil and low-lying areas of Argentina expect heavy rainfalls, and the Argentinean Andes will receive unusual amounts of snow. The last cold 'La Nina' water conditions lasted only 2 years, while a new 'El Nino' has already begun: Chicago--Jun 27--The current El Nino has been one of the fastest growing El Nino weather events this century, and sea surface temperatures are expected to continue rising into the fall and winter, Smith Barney weather analyst Jon Davis said in a special report. Pacific Ocean surface temperatures began to rise at the beginning of the year and have continued to climb at a steady pace ever since, Davis said in an El Nino update. "The increase in SSTs during the past 6 months has been the most dramatic of any 6-month period since the late 1970s," he said. "In fact, this is one of the most dramatic warmings over such a short period of time this century." The La Nina--colder-than-normal water temperatures in the Pacific-- ended in March, with the 1995-96 event lasting a little more than 2 years. By early May, sea surface temperatures had risen enough to declare an El Nino event. The continued rise in those temperatures in the past 6 weeks has been enough to classify the event as moderate, with current temperatures about 1.5 degrees Celsius above normal. "If the current rate of change continues at the same magnitude, the El Nino event will be ranked as a strong one within a matter of months," Davis said. (...) Areas that normally see dryness and heat during El Nino events include China, India, Southeast Asia--Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines-- and Australia. The problems in Asia mostly are due to a lack of irrigation caused by poor summer and fall rains. Australia also typically sees very dry conditions in El Nino years. "The more that SSTs in the Pacific warm up, the more likely it is for a major drought during the spring and summer (Oct-Feb) across the continent," Davis said. Along with these potential problem areas, the weather event could cause difficulties in South Africa during that region's corn planting season in October and November. (...) The major robusta coffee growing areas are west Africa, Indonesia and Vietnam, and all these regions tend to have drought problems during El Nino events. Problems for the arabica coffee crop, grown mostly in Central and South America, are less defined than those for the robusta crop. (...) The strengthening of the event decreases the chances of an active hurricane season in the Gulf of Mexico and Atlantic, Davis said. "Thus, the odds of major disruptions to oil and natural gas production facilities in the western portion of the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean (St. Croix) are lower than in a normal or an active season," he said. If the sea surface warming continues into the fall and winter as expected, a warmer 1997-98 winter could result in Canada, the US and Europe, he said. This in turn could result in lower heating fuel consumption and costs. Bridge World Markets News More than 500 million poor people live on marginal lands in the Sahel and in the upper regions of the Andes and the Himalayas. Their main preoccupation will not be with the price of commodities that you can sell, but with survival as such. Dry lands are the home to 1.5 billion people on earth. Conflicts between farmers and herders are proliferating in Africa and in Asia (UNDP, 1997). The tragic events in Rwanda and Burundi cannot be separated from two processes a) these conflicts b) the structure of land intensive raw material exports, like coffee growing, imposed by the structures of world tariffs and world trade, on Africa (Amin, 1994). The water supply per capita in developing countries today is only a third of what it was in 1970. More than 55% of the people in the Arab world suffer from serious water shortages. Over the past 50 years, 65 million hectares of productive land have become desert globally (UNDP, 1997). World pollution is even a clear statistical function of the ups and downs of the longer swings in the world economy, most notably the Kuznets cycle and the Kondratieff cycle. The World Resources Institute has provided information on the basis of the Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center about CO2 emissions in the world from 1950 onwards. The growth rates of CO2 consumption clearly correspond to the Kondratieff and Kuznets cycle analysis about economic growth, which we introduced above. About 700 million people, mainly women and children, inhale indoor smoke from burning biomass fuel. Air pollution causes losses of $bn 35 a year in Europe, costing farmers $bn 4 in Germany and $bn 2 in Poland. The smoke-stack landscape of north-central Europe, that ranges from Northern England, via Belgium, northern France, north-eastern Germany to Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, the Ukraine and other parts of east-central Europe presents a high concentration of SO2 emissions, rapid defoliation and scarce water resources. Table 5.1 and Map 5.1-5.2 now summarize the most important environmental and social indicators for the region before or during the start of the transformation process. Defoliation and forest destruction in turn increase the probability of flooding, because the water masses, pouring down with the rains, cannot be properly soaked into the earth anymore. The short-run prediction thus points towards more severe flooding in Eastern Europe over the next years, to be followed by desertification, should the El Nino phenomenon grow worse. Forests have the unique capacity of attracting rainfalls by emitting terpenes (C5H8) and dimethylsulphides (Gore, 1994). Deforestation in Eastern Europe and the former USSR is already more severe than in most parts of Western Europe. Defoliation is a more than serious problem in North-Central Europe, where water scarcity is also extending. To this we must add, that in a country like Poland environmental concerns do not receive the priority that they should receive. Only 34% of the population is served by waste water treatment plants (EU average 70%); municipal waste services reach only 55% of the population (EU average: 96%; our own compilations from UNDP, 1995). The basic argument of a globalization-oriented explanation of environmental quality on a world scale (Launer, 1992; Woehlke, 1987) would run as follows: dependent development not only leads to social strains and imbalances, with all it's economic dynamics that it might initiate at the same time; it also means a further strain on the natural resources and the environment by the energy-, space-, forest- and individual-traffic intensive life-style that the world-wide market economy, especially in it's North American variety, brings about. Although some forest-, energy- and emission-saving might be the initial consequence of the introduction of more modern and western technologies, the basic problem of dependent and polarizing development would remain on the agenda. Profit-oriented development between unequal partners will always, globalization theory argues, lead to forms of 'unequal exchange'. Concretely, the world-wide market economy and the new international division of labor will (i) transfer energy and pollution intensive industries to the countries of the periphery and the semi-periphery (ii) industrial waste from the centers will be increasingly attempted to be deposited in those regions (iii) export-intensive industrialization and the debt crisis will mean an almost reckless use of remaining natural resources, especially forest areas, for export purposes to earn badly needed foreign cash, or to destroy forests to gain land for tropical and sub-tropical export agriculture. International tourism (including it's 'soft-body'-component), air traffic, individual traffic and the 'western' lifestyle, that begins with the plastic bag, ranging over well-known soft drinks - preferably from the tin-can - to equally well-known western TV-serials, will in the end more than negatively compensate the initially positive contributions, that economic transformation, market mechanisms and the recession of the 1980s will have meant for the countries of the periphery and the semi-periphery of Eastern Europe and the countries of the South in terms of the environment. Poland produces today more waste per inhabitant already (1500 kg per year) than Spain, Italy, France, the UK or Germany (1021 kg) (Wprost, 20.09. 1995: 52). Poland might have new factories for paper recycling with western technology, but the raw material - old paper - is being imported from Western countries. In addition, regional development authorities throughout Eastern Europe and in other semi-peripheral regions will hope to attract foreign buying power in exchange for local property rights in environmentally still undamaged regions. Insert here what you like: Caribbean island coasts, still untouched regions in Eastern Europe, like the Mazurian lakes, the Tatra mountains, et cetera. They will share the fate - dependency theory would tell us - of the sell-out at the Spanish Mediterranean coast, wide areas of the Austrian Alps and many other places in Europe. In other zones, unabated deforestation will develop, not unlike many Third-World countries. Unequal environmental exchange will increasingly affect (semi)peripheral regions in greater geographical distance from the centers; mass tourism to the tropical zones of the world will cause a tremendous increase in air-pollution from air-traffic that these 'island get-aways' bring about. For these reasons, environmental indicators are so negatively determined by transnational penetration. An important control variable in our analysis of the deforestation process is the percentage of total land, devoted to agriculture. At the one hand, it allows for the fact, that large regions of the world are affected by a growing desertification; on the other hand, this control variable duly considers the negative effect, that the expansion of world agriculture had on the world's woodlands in a historic perspective. It is hard to construct a single indicator of the environmental situation of a country. The following indicators are being used widely: the greenhouse index per 10 million people, energy consumption per capita, and the annual rate of deforestation. A fourth indicator, per capita carbon dioxide emissions, is also available. The greenhouse index measures the net emissions of three major greenhouse gases: carbon dioxide, methane and chlorofluorocarbons. The index weights each gas according to its heattrapping quality in carbon dioxide equivalents and expresses them in metric tons of carbon per capita. Energy consumption, on the other hand, refers to commercial forms of primary energy - petroleum (crude oil, natural gas liquids, and oil from non-conventional sources), natural gas, solid fuels (coal, lignite, and other derived fuels), and primary electricity (nuclear, hydroelectric, geothermal, and other) - all converted into oil equivalents. Energy consumption refers to domestic primary energy supply before transformation to other end-use fuels and is calculated as indigenous production plus imports and stock changes, minus exports and international marine bunkers. The use of firewood, dried animal excrement, and other traditional fuels, is not taken into account for lack of international comparative data. Energy consumption per capita can be considered as perhaps the most important single indicator of the factors, that lead to global environmental degradation. The two environmental indicators have a very high positive correlation with each other. The third indicator, annual rate of deforestation or total forest area (under proper consideration of arable land per total land), is connected with the first and the second process in a complex fashion. For the future of the world environment, deforestation is the most alarming contemporary process of environmental degradation. Forest burning directly leads to a greatly increased CO2 emission; deforestation reduces the world's future capacity to produce oxygen and to adapt to increasing CO2 levels. To put it into a drastic comparison with medicine: the patient suffers from cancer on the left lung (the green house-effect), and the doctors decide to extract the still functioning right lung (the world-wide CO2 --> O2 photosynthetic regenerative capacity of the world's tropical forests). Due to the destruction of the outer ozone-layer of the earth, this fatal process will still be increased. Each second, a rainforest area as large as a football field, is being demolished on purpose (Launer, 1992). Among the factors, leading to deforestation, the export-oriented economy, the use of tropical wood in the world paper and furniture industry, and the burning of wood for cooking and heating purposes are the three most commonly mentioned factors. A great number of scholars, among them Leggett et al., 1991, tried to bring deforestation rates systematically into a causal relationship with the kind of dependent capitalist development, analyzed amongst others by Bornschier and Chase Dunn, 1985. The creation of large plantations in Latin America for meat exports to the United States of America is often causally linked in the literature to the problem of deforestation (Launer, 1992). Brazil's supposed role is of special importance here, because Brazil still has a share of 27.5% of the world's tropical forests. Indonesia's year-long wood-export drive has often been mentioned as the most paradigmatic case of the influence of the capitalist world economy on the rapid disappearance of the world's forests. The role of the peasantry in dependent capitalism was also often mentioned in this context. Extensive tropical agriculture, implanted by 500 years of dependent development, described by the Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariateguí in his classic '7 Essays', and later on analyzed by Feder, 1972, is thought to be one of the main factors leading to the alarming rates of deforestation. Small scale peasants - the dependencia argument runs - are evicted throughout the countries of Latin America, Africa, Asia and the Pacific from their meager holdings by the land-hungry process of dependent agricultural capitalism for the sake of export-oriented breeding for meat production and tropical export crops. But what is already commonplace in the former 'Third World' could become a rule of the day also in the former 'Second World'. Forests are being cut down not only in Indonesia and in Northern Borneo at an amazing speed, but also in the Warmia region of the Mazurian lakes in Poland and in other parts of Eastern Europe. Forest cutting for export purposes, disregarding the social and ecological rights of the local populations, could serve, a dependencia-minded argument could maintain, the short-term profit interests of the old and new export-oriented elites. Three measures are used to further test the relationship between globalization and gender-related human development. One is maternal mortality, the second is the new UNDP gender-related development index, the third is the gender empowerment measure. The first and the third index are more distribution-oriented than the second indicator. Each year, 290 women per 100000 live births lose their lives in the moment of giving birth. What is the ultimate moment of happiness in a life for woman and man, to experience in togetherness the advent of a newly-born life, becomes the ultimate pain for millions of mothers around the world. They lose their lives due to the structural violence existing in the world system, they lose their lives in their ultimate moment of loneliness while giving birth, desolated and marginalized by a social order on the global level that produces more and more commodities, services and pollution but that forgets about the poor backyards, shanty towns and desolate clinics in the world poverty belts. The distribution conflict evident in the health sector, often under constraints from 'structural adjustment programs', has a real, deadly consequence for them. In the industrialized countries of the OECD, maternal mortality is 11 per 100000. That is to say, at the global level there is an 'excess mortality' of 279 women per 100000 live births, considering the progress in medicine reached at the level of the western democracies. In Eastern Europe, maternal mortality already reaches 66 per 100000 live births, and in the developing countries, 420. All three indicators of the female situation de la vie are being significantly blocked by MNC penetration. Our results indicate that dependency is by far the most important determinant of maternal mortality, and that the two dependency-related indicators: terms of trade and trade dependency co-determine the process of maternal mortality in the world system. Our results also indicate that gender empowerment and gender development are significantly and negatively influenced by MNC penetration. 34) The emergence of dozens of nations after 1989 makes cross-national development research in the world of today an especially difficult task. We present here one of the first analyses of the cross-national determinants of world development, that integrates these newly independent and or market economies of Eastern Europe and the former USSR into the world sample of analysis. Unfortunately, the lack of appropriate data severely limited the analytical possibilities of this investigation. Nevertheless, some important conclusions can be drawn in the light of our earlier debate. How 'general' is the 'particular', and how 'particular' is the 'general' path of world development from the 1980s onwards? Arrighi wrote in 1995: 'Partial as the current revival of a self-regulating world market has actually been, it has already issued unbearable verdicts. Entire communities, countries, even continents, as in the case of sub-Saharan Africa, have been declared 'redundant', superfluous to the changing economy of capital accumulation on a world scale. Combined with the collapse of the world power and territorial empire of the USSR, the unplugging of these 'redundant' communities and locales from the world supply system has triggered innumerable, mostly violent feuds over 'who is more superfluous than whom', or, more simply, over the appropriation of resources that were made absolutely scarce by the unplugging' (Arrighi, 1995: 330) On the other hand, it is clear that Antigua, Botswana, China, Cyprus, Dominica, Hong Kong, Maldives, Mauritius, Saint Kitts, Saint Vincent, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand had a GNP per capita growth rate of 4.5% or more per annum during 1980-93. The prediction of most world system theories for the future long-term prospects of the capitalist system are gloomy. Chase-Dunn and Hall cite especially population growth with its consequence on natural resources and pressures for migration as one of the elements that will ultimately cause systemic decline (Chase-Dunn and Hall, 1997: 199). Our reading of the post-1980s tendencies of world development is now in at least some accordance with hypotheses, put forward by Amin. Where Amin could be qualified at least partially, are some of the details, viz. his partial neglect of the role of human capital formation and population, for example in his 1975 and 1997 publications. For Samir Amin (1997), ascent and decline is largely being determined in our age by the following 'five monopolies' (i) the monopoly of technology, supported by military expenditures of the dominant nations (ii) the monopoly of control over global finances and a strong position in the hierarchy of current account balances (iii) the monopoly of access to natural resources (iv) the monopoly over international communication and the media (v) the monopoly of the military means of mass destruction Performance over the last 1 1/2 decades teaches us an important lesson about the evolving mechanisms of the future Kondratieff cycle, that began - our reasoning went - in the mid-1980's. Let us recall, that for dependency and world system theory in the tradition of Samir Amin (1975), there are four main characteristics of the peripheral societal formation (i) the predominance of agrarian capitalism in the 'national' sector (ii) the formation of a local bourgeoisie, which is dependent from foreign capital, especially in the trading sector (iii) the tendency of bureaucratization (iv) specific and incomplete forms of proletarization of the labor force In partial accordance with liberal thought, (i) and (iii) explain the tendency towards low savings; there will be (a) huge state sector deficits and, in addition, the 'twin' (b) chronic current account balance deficit in the peripheral countries. High imports of the periphery, and hence, in the long run, capital imports, are the consequence of the already existing structural deformations of the role of peripheries in the world system, namely by (i) rapid urbanization, combined with an insufficient local production of food (ii) excessive expenditures of the local bureaucracies (iii) changes in income distribution to the benefit of the local elites (demonstration effects) (iv) insufficient growth of and structural imbalances in the industrial sector (v) and the consequent reliance on foreign assistance The history of periphery capitalism, Amin argues, is full of short-term 'miracles' and long-term blocks, stagnation and even regression. Dependency has, according to Amin, a commercial, financial and technological aspect. 'Rent seeking' has its basis in big landholding, which throughout the periphery was introduced, supported and upheld by colonial and post-colonial structures. Profitable investments in many periphery countries are - in part - constrained by the (emerging) unequal income distribution, which again determines, that the local 'surplus' is being squandered by luxurious consumption, transferred abroad in the form of capital flight, or being used for speculation. Just to illustrate Amin's point: in the newly capitalist countries of Eastern Europe, only the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland attracted $bn 7.0 or more foreign direct investment. Foreign direct investment in Russia is just $bn 6.5, while recent poverty data on Russia are just alarming. Russia concentrates within its borders around half the income poor of the entire region, numbering in all 60 million poor Russians (poverty is defined here as $4 or less a day). Another 60 million Russians work in the shadow economy or live from crime, that now controls 45% of Russian GNP: and these are statements by the government, and not by Radio Liberty... (Interior Minister Kulikov, quoted in Agence France Press, 2nd July 1997). In the entire region of Eastern Europe, income poverty increased at an alarming speed between 1988 and 1994 - from 4% to 32% of the total population. 62% of all Russian children and 34% of the aged are poor; the suicide rate increased by more than 50% and the homicide rate more than doubled against 1989. 9.6% of all people are not expected to survive to age 40, 38% of Russians are living below the World Bank absolute world poverty line of a dollar a day, and the Human Development Index has fallen, compared to 1993 (UNDP, 1997). The poorest 20% have an income of 881 $ per capita and year in terms of real purchasing power, while the richest 20% have 12804 $ per capita and year (UNDP, 1997). Past and present foreign domination and colonialism cause long term structural imbalances. Countries as far apart as large parts of Africa and Asia, just as Poland from 1795 - 1918, were no national state during the important era of the Industrial Revolution. Their economies were geared to the needs of others, i.e. their colonizers. The structural heterogeneity between the different economic sectors at the one hand and the 'modern', export oriented sector, the medium sector and the 'traditional sector' in agriculture, industry and services, becomes one of the main reasons for the unequal income distribution in the countries of the periphery. Colonial trade, foreign investment in the 19th Century, import substitution in the first half of the 20th Century, and the new international division of labor that we observe from the middle of the 1960s onwards did not really change the structures of inequality in the world system. While mass demand and agricultural structures (Elsenhans, 1983) were responsible for the transition from the tributary mode of production in Western Europe to capitalism from the Long 16th Century onwards, periphery capitalism was and is characterized by the following main tendencies: (i) regression in both agriculture and small scale industry characterizes the period after the onslaught of foreign domination and colonialism (ii) unequal international specialization of the periphery leads to the concentration of activities in export oriented agriculture and or mining. Some industrialization of the periphery is possible under the condition of low wages, which, together with rising productivity, determine that unequal exchange sets in (double factorial terms of trade < 1.0; see Raffer, 1987 and above) (iii) these structures determine in the long run a rapidly growing tertiary sector with hidden unemployment and the rising importance of rent in the overall social and economic system (iv) the development blocks of peripheral capitalism (chronic current account balance deficits, re-exported profits of foreign investments, deficient business cycles of the periphery, that provides important markets for the centers during world economic upswings) (v) structural imbalances in the political and social relationships, inter alia a strong 'compradore' element and the rising importance of state capitalism and an indebted state class What tendencies, then, do emerge from the multivariate analysis of international development in the post-1980/1989 world in 134 countries with fairly consistent and complete data? Is Arrighi's hypothesis about the 'deregulatory logic' of post-1980 capitalism confirmed by the data? And what about the other hypotheses of 'world system research'? First of all, MNC penetration (UNCTAD measure, 1985) significantly lowers human development, and increases - ceteris paribus - infant mortality. Under inclusion of the world of former 'real' socialism, the curve-linear effect of the development level on subsequent economic growth is partially taken over by variables, pertaining to the employment structure. Both the saturation effects of 'mature capitalism' with a high labor force participation rate as well as periphery capitalism's blocked rural transformation are responsible for slow economic growth. Again, only the statistically significant effects, that cannot be explained by simple random, are being taken into account. Countries with a large labor force participation ratio, and hence, a relatively smaller industrial de-facto reserve army of employment, grow slower than countries at the middle income level with a still larger industrial reserve army outside agriculture and a relatively abundant supply of labor on the labor market. Our results about the (female) reserve army are again confirmed here, now on a more general level. One plausible reason for this shift in predictive power away from the Matthew's effect to the employment structure is the still preliminary character of income data from Eastern Europe. Wage flexibility in the urban sector seems to be another of the main underlying processes here. But on the other hand, predominantly rural societies at the present stage of globalization are being negatively affected by the ongoing urban bias in world development (M. Lipton). Above, we already drew attention to the fact of the structural development blocks in Europe. Seen from the perspective of Third World development, it is amazing to see how some European countries repeat the experience of what Armando Cordova and Samir Amin once called 'structural heterogeneity' and what development sociologists today also call - somewhat differently from Michael Lipton - structural disarticulation. Especially those countries, that were once or still are characterized by big landholding and or extensive agriculture, implanted in the world system during the Long 16th Century, like most of the nations of the world's East and South, are still doomed to slow economic growth, slow human development, and relatively higher infant mortality rates. In terms of measurement, it boils down to the same effect: disarticulation, urban bias, structural heterogeneity - they all happen, whenever agriculture has a much larger share in national labor than in national product, reflecting the relative discrimination of the rural sector in society. Hence also the negative effect of agricultural employment on growth. Redistribution of incomes is significantly affected by the 'Kuznets curve' by the labor supply rate, and hence, population growth, and by the power status of a nation in the world economy (market size). Katzenstein's theory is not vindicated here. The process of bourgeoisie nation formation (Amin does not use the term 'nation building') before the First World War is also a crucial determinant of today's growth and development chances in the world system. Those nations, that were founding members of the UN in 1945 - and hence have a high UN membership age - disproportionately reap the benefits of economic growth today. The international system indeed seems to work like a single, huge, distribution coalition - or to put in Samir Amin's words - the international system favors at least some of the five monopolies. Economic growth disproportionately favors countries with a long-established record of UN-membership. Participation in the 'distribution coalition' of world power allows for a better access to the distributed goods, while the predominantly rural societies of the 'Fourth' and 'Fifth' World are being excluded from the benefits. Those, that have access in the established networks of distribution coalitions, accumulate even more economic power. The human capital effort, darling of nearly all contemporary models and speeches of the Western development establishment, indeed pays off in terms of economic growth, but not in terms of human development and infant mortality reduction, mainly because of its legacy under totalitarian structures. And Deutsch's stability theory is again vindicated here; mainly because a strong state sector role in the economy and low initial exposure to 'modernization' (high population growth) still dampen war intensity, while modernization under way (high mean years of schooling) increase conflict intensity. State sector size affects growth in a way, as predicted by both conventional and radical economic theory. But - contrary to Amin's expectations - the economic burden of the military sector today also significantly and negative affects economic growth at the level of the 134 nations under analysis. Amin's own theory would allow for such an interpretation: the state class, bureaucratic all block against development; militarization, first and foremost, is bureaucratization; while only a handful of nations might reap (if at all?) the benefits of militarily controlling the globe. The effect of militarism must be further qualified: growth is hampered by high military expenditures, but employment is increased. Thus Amin's hypotheses, derived from his theory, must be qualified: there is positive employment, but a negative growth effect of monopoly number five in the world system, militarism. Further research should also look into the current account balance effects of militarism and world power political status. High military expenditures are closely linked to the conflict zones of this world, as measured by the indicator War Years from 1990 to 1995. Small states do not tend, in Katzenstein's sense, towards redistribution but towards a higher income inequality; the economic burden of international power is seen in the negative correlation between absolute GNP and economic growth; or to put it reverse, small markets have only a partially optimistic growth perspective. Their growth will tend to be fast, but not egalitarian. Former communist countries could grow rapidly , but often stagnate, not because they are former communist nations, but because their human capital effort is too low, because their peripheral state is too bureaucratic and too big, because their wage flexibility is too low, because their military burden rate is too high, and because their rural populations are being discriminated against. But per se, the tendencies of world society after 1980 during the new cyclical set-up seem to suggest, that a world political experience as a former communist nation does not block against subsequent economic growth. Again: absolute market size is not a precondition of subsequent economic growth anymore, as successful island nations like Mauritius, show impressively. Our equation determines 46.6% of economic growth from 1980 onwards; the F-statistic for the whole equation is 8.05, with 120 degrees of freedom. What flexible specialization has to offer to the megalomania of current European Union thinking, would be open for a debate. Human development, on the other hand, is positively determined by a high agricultural share, and hence the absence of what Michael Lipton once called the 'urban bias of world development'. It is also being negatively determined by a high ratio of foreign direct investment penetration. Thus, recent findings of cross-national development research, most notably Huang (1995) are being confirmed anew. Our two statements are very well compatible with the essence of dependency theories. A development, that is dependent to a large extent on foreign capital, is socially polarizing and regionally exclusive. The rural regions stagnate relatively, while the rich urban centers are receiving disproportionate shares of the newly created wealth. But ceteris paribus, it also emerges, that a concerted effort in only one area of human capital formation - education - without the proper health policy effort can be negatively affecting human development. Poland comes to my mind here: education data for Poland are still better than health data, where the need for reform is especially dramatic. Highly repressive totalitarian communist regimes - in the past - had a relatively good quantitative record in the education sector, that was connected with severe deficits in other areas of social policy. This same effect also holds for the determination of infant mortality rates. A policy of high labor force participation ratios, and hence, full employment, less urban bias and chances for rural employment all reduce infant mortality rates significantly, while communist power experience, foreign capital penetration and a one-sided human capital policy, concentrated on schooling, all contribute significantly to higher infant mortality rates. Employment - here labor force participation rates, are being determined by a Kuznets-type non-linear process. Agricultural structures first block against higher employment ratios in the formal sector, and later on, services, rather than industry, are being able to soak up reserves of unemployment and to guarantee high labor force participation ratios. At later stages of economic development, population growth is positively related to employment; without a certain demographic dynamism, mature societies have indeed to die. Military expenditures are significantly and positively related to higher labor force participation ratios, thus repeating the worst fears about 'military Keynesianism' in our age. The war experience of a nation is only weakly determined in our model (14.9%); yet, the most significant results are achieved by the state sector and low social mobilization (high population growth), working against a prolonged war experience, while military expenditures and mean years of schooling enhance the conflict potential: the state neutralizes violence potential, while modernization and social mobilization does. Finally, income inequality is being determined - in an almost brutal Wallersteinean sense - (41.3%) - by the Kuznets curve, population growth, and by the absence of a position of power in the international system (absolute GNP). 35) There is the danger, that Euro-monetarism will accelerate the tendency of the world system on its path towards financial speculation, narco-capitalism, and the shifting of resources away from the Atlantic region towards the Pacific. On the other hand, it is evident that Europe's long-term ascent from the Long 16th Century onwards from the state of a former periphery of the world system to a center (Arrighi, 1995; Amin, 1975), which was based on agrarian reform and mass demand, is now threatening to be reversed by the application of monetary orthodoxy. The Maastricht debate is characterized by the following basic fallacies: Fallacy number one: by high unemployment you can control inflation. At the outset of this technical appendix, we would thus like to state that unemployment, first of all, is an enormous waste of economic resources. Thus, only at very small and at very high levels of already existing unemployment, a 'shock therapy' might work to flatten out budget deficits. But else, there is an across the board negative correlation between unemployment and budget surplus, i.e. increasing unemployment still increases deficits. Savings has limits. And here, the sad story of Euro-'monetarism' begins (the hyphens are to indicate, that the relationship between real monetarist theory of the Milton Friedman type to contemporary European applications is far from certain). And here, we start: 'Jacques Rueff, fierce 1950s critic of American monetary hegemony, once said: 'Europe will be built through a currency or it will not be built at all'. What the ERM story shows is quite the opposite: trying to lock countries like France and Germany together via their currencies does not forge one nation; instead it turns domestic monetary questions into international political conflicts' (Connolly, 1995: 1995) It is time to stress the fundamental weaknesses of the EMU project from the viewpoint of world system theory. Up to now, Europe does not form an integrated economic region with truly European transnational corporations; Europe forms only a preferential market (Amin, 1997). Secondly, Europe does not have a continental societal project, that would integrate such areas as research and development, public markets, and would have a joint commercial and corporate law, and as yet does not integrate the vital sectors of film and TV production. Trade union and other social law would have to be integrated, and Europe does not have as yet a joint project of external relations with the other regions of the world economy (Amin, 1997). The EMU project should facilitate a truly common market, the free movement of capital and stable external exchange rates. As the critics of the project have shown all along, the project could only function if there is a parallel economic and social policy in the member states of EMU; that means harmonization of tax and expenditure systems, the integration at the level of corporate policy, and the harmonization of trade union policy at the European level. There would have to be a coordinated European policy not only of the internal, but also of the external opening of markets - especially regarding foreign investment and capital inflows from third countries (Amin, 1997). I would even dare to say that neomarxists like Samir Amin and neo-liberals like Vaclav Klaus agree on the 'constructivist' approach of EMU - running counter to the world economic tendencies of contemporary capitalism. We all know by today the Maastricht criteria (Rothschild, 1997): a) in the examination year an inflation rate no more than 1.5 percent above the average of the three EU states with the lowest price rises b) a long-term rate of interest within two percentage points of the average of the three 'best' countries c) a national budget deficit (covering national, federal and local governments) less than 3 percent of GDP d) a public debt ratio which does not exceed 60 percent of GDP e) a currency for two years within the normal band of EMS Fallacy number two now arises: that economic theory supports the EURO. Academic economists found 24 main arguments against the EURO: (i) external changes and shocks will not be answered anymore by changes in the external exchange rate. Since the exchange rate is not anymore a factor of economic policy regulation, either migration, wage flexibility, fiscal policy or economic transfers from other countries will become the main regulatory mechanisms in the new, monetarily united Union (Klaus, 1997; Beirat 1996; Stephen Roach from Morgan Stanley Dean Witter, Neue Zuercher Zeitung, Monday, 16th of June, 1997: 16). Fiscal policy under Maastricht is also 'crowded' out, so practically only wage policy and or migration remains as the economic adaptation mechanism of a country to react to external shocks (Beirat, 1996) (ii) but labor is not that flexible; so the result will be - in all probability - economic transfers within the EMU countries. Economic transfers are the inevitable result of monetary union (a contradiction, perhaps spelt out most clearly by the neo-liberal acting Czech Premier and economist Vaclav Klaus, 1997). This scenario will lead to the inevitable result of a loss of autonomy of national fiscal policies (Klaus, 1997). Such a scenario is all the more likely since there is no convergence in the productivity of labor in the EMU countries themselves. Without a financial transfer system from the rich to the poor regions, EMU will prove to be not operational, anywhere up to $bn 1000 DM will have to be transferred (Borchert, Sueddeutsche Zeitung, 1st March, 1997: 25), thus repeating the experience of the integration of the New Laender into the Federal Republic (iii) the problems of the classic 'euro-monetarist' Maastricht package are compounded by the fact that not governments, but parliaments decide on fiscal policy in European democracies - thus making the signatures of heads of governments or foreign ministers under treaties of stability liable to parliamentary control - or worse - Maastricht would have led to the gradual erosion of the role of the national parliaments in favor of the executive branch (iv) according to the textbooks, the function of financial markets is the transfer of savings into the financing of real economic investments (Beirat, 1996). On a global scale, European and Atlantic region savings in general will be transferred to real economic investments in Asia, the most dynamic region of the capitalist world economy (Arrighi, 1995). Gross domestic savings in the European Union are only 20%, and gross domestic investment only 19% of GDP. In the US, savings (15%) and investments (16%) are even lower. For the moment, the international system seems to work in a very simple way: international debts finance the Asian/US economic compound. On a global scale, East Asia achieves an investment boom (37% investments per GDP), followed by South-East Asia and the Pacific region (33%), while Eastern Europe and the CIS stand at 22% savings and investments each (UNDP, 1996). Only Sub-Saharan Africa has a lower savings and investments rate than the EU and the USA. At the heart of the 'euro-monetarist' Maastricht prescriptions against the European ills now lies the assumption, that monetary policy will influence only prices, but not output and employment. The EMU-optimists hope that the single currency will be an ideal instrument for Europe to sustain in international economic competition. But a 'hard' EURO will be of a negative influence on trade-, and hence, on European current account balances with the rest of the world, since European exports will become more expensive and European imports will become cheaper. Until now, de-valuations were a proper economic policy instrument of the weaker European economies to balance their negative current accounts, as the example of Spain and Italy over the last years amply demonstrates. This instrument would now be absent; only migration, the wage rate and or unemployment would be the only options left for the European mezzogiorno under EMU (Boyer, 1996). A sinister argument could even be, that the motives for the EMU project could be rather inner-European competition. A 'hard' EURO comprising the European mezzogiorno, would ruin exporters in the South (that made important headways against the dominance of German TNCs in Europe over recent years) while cementing the position of German and a few other multinationals - banks and companies - on an increasingly protected European home market. Then, indeed, the European Union would become what Samir Amin has contemptuously called 'The Fourth Reich' (Amin, 1997). Germany, far away from being Europe's 'growth locomotive', is on its 'best' way to become an economy, typically characterized by double deficits: total debts of the public sector exploding since the 1970s (now reaching DEMbn 2133.3); subventions now standing at DEMbn 116.2; the current account balance deficit 0.6% of GDP, unemployment, for years cosmetically 'polished up' by excluding the German East from the country's international statistics, now at 11.2% and reaching the highest levels since the end of the Weimar Republic (v) on the other hand, the 'euro-monetarist' package against future inflation under EMU, that solely relies on 5 monetary criteria, overlooks the very plausible role of encompassing trade unions in combating inflation - an argument, originally also conceded by neo-liberal economic theory. Furthermore, the 'euro-monetarist' Maastricht strategy, as envisaged by around 1995-1997, would have brought about a monetary union between precisely those EU countries that already are in the upper 1/4 or 1/3 of stability on the European continent - with uncertain implications for the unfortunate rest (Beirat, 1996). The election victory of the French left on June 1st 1997 is inseparable from the strains that the original 'euro-monetarist' interpretation of the Maastricht project brought about. The annual rate of inflation in EU-Europe is the minor problem: the real problem is massive European unemployment (vi) you cannot exclude an entire region from the project of European Monetary Union. The Kohl/Waigel strategy would have relied on the European North, and not on the South. The political backlash against Euro-monetarism, Frankfurt (Franc fort?)-style, is only too well understandable, considering the high social costs that French society in particular would have had to bear. Dramatic words are being used by European politicians nowadays: the EURO should guarantee peace on the European continent et cetera. But the reality is different: it creates the very conflicts between a 'hard' and a 'soft' European economic zone. But 'weak' Euro' would, most probably, also be no alternative: restructuring of ailing European enterprises will be postponed; with capital markets most probably reacting by pushing up interest rates (Neue Zuercher Zeitung, 16th of June, 1997: 9), thus prolonging the vicious downward cycle of the European political economy. The only real alternative would be to follow a socio-liberal flexible growth path, Danish, Dutch, Irish or Asian style (vii) export markets of the 'ins' are heavily dependent on precisely those European nations, whose participation in the EMU project was long considered to be doubtful. But currency de-valuations in the 'outs' would be a high probability during the initial phases of the project, thus making the employment situation in the 'ins' all the more difficult. Germany and France lost important market shares in Italy during 1992 - 1994 (Beirat, 1996). The 10 countries which fulfilled two, three or four Maastricht criteria by 1996 (Belgium, Germany, Finland, Netherlands, France, Austria, Luxembourg, Denmark, Ireland, United Kingdom) would have had 55 votes on the EU council, while the 'outs' (Sweden and the European 'mezzogiorno') would have had enough votes (32) to block voting in the Council (Beirat, 1996; our own calculations from Weixner and Wimmer, 1997). This perspective could have also blocked the project of extending Europe eastward (viii) all this will lead to a 'deficit' of democracy in the Union; in accordance with the liberal doctrine that the weakening of democracy is - inter alia - the result of the geographical distance between the locality, where decisions are taken, and the citizens, who are the subject of these decisions (Klaus, 1997) (ix) 1996, Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece did not meet any of the first four criteria; Sweden missed three criteria; Germany and Austria two; and the rest of the Union at least one of the criteria (Weixner and Wimmer, 1997). Only Luxembourg meets all the five Maastricht criteria (Weixner and Wimmer, 1997; Rothschild, 1997) (x) international financial speculation will prove to be a formidable factor in the line-up for the realization of the whole project. On 'Black Friday', July 30th 1993, the Bundesbank had to buy foreign currencies to the tune of $bn 30 DM under the old EMS (Weixner and Wimmer, 1997). Now, the political conflict lines in Europe would suggest: either a 'weaker' EURO against the Dollar and the Yen, which is good for the European export industries and the European South on the world markets; an option, probably supported by the new left wing governments around Europe; with the inevitable flight into real estate and the Dollar by the accumulated wealth in Germany (and, to a minor extent in the other countries) to the tune of over DMbn 4000 to DMbn 5000 as the immediate consequence; or Maastricht is realized at the cost of transforming the European East and South into a mirror-picture of the process of the integration of the New Laender into Germany after 1989. The vast size of accumulated savings in Germany, together with the savings of the European shadow economy, are an immense pool of potential speculative money, should the EURO project get into real trouble. Anything can happen: transfers into US $, real estate, Yen, Swiss Francs, Swedish Crones. Remember in this context, that - compared to these huge amounts of accumulated legal and illegal wealth - the German currency reserves are 'only' $bn 80.2: a sustained speculation against the Deutschmark on the international financial markets could trigger-off a panic reaction on the part of German wealth-holders, which could mean the end of the EMU project. Hardly observed is the fact, that German currency reserves amounted $bn 85.3 in 1996 and melted down to 80.2 in March 1997 . International currency reserves could melt under such circumstances like an atomic reactor during a greatest possible accident. Seen in such a way, the political class that rules Germany knew well enough, why it insisted all along on a 'hard EURO' - to the detriment of European export industries. But you cannot expect banking capital to rule against banking capital. In a real battle over international finances, the European strategic currency reserves are small compared to the rising Asian reserves, brought about by the enormous accumulated current account balances over the years. In 1997, Taiwan alone had currency reserves to the tune of $bn 88.0; Japan 218.2; China 114.0; Hong Kong 69.6, Singapore 77.3; while Switzerland had 35.3; and the USA only 56.2, with the big European economies like France, Spain, the Netherlands and Italy holding reserves to the tune of around 25 to 60 billion $ each . Well-established German financial institutes already more and more propagate Dollar savings accounts - a clear sign how real the transfer of German savings into US $ already has become. It is significant, that the European mezzogiorno states Spain (60.6) and Italy (45.4) have increased their foreign currency reserves by about $bn 30 last year, and together already have larger reserves than the Federal Republic of Germany (xi) public opinion in the richer countries of the Union is mostly against the whole project, with rejection rates in 1996 already ranging from 46% in Austria to 64% in Denmark (Weixner and Wimmer, 1997) (xii) the erosion of the EMU-project finds it's counterpart in the erosion of the state of public finances in the Federal Republic of Germany. The economic consequences of Mr. Theo Waigel are very clear to judge: he presided over the doubling of Germany's public sector debt to $bn 1259 during his record tenure as Germany's longest-serving finance minister. Hid 'defiant alchemism' in his bitter dispute with the Bundesbank over German gold reserves is but the last straw in a long chain of events (Financial Times, Weekend, May 31st, June 1st, 1997) (xiii) the shadow economy will partially have to come out from the darkness, most probably increasing the already existing capital flight into the Dollar, the Yen, and into real estate. Indeed, considering the volatile character of international finances, a real avalanche could ensue, making the EMU-project impossible (xiv) the Maastricht criteria will prove to be an instrument of anti-Keynesian global governance (Raffer, 1997). But the reception of neo-liberal economics by the EU-Commission and the Maastricht heads of governments was highly selective: while they seem to imply the importance of 5 monetary criteria, the Union overlooks day by day other neo-liberal prescriptions in important policy areas - from human capital policy over trade policy to agriculture (xv) if General Motors, AT & T, and individual households had been required to balance their budgets in the manner applied to the Federal Government (which in the US is under similar pressures as the governments in Europe), there would be no corporate bonds, no bank loans, and many fewer automobiles, telephones and houses (Vickrey, 1996). The Maastricht criteria are part and parcel of the 15 fatal fallacies of financial fundamentalism (xvi) a more useful arrangement than Maastricht would have been to achieve first a certain degree of political cohesion in order to arrive at a more consensual democratic and better enforceable economic framework (Rothschild, 1997; Amin, 1997) (xvii) there are fundamental differences between the 'freedoms' for capital and labor - the first can be moved without having to learn a language and without leaving behind friends and a familiar environment - labor even when organized in a union cannot threaten to transfer as body to another firm or country. The freedom of labor does not present a countervailing power to the bargaining power obtained by business through the complete liberalization of capital movements; on the contrary; that bargaining power is strengthened by the uninhibited possibility of attracting workers from low-wage EU countries (Rothschild, 1997). The basic policy approach of Maastricht and the Commission overlooks this important fact (xviii) real outcomes in economic life, such as growth, employment, productivity, development, income distribution, do not figure at all in the so-called convergence criteria (Rothschild, 1997) (xix) full employment is a good precondition against inflation (xx) the harmonization of social conditions in the Union by the Social Charta remains one of the most important tasks for an effective, real monetary union, because this would lay down the conditions for a convergence in the real welfare conditions of the countries concerned (Rothschild, 1997) (xxi) with the Maastricht criteria, Kalecki's prediction, dated 1943, about a political business cycle with the entrepreneurs losing any real interest in full employment would come true (Rothschild, 1997; Raffer, 1997) (xxii) the institutionalized acceptance of neo-classical economics, inherent in the Maastricht criteria, is only one-sided. The Free Market optimism which had been developed on the assumptions of atomistic competition between powerless firms is transferred to a world of oligolopolies and mammoth corporations (Rothschild, 1997). (xxiii) the negative attitude to special protective treatment for the poorer regions and their development is the more astonishing in view of the fact that the Union is not opening it's own economic frontiers world-wide (Rothschild, 1997) (xxiv) the conflict between the 'ins' and the 'outs' would increase instead of decrease under a scenario of a strict implementation of the Maastricht criteria. Eastward extension of the Union would be more important than monetary union (Amin, 1997). Maastricht-style monetary union would, especially for the new members of the Union in the East, mean a two-class type of European integration Fallacy number three now consists in the assumption, that you can exclude the shadow economy and their accumulated savings from the EURO debate. A new currency will mean for the gangsters: open the money suitcases and try to exchange or place any bill that is not yet placed. But for many members of the huge and growing criminal underworld (there were 87 prisoners per 100000 population in the EU alone in 1993; i.e. a rise against the 77 per 100000 in 1987) the question of EMU is also a fundamental one: emerge with the cash? Place it somewhere? Exchange it for $ bills? To give an impression of the size of the criminal underworld, it might suffice here to state that in EU countries alone, there is a prison population of about 320000 people. Extending the Union eastwards and including the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Poland, would mean adding another 153000 people to this entire army. Just to give an imagination about the size of the problem, it might suffice here to state that by comparison, the entire armed forces of the European Union are only 2068000 people (all data calculated from UNDP, 1997). Recently, the international press has put the existing dangers in such terms: Rising Wave of Mafia-Style Violence Terrorizes Eastern European Nations Crime: Police seem helpless to deal with killings and bombings. Transition from communism to market economy helped create opportunities for gangs. Los Angeles Times SUNDAY January 19, 1997 JUDITH INGRAM; ASSOCIATED PRESS The businessman walked the few steps from home to his Jeep Cherokee before he was cut down by a bullet through the temple, fired from a silencer-equipped, large-caliber pistol about three yards away. No one saw the murder of Jozsef Prisztas, who was allegedly linked to gangsters, on a residential Budapest street shortly before noon on Nov. 1. At least, no one was talking. The slaying was emblematic of the Mafia-style crime wave that has taken hold across much of post-Communist Eastern Europe--where citizens were ready for just about everything democracy could bring except the terror of organized crime. No week goes by without a message from the underworld: a bus or car bomb here, a grenade there. Robbery, murder, the smuggling of drugs, arms and people, and money laundering are on the rise. Huge caches of smuggled weapons have shown up in Slovenia, the former Yugoslav republic between the Alps and the Adriatic Sea. Bombs have ripped through currency-exchange booths in Prague, capital of the Czech Republic. A former Bulgarian premier, Andrei Lukanov, was gunned down in a Sofia street in broad daylight and the country's underworld was blamed. Across half a continent, gangland violence has spread fear--and left courts, police and politicians flailing. "We say that Europe has to unite," said France Bucar, a veteran anti-Communist dissident who recently stepped down as head of Slovenia's parliamentary security commission. "But organized crime discovered this already before. And the victim of all this is the security of our society. "Eastern Europe's gangs have grown rich on the divide between their countries and the West, supplying what legitimate businessmen couldn't: first pantyhose and jeans, then computer parts and drugs, finally "protection" for money, property and lives. The current gangland wars among Eastern Europe's underworld princes reflect just how big the stakes have grown. In Hungary, bomb explosions, hand-grenade attacks and shootings killed three men and seriously wounded three in November and December. The toll is not out of line with many Western nations--Budapest reported 60 murders among its 2 million residents in 1995, which compares with 72 in Berlin with nearly twice the population but 131 in Cleveland with one-fourth the people. But the bloodshed shocked this normally placid society because the police seem helpless. "Maybe it's a conflict of interest or a turf dispute, but we also think that someone made off with billions of forints, and that there's real estate speculation involved," said Laszlo Garamvoelgyi, spokesman for Hungary's national police. Organized crime spread rapidly in the legal limbo that accompanied Eastern Europe's transition from communism to a market economy. From restaurants and entertainment spots, gangs moved into protection rackets, loan-sharking and the drug trade--especially after the wars in former Yugoslavia shut down a key east-west narcotics route. In Hungary, illegal oil-importing schemes have reportedly netted huge amounts of money for the underworld. Prisztas' killing marked a new, deadly turn in Budapest's gangland war. Within three weeks, two of his associates were seriously wounded--jockey Csaba Lakatos, shot near the stables at Budapest's racetrack, and Pal Totka, a fish wholesaler and former boxer shot in the courtyard of his apartment building. As organized crime has flourished, officialdom has all but admitted defeat. In Maribor, a bucolic Slovenian town at the foot of the Alps, the mayor, Alojz Krizman, says the "mafia" rules in his nation. Take local anti-hero Maksmilijan Vollmajer. Before his death in a car crash this autumn, Vollmajer was as well known across the cozy Alpine country of just under 2 million people as its president or premier. "His name had become a symbol for the nonfunctioning of the rule of law," said Otmar Klepsteter, a Slovenian journalist. Vollmajer spent time in prison in neighboring Austria before rising to notoriety in the post-Communist chaos of Yugoslavia's breakup. Police and locals say he built a profitable line in illegal drugs, insurance scams and violent retribution on any foe. In 1994, he was even convicted for some of the 65 crimes police charged him with. But a liberal justice system--devised by those who wanted to break the heavy hand wielded by the police under communism--led an appeals court to overturn the sentence. Police allege Vollmajer took revenge by planting a bomb that missed the judge who had dared sentence him, but did maim the judge's wife. That was just one of 12 explosions that "poured fuel on the fire" in Maribor this past year, local police chief Milan Kus said. No one was killed. "The aim of these explosions is not an attack on bodies or life, but to spread fear," Kus said. Copyright © 1997, Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times© 1997 Los Angeles Times. All rights reserved. DIALOG® File Number 630 Accession Number 2540137 Organized Crime Goes Global While the U. S. Stays Home The Washington Post May 11, 1997 Edition: FINAL By: John F. Kerry Most Americans still refuse to believe just how well-organized global crime has become. Such groups as the Russian mafia and the Chinese triads exist only in the slick fantasy world of television, movies and thriller novels. Like the dark and powerful men of the "Godfather" trilogy, they may thrill us or chill us, but we don't recognize them as a serious, unprecedented threat.Bu t a new criminal order is being born, more interconnected, violent and powerful than the world has ever seen. To fight it, we have to make fundamental changes in our legal and law enforcement structure, and encourage other nations to do the same. In strategy, sophistication and reach, the criminal organizations of the late 20th century function like transnational corporations and make the gangs of the past look like mom-and-pop operations. Today's criminal cartels use high-speed modems and encrypted faxes; they buy jet airplanes three or four at a time and even have stealth-like submersibles in their armadas. They hire the finest minds to provide the kind of complex accounting procedures any multi-billion-dollar empire requires. In one sense, this phenomenon can best be understood as part of the same great process of change that is transforming nearly all aspects of modern life. As Harvard's Rosabeth Moss Kanter has said, "The world century is beginning. " And, I would add, the century of world crime. Crime has been globalized along with everything else -- except our response to it. America is the great prize for criminals, the prime market for imported narcotics, weapons and vice. For that, Americans are, in part, responsible: We create the demand for these products. Individuals must be held accountable when they buy cocaine, guns and the services of prostitutes. But we must also recognize that the temptation to purchase is now enhanced by sophisticated organizations totally focused on the global marketing of vicious products and violent services, and capable of the wholesale corruption of governments and societies to protect these enterprises. As the former director of the CIA, James Woolsey, testified before my committee: "When international organized crime can threaten the stability of regions and the very viability of nations, the issues are far from being exclusively in the realm of law enforcement; they also become a matter of national security." A decade ago, my committee investigators and I began to uncover portions of a common international infrastructure for crime. We interviewed criminals inside various U. S. prisons and found that they had remarkable access to political figures in countries all over the world. This work led me to the drug network of Manuel Noriega and eventually to the place he laundered his money, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). During the dozens of hearings I held, I was able to expose a lot about this hidden world. But I felt that in the day-to-day headlines, some of the scope of what I was seeing had yet to be adequately described. The new global criminal axis is composed of five principal powers in league with a host of lesser ones. The Big Five are the Italian Mafia, the Russian mobs, the Japanese yakuza, the Chinese triads and the Colombian cartels. They coordinate with smaller but highly organized gangs with distinct specialties in such countries as Nigeria, Poland, Jamaica and Panama, which remains a significant transshipment and money-laundering point even after the arrest of General Noriega. Various alliances among these groups are still in the formative stage, but all indications are that those relations are rapidly becoming more complex and coordinated. For instance, in the summer of 1992 the leaders of the Russian and Italian mobs held a series of secret summits in Prague, Warsaw and Zurich. Our intelligence on these kinds of gatherings is woefully inadequate, but we can tell much from the results. They decided that rather than compete in the drug trade, they would form a strategic alliance: The Sicilians now provide the know-how to acquire and market the drugs, and the Russians provide security for transit routes and distribution networks throughout the former Soviet empire. To see where these interconnections can lead, consider such cases as the contract hit man who flew in from Moscow to kill an uncooperative store owner in New York, on behalf of the Organizatsiya. He got his fake papers by supplying the Sicilian Mafia with Soviet Army surplus ground-to-air missiles to smuggle into the Balkans to supply the Bosnian Serbs with the firepower to take on U. N. security forces. As French journalist Roger Faligot documented in his recent book on Chinese crime, "The Invisible Empire," Chinese, Japanese and Colombian criminals are working together in the drug trade: "The Colombian cartels produce the cocaine, the Chinese take it in exchange for heroin that can then be smuggled into the U. S. The triads bring cocaine to Japan and distribute it with the help of the yakuzas. Then the Asian mafiosi launder their drug money in Europe. " The triads also have spun out extortion and loan-sharking operations to major British cities such as London, Manchester and Glasgow; heroin trafficking to Rotterdam; prostitution, gambling, robbery and contract murder to Germany; money laundering to Prague; weapons trafficking to Romania, and alien smuggling to Moscow. In 1995, Italian officials uncovered a sophisticated joint venture between the Camorra crime group and the Russian mafia. The Russians received counterfeit $100 bills in exchange for giving the Italians property, possibly including a large bank, and significant arms shipments. The Italians also buy large quantities of the synthetic narcotics that are becoming a major industry in Russia. There is evidence that the American mafia, perhaps in an effort to modernize and rejuvenate, is striking similar alliances. Anthony "Gaspipe" Casso, the former acting boss of the Lucchese crime family in New York, has told investigators about New York mobsters taking part in scams developed by the Russians, especially gasoline tax frauds and gasoline bootlegging. "The Russians supplied the brains and the Mafia supplied the hit men," one investigator said. America must lead the world in the fight against these private criminal enterprises just as we led the world in the fight against public criminal governments. But we cannot fight alone; we need to create a new international alliance to meet the threats, like the alliances that defeated fascism, communism and Saddam Hussein. We need a revolution in the way we conceive of every aspect of the law, from jurisdiction to punishment. We need to move beyond traditional notions of national sovereignty when those notions benefit only the bad guys. When a Dominican hit man comes to the United States and engages in a contract killing that winds up also taking the lives of innocent bystanders, he knows he's scot-free if he can reach Dominican soil before the United States grabs him. The same is true if he is Panamanian, Costa Rican, Russian or, for all practical purposes, French. When a Colombian drug trafficker in a Honduran-flagged boat enters French or Dutch waters off the Caribbean island of St. Martin, he knows the pursuing U. S. Coast Guard vessel will have to stop at the three-mile limit. We have to recognize that the world's patchwork quilt of legal systems is as much an anachronism as carbon paper. A working system of laws to combat transnational crime must be hammered out among nations of good will. These would include: * Minimum standards of international law. Nations must agree both on a consistent system of laws and a consistent system of punishment. As matters now stand, money laundering is not a crime in Turkey or Russia; extradition is constitutionally banned in Colombia; and illicit financial dealings still account for too much of the business of banking systems in countries like Switzerland and Austria. * Crackdown on money laundering. The dozen or so countries, such as the Cayman Islands, Cyprus and Vanuatu, that have become centers for laundering and sheltering money must be made to desist. The United States has the power: We could refuse to allow pirate financiers to move currency through the U. S. , or impose customs limitations on their trade and search all their cargoes, or forbid Americans to do business there. * Controls on electronic money. We must insist that the electronic movement of capital be regulated far more strictly. The technology is available to monitor all electronic money transfers. But bankers, although they pretend otherwise, aren't doing all they can to identify the sources of money crossing their threshold. We need to make sure they understand their obligations as key players in enforcement efforts. * Global asset forfeiture laws. The personal holdings of criminals are often located in any number of foreign lands -- yachts in the Caribbean, homes in the south of France. Each country should have laws allowing domestic and foreign law enforcement to seize and share the property of convicted criminals. * Transnational courts. In partnership with friendly nations, we need to experiment with a system of special courts to try at home cases involving victims abroad. In such cases, which would be accepted only by agreement between both nations, trials could take place wherever the evidence and witnesses were located, applying the laws of the country where the crime took place. * More U. S. law enforcement officers abroad. As FBI director Louis J. Freeh wrote recently, "If the FBI operates only in the United States, there is no way we can cope with crime threats of foreign origin that suddenly arrive full-blown in the United States. " We should add 1,000 officers to the 2,000 already stationed abroad. Every U. S. embassy should have a law enforcement team. The damage done by international crime is rarely as specific and dramatic as that of a terrorist attack, but in fact it is greater. We cannot see the billions of dollars hemorrhaging out of our economy. We cannot directly feel the violation of our sovereignty and territorial integrity by the smugglers of narcotics and human beings. We cannot easily envision the harm to our national security through the failure of countries that once bravely struggled for the dignity of freedom. If, however, we prove unable to connect the drive-by shooting with the jungle laboratory and the numbered account, we will fail to understand the world we live in. Worse, we will fail to meet our challenge at a critical junction in human history. Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass. ) chaired the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations. This article is adapted from his book, "The New War," to be published next month by Simon & Schuster. Washington Post Online (c) 1997 Washington Post. From chriscd@jhu.edu Fri Aug 8 12:19:36 1997 Fri, 08 Aug 1997 14:14:16 -0400 (EDT) Date: Fri, 08 Aug 1997 14:12:58 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [Fwd: Peace and War section] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --Boundary_[ID_jwjnob8xTlvVHxZf7tX7xw] attention marxist and pews sections: --Boundary_[ID_jwjnob8xTlvVHxZf7tX7xw] by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (950413.SGI.8.6.12/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) chriscd@jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu; Tue, 05 Aug 1997 00:06:13 -0400 (EDT) 04 Aug 1997 21:02:08 -0700 (PDT) 04 Aug 1997 20:59:12 -0700 (PDT) Date: Mon, 04 Aug 1997 20:59:12 -0700 (PDT) From: "Mary Anna C. Colwell" Subject: Peace and War section Sender: maccolwell@igc.org To: starry@warwick.netb, lr6694@sunams.usma.army.mil, chriscd@jhu.edu, chaisinb@saturn.montclair.edu, dconley@maismus-inc.com, pgcoy@suvm.acs.syr.edu, john_crist@usip.org, amcrowly@uci.edu, kennyc@unm.edu, tcushman@sallie.wellesley.edu Dear Colleagues in the Peace and War section and other friends in ASA, In a recent mailing from the ASA I learned to my great surprise that sections will be required to meet a minimum membership number of 300 over the next two years. Those which do not meet this number MAY be continued as official sections but only after a judgement about the vitality of the section, quality of work, etc. As with the peace movement and the "downsized" military establishment, we may be small, but lots of good work goes on among our members. However, sections kept alive via qualitative criteria alone will have only one official session at the annual meeting. So we need to work on the numbers. We urge you to come to all the great sessions planned in Toronto especially #385 considering the role of peace and war studies in sociology and to the business meeting Tuesday morning at 11:30 following the round table session (#341). After that the name change task force will meet - all are welcome - and changing the name may be one strategy for attracting new members between now and the Chicago meeting in 1999. Cerainly we hope every member will encourage departmental colleagues and graduate students with any interest in the field to sign up as long term members. Plus asking anyone you know who has done work on peace, nonviolence, social conflict or military sociology in the past, but is not now a member of the section, to rejoin us. We need to think of as many other strategies as we can to pull the membership up to 300. The current level is 231 - higher than it was this time last year due to Jenny Turpin's mass mailings to three other sections last fall. As a first step in this direction, please think about whether you and your department could support some postage and paper costs for the section for additional mailings. Another way to reach out is via the internet. Our current email list is about 100 - thanks to a student of Jenny's who put it all on a disk for us. We need to encourage all our colleagues in the section to give us their email address. Another big help would be someone who has the time and patience to check out as many of our members as possible through the various search engines so we can increase the number we reach through email. And if someone can manage a list serve so we can send things out without over 100 addresses on each message, that would be wonderful. Let's have your ideas in Toronto, if you are coming, or via the net if you are not going to be able to join us. We will need several people to work on this over time - please do not hesitate to offer whatever ideas or support you can. Yours for a bigger section in the future! Mary Anna C. Colwell - Chair- elect of the ASA Peace and War Section --Boundary_[ID_jwjnob8xTlvVHxZf7tX7xw]-- From dgrammen@prairienet.org Fri Aug 8 12:30:51 1997 Fri, 8 Aug 1997 13:29:32 -0500 (CDT) Date: Fri, 8 Aug 1997 13:29:31 -0500 (CDT) From: Dennis Grammenos Subject: G.E.O. News Update: GEO Gets Mass Support From Rallying Unionists in Chicago To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK =========================== Graduate Employees' Organization (GEO) IFT/AFT AFL-CIO 1001 S. Wright St. Champaign, IL 61820 Phone: (217) 344-8283 Fax: (217) 344-8281 http://www.uiuc.edu/ph/www/taunion IN CHICAGO UNIONS RALLY FOR JUSTICE URBANA-- Friday, 8 August 1997 On Thursday, 7 August 1997, a delegation of Graduate Employees' Organization (GEO) unionists, from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, traveled to Chicago to participate in a major "Justice For Janitors" union rally, sponsored by the AFL-CIO. Nearly 800 unionists gathered at Federal Plaza in Chicago's Loop to demonstrate their solidarity with the campaign to gain recognition for janitorial employees that have been attempting to organize against great corporate opposition. GEO Treasurer Dennis Grammenos was called on stage to deliver the opening speech of the rally. He stressed the need for solidarity among workers and the need for an activist labor movement. Grammenos outlined the history of the drive by graduate employees at the University of Illinois to unionize and pointed to the refusal of the university's administration to recognize the GEO. He explained how this refusal comes despite a large authorization-for-representation card drive in April 1996 that gathered the signatures of 3,226 graduate employees demanding the recognition of GEO by the administration. Furthermore, Grammenos pointed out that in April of this year the GEO won union elections --run according to IELRB rules-- in a two-to-one landslide. "To this day," he said, "the administration is refusing to recognize the democratic right of its graduate employees to unionize. They are hiding behind the thin veil of legal posturing as they argue that graduate workers are not employees but 'merely students'." At several points during Grammenos' speech, the Federal Plaza echoed with chants of "G-E-O, G-E-O" as rally participants expressed their solidarity with the struggles of the graduate employees. Grammenos was followed on stage by Cathy Colson, of the GEO at the University of Illinois in Chicago, who spoke of the campaign by graduate employees to organize at her campus. "We draw inspiration from our brothers and sisters in Urbana-Champaign," Colson said, "and we are strengthened by their resolve not to waiver in their struggle for Justice." Rich Trumka, secretary-treasurer of the AFL-CIO and president-emeritus of the UMWA, took the stage to call on corporate America to respect the right of workers to unionize. "And that includes the University of Illinois," he added. In his closing remarks, Trumka shouted "Justice for the janitors! Justice for the GEO!" as the crowd exploded in cheers and applause, followed by chants of "What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now!" Earlier in the day the GEO delegation attended a rally at Teamster City, in Chicago's Near West Side, where AFL-CIO president John Sweeney gave the keynote address. Hundreds of unionists signed letters calling on University of Illinois chancellor Michael Aiken to recognize the democratic right of graduate employees to unionize and to stop the university administration's "shameful union-busting campaign against its workers." Both John Sweeney and Rich Trumka signed letters and expressed their strong support for the GEO. GEO staffer Erin Shackelford, who attended the rallies, was impressed by the show of support for the GEO from the hundreds of unionists that had gathered from all over Illinois and adjoining states. "It is folks like this that have a lot to say to the university's administration," she explained. "They are tax-payers, they are parents, and they are union-workers. They are upset at the anti-labor tactics that the administration has been using and they demand that the University of Illinois respect the democratic right of its graduate employees to unionize." ========== From dgrammen@prairienet.org Fri Aug 8 13:51:29 1997 Fri, 8 Aug 1997 14:50:10 -0500 (CDT) Date: Fri, 8 Aug 1997 14:50:09 -0500 (CDT) From: Dennis Grammenos Subject: News Update: GEO and AFSCME Rally at the U. of Illinois To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK ================================ http://www.NEWS-GAZETTE.COM/story.cfm?Number=1056 ================================ THE NEWS-GAZETTE Champaign- Urbana - August 8, 1997 Grad assistants resume union effort By JULIE WURTH News-Gazette Staff Writer URBANA P Graduate students joined hands with union members Thursday to prod the university into recognizing a graduate employees union. Members of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees on campus this week for a workshop took part in a lunchtime rally by the Graduate Employees' Organization outside the Swanlund Administration Building. With chants and songs accompanied by a trumpet and trombone, protesters demanded the UI cease its "anti-union court battle" and recognize the Graduate Employees' Organization as the official bargaining agent for graduate assistants. They also signed letters of protest to Chancellor Michael Aiken, then delivered them one by one to his office on the third floor. However, Aiken was on vacation. Associate Chancellor William Murphy said about 60 letters were delivered. The Graduate Employees' Organization last year filed a petition to represent teaching assistants, research assistants and other graduate assistants at the UI. Previously, 3,226 of the roughly 5,800 graduate assistants signed cards calling for a union election. The university objected, arguing that graduate assistants are students first and that Illinois law does not allow students to unionize. An administrative law judge with the Illinois Educational Labor Relations Board agreed, but graduate assistants appealed her ruling. A decision on the appeal is expected this fall. Thursday's letter to Aiken criticized the UI's "union-busting campaign" and use of tax dollars to fight the organizing effort. The letter also noted that graduate assistants voted in favor of representation by the Graduate Employees' Organization, 1,663-906, in a mock election last spring. "How can you, in good conscience, ignore their democratic right to representation and use our tax dollars to fight the GEO?" the letter asked Aiken. "You should keep in mind that union members pay taxes and that they are parents that send their children to the University of Illinois." Murphy said the issue is in the hands of the Illinois Educational Labor Relations Board. "The university's maintained all along that its graduate students are students, and that assistantships are a form of financial aid, and that therefore assistantships are an inappropriate area for unionization," Murphy said. The graduate assistants are pushing for improved wages and health care, affordable child care, consistent hours and workloads, and grievance procedures. The Graduate Employees' Organization also joined a "Justice for Janitors" rally in Chicago on Thursday, part of the AFL-CIO Regional Organizing Conference. ========== 1997 The News-Gazette ========== From cjreid@netcom.com Mon Aug 11 16:37:22 1997 Date: Mon, 11 Aug 1997 15:36:58 -0700 (PDT) From: "Charles J. Reid" Subject: Meeting europeen de Venise To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Hi, Folks! FYI. Sorry, if you don't read French. -- Charlie Reid =20 =20 cjreid@netcom.com "Salus populi suprema est lex" (Cicero) The welfare of the people is the highest law. --------------------------------------------- ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sat, 9 Aug 1997 11:36:43 +0200 From: Ludo Subject: Meeting europeen de Venise Le 14 septembre prochain a=92 Venise, le parti de la ''Lega Nord'' a decide d=92organiser la celebration de la naissance d=92un nouvel Etat national, a= u sein de l=92Italie septentrionale, la Padanie. C=92est seulement le dernier acte chronologique d=92un processus social et politique qui a vu croitre dans ces derniers mois et dans l=92ensemble des regions du Nord de l=92Italie, en particulier dans le Nord-Est, une culture= et une pratique diffuse du =93secessionisme=94 : a=92 savoir un projet politiq= ue s=92affirmant de jour en jour, pouvant compter sur un consensus de masse, porteur de contenus exprimant clairement intollerance et racisme. Son objectif est la naissance d=92un nouveau =93micro-nationalisme=94, fonde a= =92 la fois sur =93l=92identite ethnique padanienne=94, sur de feroces politiques economiques neo-liberales et sur=20 l=92accroissement et l=92intensification des processus d=92exclusion social= e sur base raciale. Ils veulent un nouvel Etat en Europe, raciste et autoritaire, comme si nous n=92avions pas assez de ceux deja=92 existants, comme si la tragedie des pe= uples de l=92ex-Yougoslavie n=92avait pas servi de le=E7on, si besoin etait! Le =93micronationalisme padanien=94 est un des fruits empoisonnes que les grandes transformations productives et sociales de ces vingt-cint dernieres annees, la formation d=92un marche mondial guide par les politiques neo-liberales et le nouveau rapport qui s=92est instaure au sein de ce dern= ier entre =93global=94 et =93local=94 nous ont consigne. La lutte sans quartiers contre les derives barbares et la desagregation que cette situation nous laisse entrevoir est un des bancs d=92essai sur lesque= ls doivent se mesurer tous les sujets engages dans la recherche et la construction de nouveaux parcours de liberation, pour un monde a=92 la mesu= re des femmes et des hommes, plus libre et plus juste.=20 Les trois journees de septembre a=92 Venise sont l=92occasion de demontrer = une claire et nette opposition, sur le terrain du conflit ouvert et de masse, a= =92 toute hypothese secessionniste et raciste, avec l=92ouverture d=92un espace permettant une vraie rencontre , non formelle, avec toutes les experiences sociales et politiques qui se confrontent aux nouvelles contradictions actuelles et qui sentent le desir d=92experimenter de nouvelles voies de l=92agir politique et de nouveaux horizons de la transformation sociale. No= us invitons tous a=92 une ample discussion qui nous permette de repenser l=92a= ction politique antagoniste pour une nouvelle charte des droits, s=92inserant dan= s le rapport =93global=94 et =93local=94. Pour la premiere fois dans l=92histoire, en fait, le =93monde=94 se present= e effectivement ainsi : evenements et situations, dans des lieux les plus loins et des territoires les plus diverses, se presentent et se connectent a=92 l=92interieur d=92une seule et grande scene, le marche mondial. - La =93globalisation=94 avance, avec une force explosive et impetueuse: el= le detruit les vieilles relations et racines, subvertit et transforme litteralement les modeles de vie, de production, de reproduction, de consommation ..., tout en redessinant territoires et appartenances, et en creant nouvelles frontieres et descriminations ...=20 Elle construit de nouveaux privileges, de nouvelles hierarchies et injustices en tous points de la planete: rien n=92echappe a=92 cette puissa= nte =93machine=94 qui a la meme force que l=92accumulation originelle! - La globalisation se fait a=92 l=92enseigne du triomphe du capitalisme, du marche, de la =93violence de la monnaie=94 : tout autre alternative semble disparue de la scene de l=92histoire. La =93pensee unique=94, celle du marche global, ce nouveau monstre totalita= ire et l=92 =93exploitation de l=92homme par l=92homme=94 semblent un destin in= eluctable, pratiquement comme s=92il s=92agissait de lois naturelles. =93L=92Histoire est finie... !=94 s=92empressent a=92 dire quelques tristes apologistes du nouvel ordre mondial ( et si vraiment il en etait ainsi, rien de pire ne pourrait exister !). Nous au contraire, nous croyons que l=92Histoire n=92est pas finie. Il existe toujours une possibilite, une alternative, une utopie, une esperance : il faut savoir saisir et comprendre son propre temps, sa propre periode historique ! Aujourd=92hui il est juste, possible et necessaire de = se rebeller contre l=92ordre neo-liberal, contre la globalisation de l=92exploitation et de l=92oppression, a=92 partir de nos territoires, des = lieux o=F9 nous vivons et luttons. A partir de nos villes et pays ... Comme l=92enseigne le Chiapas, en maintenant le lien indissociable entre =93local= =94 et =93global=94. NEO-LIBERALISME, DESPOTISME ET ABOLUTISME :=20 COMBATTRE ENCORE UNE FOIS, POUR LA LIBERTE. Au travers de la crise profonde et irreversible de l=92Etat providence-national, la globalisation neo-liberale et la domination par le marche capitaliste peuvent etre aggressees seulement a=92 ce niveau de la contradiction.=20 Il est necessaire:=20 - de creer de nouvelles formes de l=92agir politique au-dela=92 des limites= de la =93nationalite=94;=20 - d=92abandonner definitivement les formes politico-organisationnellles cristalisees sur le terrain =93national=94;=20 - de conjuguer immediatement l=92action politique =93locale=94, enracinee d= ans le territoire, avec la dimension de la globalite;=20 - de fonder les conditions pour un depassement radical de la conception du parti comme lieu de l=92action politique et de toute autre instance centralisatrice; - de tisser et de creer des rapports, des projets, des initiatives de lutte et de cooperation autre, entre sujets, lieux, territoires divers et varies; - de prefigurer, partout o=F9 cela est possible, a=92 partir de la dimensio= n locale, des elements d=92auto-gouvernement, de democratie radicale et d=92appropriation par le bas des rouages administratifs; - de conditionner les administrations locales au travers du conflit et des rapports de force, pour conquerir des droits, des espaces et une meilleure qualite de vie; - de construire et d=92etendre, au-dela=92 des frontieres, les reseaux de contre-pouvoirs et de la nouvelle solidarite ... ; - Arracher pas a=92 pas, territoire par perritoire, ville par ville, des conquetes concretes, meme partielles, telles que nouveaux droits de citoyennete, conditions de vie decente pour tous, contre le racisme, la xenophobie et l=92exclusion ... Une nouvelle Histoire peut s=92engager : elle parle un langage nouveau, sim= ple et originel, a=92 savoir la justice et la liberte pour les exploites, les oppresses, les plus faibles ..., la democratie reelle et un nouvel espace public, la creation de communautes solidaires et cooperantes. CONTRE LES FORMES MODERNES DE L=92ABSOLUTISME ET DU DESPOTISME POUR UNE NOUVELLE PLATE-FORME=20 DES DROITS DE L=92HOMME ET DU CITOYEN. POUR LE DROIT A=92 L=92EXISTENCE comme valeur supreme et prioritaire contre= les mythes =93travaillistes=94 de l=92efficacite et de la productivite du march= e et de l=92argent! Contre le neo-liberalisme! Mais, simultanenement, contre toute tradition ideologique, dogmatique, fondamentaliste et millenariste. Il n=92y a pas de rachat ou de solution definitive, d=92 =93Heure H=94 ou de science objective de l=92avenir. Proph= etes et Cassandre de tout acabit, le temps est fini: seul compte ce que le =93mouvement reel=94 reussit a=92 conquerir jour apres jour, lieu apres lie= u, dans la materialite du conflit. =93 ... La premiere condition de toute existence humaine et donc de toute histoire est que, pour pouvoir faire l=92histoire, les hommes doivent etre = en mesure de vivre ...=94 (K. Marx, L=92Ideologie allemande). CONTRE L=92EUROPE DE MAASTRICHT,=20 CONTRE LE NATIONALISME CENTRALISATEUR ET ETATIQUE,=20 CONTRE TOUT NATIONALISME ...=20 POUR UN RESEAU DE COMMUNAUTES SOLIDAIRES. Neo-liberalisme et globalisation capitaliste se fondent donc ensemble et fonctionnent au travers de mecanismes precis, bien definis: FMI, accords internationaux et politiques concretes, comme le GATT, la NAFTA, ... En ce qui concerne la =93globalisation europeenne=94, l=92horizon dans lequ= el nous nous trouvons immediatement inseres, est sans aucun doute l=92Europe de Maastricht, ainsi designee et voulue par les puissants et par leurs faction= s. Libre circulation des marchandises, de l=92argent et des capitaux ... voila= =92 comment sonnent les vieux sons de cloches liberaux ! Simultanement, on voit surgir de nouvelles frontieres et barrieres pour des multitudes d=92hommes et de femmes en exode, mais aussi la creation de nouvelles et plus profondes hierarchies, inegalites et descriminations, tou= t comme le dementellement de l=92Etat-providence et l=92annulation de tout dr= oit et garantie au nom de la compatibilite economique et du marche. On voit aussi partout rena=EEtre de micros neo-ethno- nationalismes. Chaque =93communaute territoriale homogene=94 lutte contre les autres pour trouver= une place au soleil dans le marche politique et economique de la nouvelle Europ= e en laissant pour compte les pauvres et ceux qui sont dans une situation pir= e de la leur, en etablissant de nouvelles frontieres racistes et xenophobes, au nom de la propriete et de l=92egoisme de la possession. Et c=92est donc dans ce scenario o=F9 il faut tenter de construire un nouve= au sujet politique, conflictuel et antagoniste, ni parti, ni mouvement au sens classique du terme; un nouveau sujet politique - enracine dans la dimension territoriale et locale et tourne vers l=92horizon de la globalisation, de maniere transversale, ouverte, articulee sur differents niveaux - en mesure de defendre les vieux droits conquis par les luttes portees par d=92entiere= s generations de travailleurs, mais ausi en mesure de resister au dementellement de l=92Etat-providence, de la sante, de l=92education, des services publics et simultanement en mesure de conquerir de nouveaux droits= , au travers des actuelles contradictions entre revenu, travail, citoyennete. - Prefigurer un monde nouveau, ouvrir de multiples possibilites et entreprendre des experimentations et des alternatives au systeme actuel; - Pour la reappropriation par le bas des biens publics, collectifs, de l=92ensemble des valeurs d=92usage social; - Pour le droit au revenu et a=92 l=92existence decente, pour la transforma= tion radicale du concept meme de travail; - Pour la creation d=92un nouveau sujet politique et d=92un nouvel espace public, contre l=92Etat nation et tout =93nationalisme=94 passe ou nouveau; - Contre les secessions et separations fondees sur l=92egoisme, l=92exclusi= on, le fondamentalisme ethnique, raciste et fasciste; - Pour l=92abolition de toutes les frontieres et la construction d=92un res= eau de communautes solidaires. Mais l=92enonciation de ces themes ne suffit pas : le Meeting Europeen ne d= oit pas etre pour nous un exercice dialectique ou un simple defile de different= s sujets et groupes politiques. Nous nous confronterons directement a=92 l=92experience zapatiste et il s=92agira d=92indiquer des perspectives de l= utte et de conflit, et notamment sur le probleme des frontieres; pour construire un= e premiere journee de depassement materiel de diverses frontieres en Europe a= =92 l=92occasion de la signature du pacte de Shengen, fin octobre. SUR CES POINTS NOUS VOUS INVITONS A VENISE POUR TROIS JOURNEES DE MUSIQUE, DISCUSSION ET INITIATIVES DE LUTTE LE 12-13-14 SEPTEMBRE 1997, meeting auquel participera une delegation du Commandement de l=92EZLN, invitee officiellement par la Mairie de Venise Associazione YA BASTA! Pour toute information :=20 Radio Sherwood (Padova) ++39-49-8752129 - e-mail: radiosherwood@iol.it =09= =09 Corto Circuito (Roma) ++39-6-7217682 =09=09 Leoncavallo (Milano) ++39-2-6706474 - e-mail: leoncavallo@ecn.org=20 Ps : Toute personne ou groupe voulant participer a=92 ces journees est prie= de nous en informer avant le 5 septembre. Il sera possible de dormir au CSO Rivolta de Marghera - Mestre. Prochainement le programme des 3 journees sera diffusee sur cette meme mailing-list. From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Mon Aug 11 20:58:48 1997 Date: Mon, 11 Aug 1997 19:10:07 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Fw: NLRB vs. Yale: graduate employee status stands (fwd) To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu > Date: Thu, 07 Aug 1997 22:58:49 -0400 (EDT) > From: Scott Saul > To: Undisclosed recipients: ; > Subject: NLRB vs. Yale: graduate employee status stands > > Dear GESO supporter, > > As you may have heard, there has been a recent development in the case > brought by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) against Yale > University on behalf of GESO, the graduate teacher's union on this campus. > > The Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) had been filed by the NLRB in November, > and had been based on three determinations by the NLRB's General Counsel: > (1) that graduate students who teach at Yale have protected workplace > rights; (2) that the grade strike of 1995-96 was a protected form of job > action; and (3) that therefore Yale's reprisals (ranging from a job > lock-out to threats of blacklisting, expulsion and even deportation) were > illegal. > > Last week, after six weeks of trial, Administrative Law Judge > Michael Miller recommended that the ULP be dismissed, based on Yale's > argument that the grade strike was a "partial strike" and that therefore > Yale had the legal right to engage in reprisals. He then transferred the > case to the full NLRB in Washington, D.C. Most importantly, however, Judge > Miller left standing the landmark within the General Counsel's November > determinations: that graduate teachers are *employees* with the right to > unionize. This remains a huge precedent that should encourage other > graduate students at private universities to organize. > > The judge's decision does not spell the end of the Unfair Labor Practice, > although it does mean that its forum will shift from a courtroom in New > Haven to the NLRB's boardroom in Washington. The NLRB may very > well dissent from the judge's recommendation on this technical point, > in which case the case will be remanded back to New Haven, and the trial > will pick up where it left off--with Yale administrators called to > testify. > > Yale's motion-to-dismiss had been based on a legal technicality brought > retrospectively to bear on the grade strike. Labor law does not protect > workers who engage in "partial strikes," where strikers perform some > actions and refuse to perform others. Yale argued that, in order to be > protected, those who refused to submit final grades should also have > explicitly refused to write recommendations, hold review sessions, and > teach for Yale in the near future. Yale argued that those on strike were > threatened with blacklisting, firing, and expulsion only because the grade > strike was a "partial strike." > > Yale's recent motion-to-dismiss was ironically a signal that they had been > losing on the employee issue. In April, at the start of the trial, Yale > filed a previous motion-to-dismiss that claimed graduate teachers were > students, not employees. Judge Miller refused to grant the motion--and > after six weeks in the courtroom, the evidence on our employee status was > stronger than ever. So Yale switched tactics and assumed, for purposes of > argument, that we *were* employees--in which case we have the right to > strike, but not the right to "partial strike." > > As always, thank you for your support and interest in this issue; you can > rest assured that organizing here at Yale is continuing apace. If you have > any questions or concerns, please write back. We are still awaiting the > judge's full decision, which should clarify the legal issues involved. > > > Yours sincerely, > > Scott Saul > GESO Research Director > > > From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Tue Aug 12 20:18:23 1997 Date: Tue, 12 Aug 1997 18:29:40 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & SELLAFIE To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE CARGO HEADING TO TROUBLED EUROPEAN REPROCESSING FACTORIES OF LA HAGUE AND SELLAFIELD Amsterdam, August 7, 1997 -- Greenpeace has revealed that a new Japanese shipment of highly radioactive spent nuclear fuel, bound for European reprocessing factories, is scheduled to enter the Panama Canal on the afternoon of Friday, August 8. The shipment of four spent fuel containers is due to arrive in Europe in approximately two weeks time. The containers are destined for the La Hague (operated by COGEMA, France) and Sellafield (operated by British Nuclear Fuel , BNFL, United Kingdom) reprocessing factories. La Hague reprocessing factory has recently been under fire due to Greenpeace revelations that COGEMA's discharges are 17 million times more radioactive than normal sea water and that sediments sampled around the discharge pipe showed radioactive contamination of the marine environment. An independent research from Pr Viel had previously found a leukaemia cluster in the region around the French reprocessing plant, while a recent study from the British Department of Health (1) has found traces of plutonium from the Sellafield reprocessing factory in teeth of children throughout Britain. The Pacific Pintail, a British-flagged vessel owned by Pacific Nuclear Transport Limited (PNTL), left Shika nuclear power plant (2) on July 15, amidst public protest against the ship's departure. The four spent fuel containers - two TN-type casks bound for France and two Excellox casks bound for Britain - are tested to conditions far below those present in an accident and represent a potential safety hazard. "Spent nuclear fuel shipments pose multiple environmental and security risks and must be halted," said Mike Tannsley of Greenpeace. "By transporting these dangerous materials to Europe for reprocessing, Japan is simply transferring an environmental risk to other countries while adding to the already-vast stockpile of weapon-usable plutonium of COGEMA and BNFL". Countries along routes of high-level nuclear waste shipments have long-protested the risks posed to them due to threat of accidents in transit. Many countries, including regional governmental associations such as the South Pacific Forum and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), have issued statements against such transports, yet Japan, Britain and France persist with these dangerously radioactive transports. Japan is reported to be near the end of spent nuclear fuel shipments to COGEMA and BNFL under current reprocessing contracts (of 7100 metric tonnes of spent fuel). Both BNFL and COGEMA representatives have recently been to Japan to encourage new reprocessing contracts, which would result in new waves of shipments, continued discharge of nuclear waste into the environment and further stockpiling of weapon-usable plutonium. "Japan and all client states (3) must stop negotiations with COGEMA and BNFL for new reprocessing contracts," said Tannsley "Countries engaged in reprocessing are guilty of dumping their nuclear waste problems on France and Britain, with resultant discharge into the sea of radioactive waste. This irresponsible practice must cease."end NOTES (1) The study, entitled "Variations in the Concentration of Plutonium, Strontium-90, and Total Alpha-emitters in Human Teeth Collected within the British Isles", has been published in The Science of the Total Environment Journal. (2) Shika nuclear power plant is located on the west coast of Japan on Ishikawa Prefecture's Noto Peninsula. Shika is a boiling water reactor (BWR) which began commercial operation in 1993 and is owned by the Hokuriku Electric Power Company. (3) In addition to its domestic contracts, La Hague has also received irradiated fuel and reprocessed plutonium for Germany, Japan, Belgium, The Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden and Spain. Sellafield has signed plutonium reprocessing contracts with Japan, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, Sweden and The Netherlands Andrew Hund http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/AKD/ http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/Soc/ From iwaller@binghamton.edu Wed Aug 13 08:09:16 1997 Date: Wed, 13 Aug 1997 10:08:58 -0400 (EDT) To: Michael.Kennedy@student.ul.ie, WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK From: immanuel wallerstein Subject: Re: ISA and ASA conference info request aug. 13, 1997 dear michael kennedy, information about isa and its 1998 congress may be found on the internet at the following url's: a) isa: b) world congress 1998: everything is there. yours/immanuel wallerstein At 02:06 PM 8/5/97 +0100, Michael Kennedy wrote: > >List, > >In preparation for the upcoming conference of the European Sociological >Association to take place at the University of Essex at the end of >August, I wonder if it might be possible to request information about >the recent/upcoming ISA and ASA conferences. Specifically, I would be >interested in a list of presented papers and plenary sessions. > >The theme of this year's ESA conference is "20th Century Europe: >Inclusions/Exclusions", and so I thought a comparison with issues raised >at the ISA and ASA conferences might be interesting (unfortunately, I >don't even know when either conference did/will take place). > >I would imagine such information would be on a web page somewhere (and >possibly in the WSN archives), and would much appreciate the site >address, if available. > >Thanks very much >Regards, >Michael Kennedy >michael.kennedy@student.ul.ie > > Immanuel Wallerstein iwaller@binghamton.edu Fernand Braudel Center Binghamton University Binghamton, NY 13902-6000 USA Tel: (1) (607) 777-4924 FAX: (i) (607) 777-4315 From wwagar@binghamton.edu Wed Aug 13 10:36:24 1997 From: wwagar@binghamton.edu Date: Wed, 13 Aug 1997 12:37:52 -0400 (EDT) To: "Charles J. Reid" Subject: Re: Meeting europeen de Venise In-Reply-To: Dear Charles, Thanks for the news. All I can say is, this sounds splendid. A bas toutes les frontieres! Vive le reseau de communautes solidaires! Vive la republique globale de l'espece humaine! Bien a vous, Warren Wagar From ms44278@email.csun.edu Wed Aug 13 17:56:33 1997 Date: Wed, 13 Aug 1997 16:57:23 -0700 From: Mike Shupp To: asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & SELLAFIE References: <01IMD15COBV28WY6CY@UAA.ALASKA.EDU> Andrew Hund wrote: > > JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE CARGO HEADING TO TROUBLED > EUROPEAN REPROCESSING FACTORIES OF LA HAGUE AND SELLAFIELD > Ah yes. How terrible. In the best of all possible worlds, EVERY country would have its own nuclear reprocessing facility, right? Right! From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Wed Aug 13 19:26:27 1997 Date: Wed, 13 Aug 1997 17:37:41 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & SELLAFIE To: ms44278@email.csun.edu, WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK ---------- > From: Mike Shupp > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & SELLAFIE > Date: Wednesday, August 13, 1997 04:57 PM > > Andrew Hund wrote: > > > > JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE CARGO HEADING TO TROUBLED > > EUROPEAN REPROCESSING FACTORIES OF LA HAGUE AND SELLAFIELD > > > Mike Shupp wrote: > Ah yes. How terrible. > > In the best of all possible worlds, EVERY country would have > its own nuclear reprocessing facility, right? > > Right! Wrong! In the best possible world "we" would not have any nuclear weapons or waste They (the people attempting to dispose of toxic/nuclear waste) are always looking for places to put it--perhaps you could write them and ask to have it reprocessing center in your town--preferably next to your current residence. Just think of all the jobs it would create. What a great capitalists venture. Oh, yeah there would also be an increase in cancer therapy and research jobs in about 10 to 15 years. Right! From tg@fisher.biz.usyd.edu.au Wed Aug 13 20:20:22 1997 14 Aug 97 12:20:51 +1000 From: To: ms44278@email.csun.edu Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 12:20:41 +1000 Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & Has anyone noticed the news item that the Japanese are about to begin seabed exploration after a 100m longterm investment in technology. That would make it resource less-dependent, semi-independent, or even independent. It would also make the Pacific island area exclusively techno-peripheral to Japan? Comments? Tzvi From tg@fisher.biz.usyd.edu.au Wed Aug 13 20:30:47 1997 14 Aug 97 12:31:18 +1000 From: To: asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 12:30:45 +1000 Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & That's quite offencive, to say nothing of unrealistic. YOU were not there when nuclear power was discivered and put into use. IT is a TEMPORARY product of a TECHNO-HISTORICAL process going back to the invention of the bow 30,000 years ago. I'm sure that if you wait a couple of hundred years (maybe less) you WILL see SAFE RESIDENTIAL nuclear reactors. 100 years ago TRAINS WERE going through residential areas and killing people. Unfortunatelly the problem is that we as a life form are not particularly forward looking. Some argue that its a good thing! If we were, we probably would have NEVER LEFT THE CAVE. Tzvi From chriscd@jhu.edu Thu Aug 14 09:51:53 1997 Thu, 14 Aug 1997 11:44:59 -0400 (EDT) Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 11:43:33 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: correction on International Sociology Association and World Congress URLs To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu The URL for the International Sociological Association is http://www.ucm.es/info/isa/ the URL for the World Congress of Sociology in Montreal in 1998 is http://www.BCOC.UMontreal.CA/socio98/ From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Thu Aug 14 11:07:05 1997 Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 09:18:16 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: PLUTONIUM FOUND IN TEETH OF CHILDREN THROUGHOUT BRITAIN; GREENPEACE CALLS FOR PLUTONIUM REPROCESSING PLANTS' CLOSURE To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Amsterdam / London, 1 August 1997 A new study funded by the British Department of Health has found plutonium in the teeth of children throughout England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. The study shows that radioactive discharges from the Sellafield plutonium reprocessing factory (1) have contaminated people throughout the region. "This is a real wake-up call" said Damon Moglen of Greenpeace. "We cannot be complacent. There is no possible excuse or justification for poisoning children with plutonium. The British government should immediately [STOP REPROCESSING AT SELLAFIELD AND CEASE ALL RADIOACTIVE DISCHARGES TO THE ENVIRONMENT ." The study, entitled "Variations in the Concentration of Plutonium, Strontium-90, and Total Alpha-emitters in Human Teeth Collected within the British Isles", has been published in The Science of the Total Environment Journal. The study involved the evaluation of over 3,300 teeth which had been extracted from adolescent children in the U.K.. Plutonium contamination found in the teeth ranged from 3 to 7 millibecquerels per kilogram. The levels of contamination are directly dependent on the distance at which the children live from the Sellafield plutonium reprocessing plant, on the Irish Sea coast of Cumbria. The study's authors concluded that the source of plutonium has been radioactive discharges from the Sellafield plant, which is operated by the government-controlled British Nuclear Fuels Ltd (BNFL). The study suggests that the plutonium contamination is "consistent" with aerial discharges from the BNFL plant. Previous studies have shown that Sellafield's marine discharges have lead to plutonium contamination of the coastal environment. In order for plutonium to accumulate in childrens' teeth, particles of the highly radiotoxic material would most probably be inhaled and filtered through the bloodstream before being deposited in bones, teeth and/or the liver. Plutonium, which is an alpha-emitter, is highly carcinogenic and remains an extreme health hazard for tens of thousands of years if released to the environment. Plutonium is effectively "man-made" and has been produced primarily for use in nuclear weapons. The study's dramatic findings are reminiscent of revelations in the late 1950s, early '60s that above-ground nuclear tests had lead to radioactive contamination of childrens' bones and teeth. Public protest against this contamination lead to the negotiation of the 1963 Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT) which banned atmospheric nuclear tests. "The international community moved decisively to stop the poisoning of children by nuclear weapons tests, now it must do the same with radioactive contamination and plutonium reprocessing" said Moglen. The new revelations about pollution from Sellafield come in the midst of growing concern in France about the La Hague plutonium factory, which annually pumps some 230 million liters of nuclear waste into the Atlantic. A recent study has identified a leukaemia cluster among children living near the la Hague reprocessing plant. In addition, recent sampling by Greenpeace has revealed the discharges from the government-controlled plant have turned the sea-bed into a nuclear waste dump. For information: Damon Moglen, Greenpeace International, t.+1 202 319 25 13 Luisa Colasimone, Greenpeace Press Desk, t. +31 20 52 49 546 NOTE (1) Beside UK domestic clients, Sellafield has signed plutonium reprocessing contracts with Japan, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, Sweden and The Netherlands. ---------- > From: tg@FISHER.BIZ.USYD.EDU.AU > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & > Date: Wednesday, August 13, 1997 07:20 PM > > Has anyone noticed the news item that the Japanese are about to begin > seabed exploration after a 100m longterm investment in technology. > That would make it resource less-dependent, semi-independent, or even > independent. It would also make the Pacific island area exclusively > techno-peripheral to Japan? > Comments? > Tzvi From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Thu Aug 14 11:08:14 1997 Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 09:19:29 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: ACCESS TO LA HAGUE RESTRICTED FOLLOWING EVIDENCE OF RADIOACTIVE CONTAMINATION OF THE ENVIRONMENT To: tg@FISHER.BIZ.USYD.EDU.AU, WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Paris, 10 July 1997 Greenpeace today welcomed the announcement by Dominique Voynet, the French Environment Minister, that access to the area around the discharge-pipe of La Hague reprocessing plant would be restricted. The decision to close the area around the pipe to fishing and bathing follows the results of independent analysis on samples from La Hague conducted by the Department of Labour, Health and Social Services of the Federal State of Hamburg. The analysis confirmed Greenpeace's warning that the effluent and sediment samples are radioactive waste. According to the analysis of the German Institute, the effluent contains up to 160 million becquerel of tritium per litre. The measured plutonium concentration also classifies the sediments as "waste containing nuclear fuel", and German law prohibits discharging such waste at sea. " The sea and the beach at La Hague are clearly being mistreated as a nuclear waste dump" said Simon Carroll of Greenpeace International. However, Greenpeace is concerned that radioactive discharges continue. "We welcome this first vital step to protect public health, but now expect that the authorities will protect the environment by stopping all discharges", added Carroll. La Hague's permission to discharge radioactive waste into the sea is currently being re-evaluated, with a decision by French authorities expected by September. Greenpeace urges the re-evaluation not to be rushed and reiterates its demands for a full public environmental impact assessment of all the operations at La Hague, including COGEMA's proposal to scrap accumulated radioactive material from the inside of the pipe after years of waste discharging. The environmental organisation also welcomes the ratification by France of the Convention for the protection of the North-East Atlantic (OSPAR Convention ) announced today. Greenpeace will seek that France acts in accordance with its legal obligations under the Ospar Convention to take "all possible steps to prevent and eliminate pollution "(1) of the marine environment. end For Further Information Please Contact: Simon Carroll, Greenpeace International, tel: +31 20 52 36 288 Remi Parmentier, Greenpeace International, tel: +34 1 329 10 49 NOTE: (1) Art. 2.1. (a) of the Ospar Convention From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Thu Aug 14 11:09:51 1997 Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 09:21:07 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: GOVERNMENT STUDY CONFIRMS LEUKEMIA AROUND LA HAGUE To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK GREENPEACE CALLS FOR IMMEDIATE END TO REPROCESSING/RADIOACTIVE DISCHARGES PARIS, 18 June 1997 A report revealed by the French newspaper Le Monde today confirms that there is a concentration of leukemia around the state-controlled La Hague plutonium factory. Greenpeace, which is currently conducting environmental monitoring of the plant's radioactive discharges, greeted the news with sadness, stating that it confirms their belief that COGEMA has victimized the local population by contaminating the environment with radioactive waste. The study was commissioned by the French government in January 1997, following a leukemia study published in the British Medical Journal by Professor Francois Viel, which identified an increased level of leukemia around the La Hague plant. "This confirms what Greenpeace has been saying for years," said Damon Moglen of Greenpeace. "COGEMA's victimization of the population of Cap La Hague must stop. We demand that the French government instruct COGEMA to immediately suspend all reprocessing and radioactive discharges into the environment." In response to the new study, the new French Secretary of State for Health, Bernard Kouchner, has called for an investigation into radioactive contamination around La Hague and the improvement of the local and national cancer registry. Furthermore, Dominique Voynet, the French Environment Minister, issued a statement endorsing the independent sampling activities conducted by Greenpeace and calling for an immediate investigation into environmental contamination around la Hague. The news comes one day after COGEMA illegally removed Greenpeace sampling equipment from the end of the company's discharge pipe, which annually pumps some 230 million liters of nuclear waste into the Atlantic. COGEMA's illegal seizure of the organisation's equipment came in response to Greenpeace's release of preliminary sample results. Greenpeace's analysis proved that COGEMA's radioactive discharges have turned the ocean floor into a nuclear waste dump. The sediment sample analysis, released on June 13, showed that stones covering the ocean floor were so radioactive that EC regulations would require that they be treated as controlled nuclear waste. "It's about time that science catches up to common-sense--pumping nuclear waste into the sea is a public health and environmental catastrophe," said Moglen. For further information: Damon Moglen, mobile phone: ++31-6-5341-7947 Luisa Colasimone, ++31-6-5312-8907 email address: damon.moglen@wdc.greenpeace.org From PAT.LAUDERDALE@ASU.Edu Thu Aug 14 11:18:00 1997 From: PAT.LAUDERDALE@ASU.Edu 14 Aug 1997 10:17:00 -0700 (MST) Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 10:17:00 -0700 (MST) Subject: Re: correction on International Sociology Association and World Congress URLs In-reply-to: <33F327A4.3A32@jhu.edu> To: christopher chase-dunn Thanks, i thought someone had played a Kurt Vonnegut trick on Manny. On Thu, 14 Aug 1997, christopher chase-dunn wrote: > The URL for the International Sociological Association is > http://www.ucm.es/info/isa/ > > the URL for the World Congress of Sociology in Montreal in 1998 is > http://www.BCOC.UMontreal.CA/socio98/ > From aqualab1@ECUA.NET.ec Thu Aug 14 11:47:45 1997 From: Pablo Intriago To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: RE: correction on International Sociology Association and World Congress URLs Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 12:55:59 -0400 Can anyone explaine me how to unsubscibe to this site! From agfrank@chass.utoronto.ca Thu Aug 14 18:33:35 1997 Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 20:34:23 -0400 (EDT) From: Gunder Frank To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Peter Grimes Subject: thanks to PEWS (fwd) for posting to WSN and/or wherever you deem appropriate thanks agf ANDRE GUNDER FRANK University of Toronto 96 Asquith Ave. Toronto, Ont. Canada M4W 1J8 Tel:416-972 0616 Fax:416-972 0071 e-mail: agfrank@chass.utoronto.ca "Thanx" was my one word response to "The Political Economy of the World-System Section [of the American Sociological Association] hereby confers the 1997 Award for a Career of Distinguished Scholarship to Andre Gunder Frank. Presented August 11, 1997 by Terry Boswell, [outgoing] PEWS Chair, on behalf of the section" on an engraved plaque. I now beg to use this medium to add a few more words of thanks for this conferral to Terry and my other good friends, and especially to my friendly enemies, and other colleagues in PEWS. To begin with, I echo my old friend Sid Mintz who put his own 1996 lecture to the American Anthropological Association into plain English by translating their "distinguished" to his own "extinguished." That seems all the more apt for me after our incoming PEWS chair and also old friend, friendly enemy and two time/ing co-author Giovanni Arrighi at the same ASA meetings first dissected Development Theory into its constituent trinity of Western modernization and dependence theses, world-system and post-modernist anti-theses, and then discarded them all in favor of East Asian regionalism. For my extinguished part, I am once again jumping from all of the above's leading edge off the edge to none of the above. I have been discarding one post-modern layer after another from the dependent modern/izing world-system onion. The first step was to discard the the emperor's indigestible modernization theory peel and replace it with dependent development of underdevelopment. The next layers to go were the underdevelopment of development in the capitalist world-system. Then I dropped Wallerstein's only world-like five hundred year world-system hyphen in favor of a real five thousand year world system. My also friendly enemy Chris Chase-Dunn baptized it the central world system to convey parentage by my world system and David Wilkinson's Central Civilization. At the same ASA meetings my also old friend Jose Bell Lara nicknamed it simply the expanding world system. That, my also old friend and some times co-author but now increasingly friendly enemy Immanuel Wallerstein says, just emasculates all of the old onion instead of helping give it new body as my now extinguished self pretends. But I contend that since the old world expanded beyond my friend Janet Abu-Lughod's thirteenth century world system and became whole/ly global with the incorporation of the 'new' world, it also becomes necessary to study and try to transform global 'development' through the globology of my also friend Al Bergesen, who initiated this PEWS round in the first place. Being more extinguishedly simple minded and therefore not so adept at any fancy ology, I deny that globalization is only recent, instead find globalism long since, and prefer just dealing with the global whole. And simply extinguished as I now am, I see Braudel's old European world-economy and Wallerstein's modern world-system, as well as the REnewED rise of Arrighi's East Asian region as constituent parts and functional transformational processes of global "development" if any, in which these 'economies,' 'systems,' and 'regions' only trade structural positions in an unending cyclical game of musical chairs. Now the sun is again appearing full circle around the globe to rise and shine in the East while the Western 'modern world-system' is developing underdevelopment even to its core. So to avoid also extinguishing the development theory of political economy of the world system [with or without hyphen] not to mention all of us succumbing altogether to the end of history in the coming anarchy of the clash of civilizations, the title of my forthcoming and yet probably also already extinguished book proposes instead to seek and promote unity in diversity in The Global Economy in the Asian Age: ReORIENT. Thanx again Gunder Frank From timmons@mailhost.tcs.tulane.edu Thu Aug 14 21:53:40 1997 Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 22:53:31 -0500 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu From: "Timmons J. Roberts" Subject: poem from Bhopol >Yes, >I am a rabid optimist >For me >Every tree that continues to stand >Every stream that continues to flow >Every child that runs away from home >is an indication >that the battle is not only on >It is being won. > >You may tell me about >the nuclear arms race >And all I can tell you >is that an unknown child >held my hand >with love. > >You will try to draw me >into the plateau of practical life >Tell me >that not only god >but all the religious >and irreligious leaders are dead >And all I can tell you >is that across the forest >Lives a young man >who calls the earth >his mother. > >You will give me the boring details >of the rise of state power >after every revolution >And all I can tell you >is that in our tribe >we still share our bread > >You will reason with me >And I will talk nonsense like this >And because >the difference between breathing >and living life >is the difference between >reason and poetry >I will read poems to you >Poems full of optimism >Poems full of dreams >And maybe a poem better than this. > > >Satinath Sarangi (Sathyu) >Sambhavna (Possibility) Medical Clinic >teaching ayurvedic remedies & yoga to the survivors >Bhopol, India >(sathyu@bhavna.unv.ernet.in) > > > From chriscd@jhu.edu Fri Aug 15 10:55:10 1997 Fri, 15 Aug 1997 12:53:20 -0400 (EDT) Date: Fri, 15 Aug 1997 12:51:58 -0400 From: christopher chase-dunn Subject: [International studies) ISA-WEST CONFERENCE] To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Reply-to: chriscd@jhu.edu by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (950413.SGI.8.6.12/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) chriscd@jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu; Fri, 15 Aug 1997 12:28:12 -0400 (EDT) (LISTSERV-TCP/IP release 1.8c) ; Fri, 15 Aug 1997 09:16:20 -0700 (MST) Date: Fri, 15 Aug 1997 09:14:43 -0700 From: Lawrence E Imwalle Subject: ISA-WEST CONFERENCE Sender: International Studies Association News To: ISA-NEWS@LISTSERV.ARIZONA.EDU Reply-to: Lawrence E Imwalle Approved-By: Lawrence E Imwalle Posted at the request of: Emily Goldman UC Davis (email:eogoldman@ucdavis.edu) *********************************************************** This is an invitation for you to participate in the upcoming 1997 ISA-West Regional Conference, to be held at the University of California, Davis, Alumni and Visitors Center on October 17-18, 1997. The them of the conference is "Security, Prosperity, Identity: Dynamics of a Changing Global Order." The conference Co-Chairs are Emily Goldman and Scott Gartner, both of UC-Davis. You can visit the 1997 ISA-West Conference Home Page and submit paper proposals through the home page at: http://polar.ucdavis.edu/~gartner/isa-west.html or by writing Professors Emily Goldman or Scott Gartner at: Department of Political Science University of California, Davis Davis, CA 95616 WE STILL HAVE PLACES OPEN ON THE PROGRAM. THE DEADLINE HAS BEEN EXTENDED TO SEPTEMBER 5, 1997. Please forward this to other colleagues who may be interested and post where interested individuals can find out about the conference. Please note: papers should NOT be submitted to Martha Rehrman, who will provide staff support for the logistics of the conference. Thank you. Emily O. Goldman From ms44278@email.csun.edu Fri Aug 15 17:53:34 1997 Date: Fri, 15 Aug 1997 16:53:30 -0700 (PDT) From: mike shupp To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & SELLAFIE (fwd) On Wed, 13 Aug 1997, Andrew Hund wrote: > Wrong! > > In the best possible world "we" would not have any nuclear weapons or waste I'll give you this, but I don't have a problem with nuclear power in general. It is a problem however tht there are so few reprocessing sites; there should be more of them (and perhaps inspected more stringently than they currently are). I suspect the fact the Japanese send their wastes halfway round the world for reprocessing has little to do with the actual perils of doing so domesticaly and much to do about the all too understandable Japanese horror of anything that brings nuclear weapons to mind. > > > They (the people attempting to dispose of toxic/nuclear waste) are always > looking for places to put it--perhaps you could write them and ask to have > it reprocessing center in your town--preferably next to your current > residence. I used to live within a mile or so of one of the EPA's most horrendous Superfund sites, out in Riverside county, so I don't have quite the problems envisioning this that you might expect. > > Just think of all the jobs it would create. What a great capitalists > venture. Oh, yeah there would also be an increase in cancer therapy and > research jobs in about 10 to 15 years. Right! There'd be environmental risks if the stuff was poorly handled, true. But there are risks if quite a lot of other things-- chlorine gas, say-- are mishandled, and we live with it. We have close to six billion people on this planet, many of them quite poor, and we would like to increase everyone's standard of living. I don't think we can do this and restore the world wide environment to our hazy recollections of what it was like in 1840 or so, before the industrial revolution really spread. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ms44278@huey.csun.edu Mike Shupp California State University, Northridge Graduate Student, Dept. of Anthropology http://www.csun.edu/~ms44278/index.htm From ms44278@email.csun.edu Fri Aug 15 18:13:58 1997 Date: Fri, 15 Aug 1997 17:13:16 -0700 (PDT) From: mike shupp To: tg@fisher.biz.usyd.edu.au Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & In-Reply-To: <192849F38BD@fisher.biz.usyd.edu.au> On Thu, 14 Aug 1997 tg@fisher.biz.usyd.edu.au wrote: > Has anyone noticed the news item that the Japanese are about to begin > seabed exploration after a 100m longterm investment in technology. > That would make it resource less-dependent, semi-independent, or even > independent. It would also make the Pacific island area exclusively > techno-peripheral to Japan? I don't know about that last sentence, but a 100 million dollars (I assume that's the figure you had in mind) in hardly big bucks in the high tech development business. However, it does make sense for the Japanese to invest in seabed exploration. They're an island, after all, with both shallow and deep oceans to investigate, and we've known since the 60's that the oceans have resources worth exploiting. More power to them. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ms44278@huey.csun.edu Mike Shupp California State University, Northridge Graduate Student, Dept. of Anthropology http://www.csun.edu/~ms44278/index.htm From tkpfnta@ix.netcom.com Fri Aug 15 19:37:54 1997 by dfw-ix14.ix.netcom.com (8.8.4/8.8.4) id sma019918; Fri Aug 15 20:37:05 1997 Date: Fri, 15 Aug 1997 18:48:08 +0000 From: Tim Perttula Reply-To: tkpfnta@ix.netcom.com To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Subject: Can someone provide me with the information on how to unsubscribe the WSN? Thanks Tim Perttula From austria@it.com.pl Mon Aug 18 06:16:48 1997 Mon, 18 Aug 1997 14:17:45 +0200 (MET DST) Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: Subject: just appeared: study on eastward extension of the European Union Date: Mon, 18 Aug 1997 14:17:10 +0200 Dear colleagues, this is just a short notice for you (and your department or University librarian) that my new study about social policy, and migration in East-Central Europe and the eastward expansion of the European Union has just now appeared in German language in Munich under the title: SCHWIERIGE HEIMKEHR. SOZIALPOLITIK, MIGRATION, TRANSFORMATION UND DIE OSTERWEITERUNG DER EU Themen der Zeit, Eberhard Verlag Muenchen, 1997 ISBN 3-9266 777-52-4 (August 1997) The study is a systematic application of macro-quantitative and long-wave research to the problems of an expanding European Union. The book is available from now on via international book trade. To directly contact the publisher, Prof. Dr. Theo Eberhard, you can use the following e-mail-addresses Theo.Eberhard@munich.netsurf.de or te001ns@munich.netsurf.de(Theo.Eberhard) or the Munich Fax number (89 stands for Munich) Europe - Germany - 89 - 307 3512 In case that you would seriously like to review the book in a scholary journal, please send an e-mail message to Theo and me Kind regards from Warsaw Yours Arno Tausch From agfrank@chass.utoronto.ca Mon Aug 18 06:56:00 1997 Date: Mon, 18 Aug 1997 08:56:48 -0400 (EDT) From: Gunder Frank To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Subject: thanks to PEWS again AND to Alice in Wonderland... In-Reply-To: ..... who, I was told, said that words mean what I want them to mean. Obviously of course, I - agf- replied, or I would not use those words but I would use others instead that DO mean what I mean. Notwithstanding all this, two friends have denied the 'obvious meaning' in telling me that my note of heartfelt THANX to PEWS was somehow negative and/or divisive, if only because I 'accuse' everybody as an 'enemy'. NOT so, I reply and explain. I mean [like in that old movie of which i remember only the title] FRIENDly 'enemies' , or perhaps more precisely 'disputants' but nonetheless and above all FRIENDS, as which Terry I introduced me in the first place, for which I was and remain most gratefull. enough said? - in words that mean what i mean to say! as ever gunder On Thu, 14 Aug 1997, Gunder Frank wrote: > Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 20:34:23 -0400 (EDT) > From: Gunder Frank > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: thanks to PEWS (fwd) > > for posting to WSN and/or wherever you deem appropriate > thanks > agf > > > > ANDRE GUNDER FRANK > University of Toronto > > 96 Asquith Ave. Toronto, Ont. Canada M4W 1J8 > Tel:416-972 0616 Fax:416-972 0071 > e-mail: agfrank@chass.utoronto.ca > > "Thanx" was my one word response to "The Political Economy of the > World-System Section [of the American Sociological Association] > hereby confers the 1997 Award for a Career of Distinguished > Scholarship to Andre Gunder Frank. Presented August 11, 1997 by > Terry Boswell, [outgoing] PEWS Chair, on behalf of the section" > on an engraved plaque. I now beg to use this medium to add a few > more words of thanks for this conferral to Terry and my other > good friends, and especially to my friendly enemies, and other > colleagues in PEWS. > > To begin with, I echo my old friend Sid Mintz who put his own > 1996 lecture to the American Anthropological Association into > plain English by translating their "distinguished" to his own > "extinguished." That seems all the more apt for me after our > incoming PEWS chair and also old friend, friendly enemy and two > time/ing co-author Giovanni Arrighi at the same ASA meetings > first dissected Development Theory into its constituent trinity > of Western modernization and dependence theses, world-system and > post-modernist anti-theses, and then discarded them all in favor > of East Asian regionalism. > > For my extinguished part, I am once again jumping from all of the > above's leading edge off the edge to none of the above. I have > been discarding one post-modern layer after another from the > dependent modern/izing world-system onion. The first step was to > discard the the emperor's indigestible modernization theory peel > and replace it with dependent development of underdevelopment. > The next layers to go were the underdevelopment of development in > the capitalist world-system. Then I dropped Wallerstein's only > world-like five hundred year world-system hyphen in favor of a > real five thousand year world system. My also friendly enemy > Chris Chase-Dunn baptized it the central world system to convey > parentage by my world system and David Wilkinson's Central > Civilization. At the same ASA meetings my also old friend Jose > Bell Lara nicknamed it simply the expanding world system. That, > my also old friend and some times co-author but now increasingly > friendly enemy Immanuel Wallerstein says, just emasculates all of > the old onion instead of helping give it new body as my now > extinguished self pretends. But I contend that since the old > world expanded beyond my friend Janet Abu-Lughod's thirteenth > century world system and became whole/ly global with the > incorporation of the 'new' world, it also becomes necessary to > study and try to transform global 'development' through the > globology of my also friend Al Bergesen, who initiated this PEWS > round in the first place. > > Being more extinguishedly simple minded and therefore not so > adept at any fancy ology, I deny that globalization is only > recent, instead find globalism long since, and prefer just > dealing with the global whole. And simply extinguished as I now > am, I see Braudel's old European world-economy and Wallerstein's > modern world-system, as well as the REnewED rise of Arrighi's > East Asian region as constituent parts and functional > transformational processes of global "development" if any, in > which these 'economies,' 'systems,' and 'regions' only trade > structural positions in an unending cyclical game of musical > chairs. Now the sun is again appearing full circle around the > globe to rise and shine in the East while the Western 'modern > world-system' is developing underdevelopment even to its core. So > to avoid also extinguishing the development theory of political > economy of the world system [with or without hyphen] not to > mention all of us succumbing altogether to the end of history in > the coming anarchy of the clash of civilizations, the title of my > forthcoming and yet probably also already extinguished book > proposes instead to seek and promote unity in diversity in The > Global Economy in the Asian Age: ReORIENT. > > Thanx again > > Gunder Frank > From OWENJACK@FS.isu.edu Mon Aug 18 08:04:22 1997 From: "J B Owens" To: WSN@csf.colorado.edu Date: Mon, 18 Aug 1997 08:08:50 -0600, MDT Subject: Econ. Hist. conference FYI. Jack Owens ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- Date: Thu, 14 Aug 1997 19:11:38 +0200 From: Donato Gomez Subject: 20th Congreso de la Asociacion Internacional de H. Economica. To: DEMOGR-H@LISTSERV.REDIRIS.ES Reply-to: Poblaciones e Historia Economica Me remiten el siguiente mensaje, solicitando comunicaciones sobre el tema de Internet y la Historia Economica; quizas alguno desee participar. csociety@eh.net (The Cliometric Society) Call for Papers and Participation Twelfth International Economic History Association Congress Seville, Spain August 24-28, 1998 The Cliometric Society will sponsor an E session at the IEHA Congress in Seville, Spain, in August 1998. This session will be in roundtable format, in two sets of three hours each. PART I. "Uses of the Internet for Economic Historians" will be a panel discussion about electronic resources for research and teaching in the field, with on-line demonstrations. Session topics will include, but not be limited to, locating useful web sites, communicating via e-mail lists, and creating on-line bibliographies. Since the internet is continually changing, topics are likely to change until the presentation date. Both providers of services and users of internet resources are invited to participate as panel discussants. Participants who would discuss future uses of the internet for scholarship and teaching are especially welcome. If you would like to be included on the panel, please send a letter of interest to session organizer Sam Williamson at the address below. PART II. "Multi-disciplinary Applications of Cliometrics" will be a panel discussion among a group of cliometricians with extensive experience with inter- and multi-disciplinary projects and researchers new to the field. Both groups of panel members will discuss their research experiences and the papers selected for presentation. Senior scholars whose recent work involves a discipline other than economics, history, or economic history are invited to join cliometricians Deirdre McCloskey (literature and philosophy), Joel Mokyr (biology), and Richard Steckel (anthropology) in the roundtable. In addition, others, especially younger researchers, are invited to submit proposals for papers that combine techniques of quantitative economic history and other disciplines. Papers should be work-in-progress, not yet accepted for publication. Please send three copies of a two-to-five page proposal to session organizer Lou Cain at the Society's office, via snail-mail, fax, or e-mail. Summaries of papers will be published as an insert to the July 1998 issue of The Newsletter of The Cliometric Society. Relevant dates: Proposals and Participant Letters of Interest Due September 22, 1997 Invitations Mailed to Participants and Paper Presenters October 22, 1997 Paper Summaries Due May 15, 1998 The Cliometric Society Miami University Oxford OH 45056 USA Telephone: 513-529-2850 Fax: 513-529-6992 csociety@eh.net ___________________________________________ Para participar, manda tus mensajes a: DEMOGR-H@listserv.rediris.es Los mensajes enviados anteriormente se encuentran archivados en: http://chico.rediris.es/archives/demogr-h.html ___________________________________________ ******************************************************** J. B. "Jack" Owens, Professor of History Project Coordinator, Computer-Mediated Distance Learning Idaho State University, Pocatello, ID 83209 USA e-mail: owenjack@fs.isu.edu www: http://www.isu.edu/~owenjack ******************************************************** From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Mon Aug 18 17:50:43 1997 Date: Mon, 18 Aug 1997 16:01:52 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Please help this person To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu This person xxxvvd has wrote me several messages asking to be removed-- the actual person is sending from "teapot06.onaustralia.com.au" Would someone be so kind as to help this person. ---------- > From: xxxvvd > To: asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU > Subject: Re: PLUTONIUM FOUND IN TEETH OF CHILDREN THROUGHOUT BRITAIN;GREENPEACECALLS FOR PLUTONIUM REPROCESSING PLANTS' CLOSURE > Date: Friday, August 15, 1997 12:35 AM > > REMOVE REMOVE STOP MAILING!! > > ---------- > > From: Andrew Hund > > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > > Subject: PLUTONIUM FOUND IN TEETH OF CHILDREN THROUGHOUT BRITAIN; > GREENPEACECALLS FOR PLUTONIUM REPROCESSING PLANTS' CLOSURE > > Date: Thursday, 14 August 1997 17:18 > > > > > > Amsterdam / London, 1 August 1997 > > > > A new study funded by the British Department of Health has found > plutonium > > in the teeth of children throughout England, Northern Ireland, Scotland > and > > Wales. The study shows that radioactive discharges from the Sellafield > > plutonium reprocessing factory (1) have contaminated people throughout > the > > region. > > > > "This is a real wake-up call" said Damon Moglen of Greenpeace. "We cannot > > be complacent. There is no possible excuse or justification for poisoning > > children with plutonium. The British government should immediately [STOP > > REPROCESSING AT SELLAFIELD AND CEASE ALL RADIOACTIVE DISCHARGES TO THE > > ENVIRONMENT ." > > > > The study, entitled "Variations in the Concentration of Plutonium, > > Strontium-90, and Total Alpha-emitters in Human Teeth Collected within > the > > British Isles", has been published in The Science of the Total > Environment > > Journal. The study involved the evaluation of over 3,300 teeth which had > > been extracted from adolescent children in the U.K.. Plutonium > > contamination found in the teeth ranged from 3 to 7 millibecquerels per > > kilogram. The levels of contamination are directly dependent on the > > distance at which the children live from the Sellafield plutonium > > reprocessing plant, on the Irish Sea coast of Cumbria. > > > > The study's authors concluded that the source of plutonium has been > > radioactive discharges from the Sellafield plant, which is operated by > the > > government-controlled British Nuclear Fuels Ltd (BNFL). The study > suggests > > that the plutonium contamination is "consistent" with aerial discharges > > from the BNFL plant. Previous studies have shown that Sellafield's marine > > discharges have lead to plutonium contamination of the coastal > environment. > > > > > > In order for plutonium to accumulate in childrens' teeth, particles of > the > > highly radiotoxic material would most probably be inhaled and filtered > > through the bloodstream before being deposited in bones, teeth and/or the > > liver. Plutonium, which is an alpha-emitter, is highly carcinogenic and > > remains an extreme health hazard for tens of thousands of years if > released > > to the environment. Plutonium is effectively "man-made" and has been > > produced primarily for use in nuclear weapons. > > > > The study's dramatic findings are reminiscent of revelations in the late > > 1950s, early '60s that above-ground nuclear tests had lead to radioactive > > contamination of childrens' bones and teeth. Public protest against this > > contamination lead to the negotiation of the 1963 Limited Test Ban Treaty > > (LTBT) which banned atmospheric nuclear tests. > > > > "The international community moved decisively to stop the poisoning of > > children by nuclear weapons tests, now it must do the same with > radioactive > > contamination and plutonium reprocessing" said Moglen. > > > > The new revelations about pollution from Sellafield come in the midst of > > growing concern in France about the La Hague plutonium factory, which > > annually pumps some 230 million liters of nuclear waste into the > Atlantic. > > A recent study has identified a leukaemia cluster among children living > > near the la Hague reprocessing plant. In addition, recent sampling by > > Greenpeace has revealed the discharges from the government-controlled > plant > > have turned the sea-bed into a nuclear waste dump. > > > > For information: > > > > Damon Moglen, Greenpeace International, t.+1 202 319 25 13 > > Luisa Colasimone, Greenpeace Press Desk, t. +31 20 52 49 546 > > > > NOTE > > > > (1) Beside UK domestic clients, Sellafield has signed plutonium > > reprocessing contracts with Japan, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, > > Sweden and The Netherlands. > > > > ---------- > > > From: tg@FISHER.BIZ.USYD.EDU.AU > > > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > > > Subject: Re: JAPANESE HIGH LEVEL NUCLEAR WASTE HEADING TO LA HAGUE & > > > Date: Wednesday, August 13, 1997 07:20 PM > > > > > > Has anyone noticed the news item that the Japanese are about to begin > > > seabed exploration after a 100m longterm investment in technology. > > > That would make it resource less-dependent, semi-independent, or even > > > independent. It would also make the Pacific island area exclusively > > > techno-peripheral to Japan? > > > Comments? > > > Tzvi From rkmoore@iol.ie Tue Aug 19 08:28:59 1997 Date: Tue, 19 Aug 1997 15:28:40 +0100 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu (world-system network) From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: Re: A Global Union 6/27/97, Andrew Austin wrote: >Don't the people of the third world labor markets deserve the same >marginal benefits (i.e., health benefits, 40 hour week, vacation time, >safe conditions, descent wages, etc.) as their counterparts had doing the >same job? Came across this old post as I've been reading Greider's "One World Ready or Not". He points out that some third-world workers, not to mention governments, consider the above attitude imperialistic (or arrogantly paternalistic) in that these folks see their "comparative advantage" in their cheaper and more compliant work force. Of course there are other third-world workers fighting for better treatment - don't know what the mix of opinion is. But worker-solidarity on a global basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. rkm From aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu Tue Aug 19 09:01:30 1997 Date: Tue, 19 Aug 1997 11:00:21 -0400 (EDT) From: Andrew Wayne Austin To: "Richard K. Moore" Subject: Re: A Global Union In-Reply-To: List, This quote is falsely attributed to me. I wrote no posts between Jun 22 and Jun 29 1997 to any listservs. I did a check through my own extensive archives, as well as World-Systems archives, because the below quote does not sound like my writing--nothing was found. Andy Austin On Tue, 19 Aug 1997, Richard K. Moore wrote: > 6/27/97, Andrew Austin wrote: > >Don't the people of the third world labor markets deserve the same > >marginal benefits (i.e., health benefits, 40 hour week, vacation time, > >safe conditions, descent wages, etc.) as their counterparts had doing the > >same job? > > Came across this old post as I've been reading Greider's "One World Ready > or Not". He points out that some third-world workers, not to mention > governments, consider the above attitude imperialistic (or arrogantly > paternalistic) in that these folks see their "comparative advantage" in > their cheaper and more compliant work force. > > Of course there are other third-world workers fighting for better treatment > - don't know what the mix of opinion is. But worker-solidarity on a global > basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. > > > rkm > > > From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Tue Aug 19 10:51:04 1997 Date: Tue, 19 Aug 1997 09:02:16 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Re: A Global Union To: aaustin@utkux.utcc.utk.edu, WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Andrew (Austin), That's right you did not write the quote--I did. ---------- > From: Andrew Wayne Austin > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK > Subject: Re: A Global Union > Date: Tuesday, August 19, 1997 08:00 AM > > List, > > This quote is falsely attributed to me. I wrote no posts between Jun 22 > and Jun 29 1997 to any listservs. I did a check through my own extensive > archives, as well as World-Systems archives, because the below quote does > not sound like my writing--nothing was found. > > Andy Austin > > On Tue, 19 Aug 1997, Richard K. Moore wrote: > > > 6/27/97, Andrew Austin wrote: > > >Don't the people of the third world labor markets deserve the same > > >marginal benefits (i.e., health benefits, 40 hour week, vacation time, > > >safe conditions, descent wages, etc.) as their counterparts had doing the > > >same job? > > > > Came across this old post as I've been reading Greider's "One World Ready > > or Not". He points out that some third-world workers, not to mention > > governments, consider the above attitude imperialistic (or arrogantly > > paternalistic) in that these folks see their "comparative advantage" in > > their cheaper and more compliant work force. > > > > Of course there are other third-world workers fighting for better treatment > > - don't know what the mix of opinion is. But worker-solidarity on a global > > basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. > > > > > > rkm > > > > > > From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Tue Aug 19 11:39:41 1997 Date: Tue, 19 Aug 1997 09:50:56 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Re: A Global Union To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK ---------- > From: Richard K. Moore > > Came across this old post as I've been reading Greider's "One World Ready > or Not". He points out that some third-world workers, not to mention > governments, consider the above attitude imperialistic (or arrogantly > paternalistic) in that these folks see their "comparative advantage" in > their cheaper and more compliant work force. Imperialistic (or arrogantly paternalistic)--Is a global union all that? The original message referred to union members going into third world countries and organizing the workers to acquire the same marginal benefits (i.e., health benefits, 40 hour week, vacation time, safe working conditions, descent wages, etc.) as their counterparts had for doing the same job. Could these marginal benefits be considered universal global rights? .. A "comparative advantage" being that they finally have employment--at least employment in the academic sense. > > Of course there are other third-world workers fighting for better treatment > - don't know what the mix of opinion is. But worker-solidarity on a global > basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. It was a passing thought. > > > rkm > From rkmoore@iol.ie Wed Aug 20 05:26:38 1997 Date: Wed, 20 Aug 1997 12:26:32 +0100 To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu (world-system network) From: rkmoore@iol.ie (Richard K. Moore) Subject: Re: A Global Union I had written: >>worker-solidarity on a global basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. 8/19/97, Andrew *Hund* wrote: >It was a passing thought. But an important one. If we can't even seek worker solidarity, then what hope to reverse globalization? I passed on Greider's comment because it contains an unfortunate element of truth, that must be taken into account. How could the interests of workers at different rungs of the economic ladder be harmonized in a single progressive framework? In what terms could solidarity be formulated? rkm From austria@it.com.pl Thu Aug 21 02:38:14 1997 Thu, 21 Aug 1997 10:36:14 +0200 (MET DST) Reply-To: From: "Austrian Embassy" To: , Subject: krugman and venables article from the quarterly journal of economics Date: Thu, 21 Aug 1997 10:36:13 +0200 dependency theory is not dead - p. krugman and a.j. venables (1995) globalisation and the inequality of nations, the quarterly journal of economics, 101, 4, november arno tausch From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Thu Aug 21 03:06:07 1997 Date: Thu, 21 Aug 1997 01:17:18 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Fw: A Global Union (fwd) To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu > > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: Wed, 20 Aug 1997 11:58:46 +0100 > From: Bernd_Baumgartl@etf.it > To: asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU > Subject: Re: A Global Union > > > Sorry for disturbing, but I wanted to post the below message to "wsn". > Given that I subscribed from a different account and mail is forwarded > here, > the listproc does not accept mail from me from this place. > > As you recently sent mail to "wsn", I would kindly ask you to post it on my > behalf. > > Sorry again, and thanks for the favour. > Bernd Baumgartl Sure! > > Message: > New Publication: > > Kluwer Law International > International Environmental Policy and Law Series > ISBN 90-411-0681-2 > > Transition and Sustainability. > Actors and Interests in Eastern European Environmental Policies > > Bernd Baumgartl > > Foreword by Susan Strange > Introduction by Emil Minchev > > This study links two of the main themes of European social science in the > 1990s: the transition of Eastern Europe and the question of Sustainable > Development. In an interdisciplinary approach, both the viewpoints of > Eastern Europe being a case of environmental development, and the > Environment as a case of the difficulties in the East European transition, > are analysed. > The study convincingly argues that Sustainable Development adopts a > specific meaning in the context of transition. After documentating the > history of environmental policy in Bulgaria based on both Western and > Eastern sources, the relevant actors for the Eastern European environment > and their interests are identified. It is recognised that in the course of > post-Communist transition other issues like the emergence of parties, > privatisation, restitution of property and even the trialing of Communist > failures became more important. Both in Eastern and Western Europe, the > environmental concern was also overshadowed by economic constraints, and > declined on the reform agenda. > Nevertheless, concrete policy recommendations point to ways how Sustainable > Development might be aimed at also in transition economies. > > Susan Strange started her professional life as a journalist, and her > academic career as Professor of International Political Economy at the > London School of Economics. After 5 years at the European University > Institute she is now affiliated with the University of Warwick. Currently > president of the International Studies Association. Amongst her > publications "Casino Capitalism", "Rival States, Rival Firms" (Cambridge UP > 1992), and "States and Markets" (Pinter 1994). > > Emil Minchev is the former director of the Bulgarian Institute of > International Relations. His current area of research is the Bulgarian > foreign policy and its relations with the European Union. > > Bernd Baumgartl studied history, slavic and romance philology at the > Universities of Mexico, Salzburg and Sofia, and holds a Ph.D. in Social and > Political Sciences. 1990-1995 Researcher at the European University > Institute in Florence, and Academic Visitor at the London School of > Economics and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Currently Analyst at > the European Training Foundation in Turin. Editor of "New Xenophobia in > Europe" (Kluwer Law International 1995). > > Current Address: > European Training Foundation, Villa Gualino, viale Settimio severo 65, > I-10133 Torino, Italy > Tel: 39-11-630-2268; Fax: 39-11-630-2200; Email: bba@etf.it > > From Michael.Weiss@bayern-landtag.de Thu Aug 21 03:31:28 1997 id sma019979; Thu Aug 21 10:21:03 1997 From: "Weiss, Michael" Reply-To: To: "'wsn@csf.colorado.edu'" Subject: WG: A Global Union (fwd) Date: Thu, 21 Aug 1997 11:31:42 +0200 charset="iso-8859-1" -----Urspr=FCngliche Nachricht----- Gesendet am: Donnerstag, 21. August 1997 10:17 An: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK Betreff: Fw: A Global Union (fwd) > Sorry for disturbing, but I wanted to post the below message to = "wsn". > Given that I subscribed from a different account and mail is = forwarded > here, > the listproc does not accept mail from me from this place. >=20 > As you recently sent mail to "wsn", I would kindly ask you to post it on my > behalf. >=20 > Sorry again, and thanks for the favour. > Bernd Baumgartl Sure! >=20 > Message: > New Publication: >=20 > Kluwer Law International > International Environmental Policy and Law Series > ISBN 90-411-0681-2 >=20 > Transition and Sustainability. > Actors and Interests in Eastern European Environmental Policies >=20 > Bernd Baumgartl >=20 > Foreword by Susan Strange > Introduction by Emil Minchev >=20 > This study links two of the main themes of European social science in the > 1990s: the transition of Eastern Europe and the question of Sustainable > Development. In an interdisciplinary approach, both the viewpoints of > Eastern Europe being a case of environmental development, and the > Environment as a case of the difficulties in the East European transition, > are analysed. > The study convincingly argues that Sustainable Development adopts a > specific meaning in the context of transition. After documentating = the > history of environmental policy in Bulgaria based on both Western and > Eastern sources, the relevant actors for the Eastern European environment > and their interests are identified. It is recognised that in the course of > post-Communist transition other issues like the emergence of parties, > privatisation, restitution of property and even the trialing of Communist > failures became more important. Both in Eastern and Western Europe, the > environmental concern was also overshadowed by economic constraints, and > declined on the reform agenda. > Nevertheless, concrete policy recommendations point to ways how Sustainable > Development might be aimed at also in transition economies. >=20 > Susan Strange started her professional life as a journalist, and her > academic career as Professor of International Political Economy at = the > London School of Economics. After 5 years at the European University > Institute she is now affiliated with the University of Warwick. Currently > president of the International Studies Association. Amongst her > publications "Casino Capitalism", "Rival States, Rival Firms" (Cambridge UP > 1992), and "States and Markets" (Pinter 1994). >=20 > Emil Minchev is the former director of the Bulgarian Institute of > International Relations. His current area of research is the = Bulgarian > foreign policy and its relations with the European Union. >=20 > Bernd Baumgartl studied history, slavic and romance philology at the > Universities of Mexico, Salzburg and Sofia, and holds a Ph.D. in Social and > Political Sciences. 1990-1995 Researcher at the European University > Institute in Florence, and Academic Visitor at the London School of > Economics and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Currently = Analyst at > the European Training Foundation in Turin. Editor of "New Xenophobia in > Europe" (Kluwer Law International 1995). >=20 > Current Address: > European Training Foundation, Villa Gualino, viale Settimio severo = 65, > I-10133 Torino, Italy > Tel: 39-11-630-2268; Fax: 39-11-630-2200; Email: bba@etf.it >=20 >=20 From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Thu Aug 21 04:21:19 1997 Date: Thu, 21 Aug 1997 02:32:13 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Re: A Global Union (fwd) To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu > Richard K. Moore wrote: > > > I had written: > >>worker-solidarity on a global basis seems to have difficulties of many kinds. > > 8/19/97, Andrew *Hund* wrote: > >It was a passing thought. > > But an important one. If we can't even seek worker solidarity, then what > hope to reverse globalization? "In theory" a global union would be a creation or development of a global society/culture. So, within this limited framework it would be a form of globalization rather than a reverse or hindrance of such. > > > How could the interests of workers at different rungs of the economic > ladder be harmonized in a single progressive framework? Obviously, unifying individuals with different earnings and lifestyles is impossible without a distinct common enemy. Social class and status walk hand and hand. There is no "economic incentive" for a person who is doing well to help out someone who is economically oppressed. Pretty standard cost-benefit-analysis type thinking. In what terms > could solidarity be formulated? Individuals with common threads/similar backgrounds could perhaps be interested in helping out their symbolic counterparts throughout the world. Seeing yourself as "that" person across the globe, nation, or state organizing (struggling?) for better working conditions, health benefits, and descent wages is a means to achieving solidarity. Ps. Why doesn't the "world system theory" explain social change? From eberhardw@plato.ens.gu.edu.au Sat Aug 23 11:38:43 1997 24 Aug 97 03:40:32 +1000 24 Aug 97 03:39:58 +1000 From: "Eberhard Wenzel" To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Date: Sun, 24 Aug 1997 03:38:55 +1000 Subject: WWW Virtual Library Public Health Reply-to: eberhardw@plato.ens.gu.edu.au Dear colleagues, I want to let you know that we have set up a WWW Virtual Library Public Health which you can access at: http://www.ens.gu.edu.au/eberhard/vl/index.htm or at: http://www.uni-ulm.de/public_health/vl/ Both sites mirror each other. The library is still under construction, which is why you are invited to contribute to its further development. The library has two major sections: - links according to geographical areas which cover all countries of the world (and this part is currently managed from Germany) - links according to selected topics (managed from Australia) Both sections are accessible from either URL given above, of course. Looking forward to your comments. Have a nice surf. Eberhard Wenzel MA PhD Griffith University Australian School of Environmental Studies Nathan, Qld. 4111 Australia Tel.: 61-7-3875 7103 Fax: 61-7-3875 7459 e-mail: eberhardw@plato.ens.gu.edu.au http://www.ens.gu.edu.au/eberhard/welcome.htm The secret source of humor itself is not joy but sorrow. There is no humor in heaven. Mark Twain (1835-1910) From sbabones@jhu.edu Sat Aug 23 20:25:30 1997 Sat, 23 Aug 1997 21:52:17 -0400 (EDT) by jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu (950413.SGI.8.6.12/950213.SGI.AUTOCF) Date: Sat, 23 Aug 1997 21:52:44 -0400 (EDT) From: Salvatore Babones Subject: JWSR Vol. 3 No. 2 now available! To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK JWSR READERS: The Spring 1997 issue of the Journal of World-Systems Research is now available. You can access it by pointing your web browser to: http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr/vol3num2.htm The contents of the Spring issue are listed below. Viewing and downloading the articles are free, but please note that the articles are copyrighted. Enjoy the issue! Salvatore +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Journal of World-Systems Research Volume 3, Number 2 (Spring 1997) Paul Moon The Cross-Cultural Compatibility of Western Feminist Development Theory Thomas Ford Brown Ideological Hegemony and Global Governance James V. Fenelon From Peripheral Domination to Internal Colonialism: Socio-Political Change of the Lakota on Standing Rock Myron J. Frankman No Global War? A Role for Democratic Global Federalism Spring Book Reviews George Modelski and William R. Thompson Leading Sectors and World Powers: The Coevolution of Global Politics and Economics Reviewed by Terry Boswell George Modelski and William R. Thompson Leading Sectors and World Powers: The Coevolution of Global Politics and Economics Reviewed by Robert Denemark Barbara Stallings, ed. Global Change, Regional Response: The New International Context of Development Reviewed by Gerardo Otero Graeme Donald Snooks The Dynamic Society: Exploring the Sources of Global Change Reviewed by Stephen K. Sanderson Pacific Asia Resource Center The People vs. Global Capital: The G-7, TNCs, SAPs, and Human Rights Reviewed by Jan L. Flora Ted C. Lewellen Dependency and Development: An Introduction to the Third World Reviewed by Claudia Buchmann Thomas R. Shannon An Introduction to the World-System Perspective, 2nd ed. Reviewed by Frances V. Moulder Salvatore Babones Assistant Editor, JWSR Sociology Department Johns Hopkins University From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Sat Aug 23 23:14:15 1997 Date: Sat, 23 Aug 1997 21:25:24 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: ATTEMPTED PIRACY ON HIGH SEAS BY US COAST GUARD To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Arctic Ocean, 18 August 1997 In a blatant violation of international law tonight, the US Coast Guard attempted to stop the Greenpeace Ship, Arctic Sunrise in international waters. As ARCO's concrete island drilling system settled into Camden Bay, despite legal Greenpeace protests, the Arctic Sunrise left the area. After the ship was well into international waters, a US Coast Guard helicopter flew out and repeatedly ordered them to heave to for boarding. Even after being informed that the vessel was in international waters, the Coast Guard responded: "I am still ordering you to heave-to, skipper. Uhmm, your choice, I am ordering you to heave-to, uh, for documented violations of federal laws and treaties of the United States, and uh, it is your choice obviously, there are coast guard vessels out to board you." "This is an extraordinary breach of international law, which provides absolute protection of the navigation of vessels in international waters," said Greenpeace international attorney Duncan Currie. The events on the High Seas ended a day of high drama where Greenpeace performed a citizens arrest on ARCO's oil rig manager for violation of us law, declared an environmental protection zone, and witnessed numerous marine mammals including polar bears fleeing from the three tugs towing the drilling platform. "ARCO, the federal agencies and the Coast Guard have clearly demonstrated that they will stop at nothing to prevent Greenpeace's campaign to protect the environment from the abuses of the oil industry," said Steve Sawyer, on board the Arctic Sunrise, "But Greenpeace will continue its protest against oil exploration because we cannot afford to burn even a quarter of the known fossil fuel reserves, it is foolhardy and irresponsible of the oil industry to continue searching for more." "The oil industry obviously have the authorities at their beck and call - even to the extent of getting the coast guard to abuse its powers in international waters. It is time the oil industry was brought under control," Sawyer added. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Steve Sawyer, on board the Arctic Sunrise + 872 130 2577 Paul Horsman, in Anchorage, +1 907 277 8234; +1 907 440 3708 Kalee Kreider, in Washington DC, +1 202 319 2523; +1 202 236 2579 Attached - extracts from a transcript of the exchange between US Coast Guard helicopter 6523 and the mv Arctic Sunrise captain, Arne Sorensen. The complete transcript is available. Transcript, VHF communications, 18 August CG = Coast Guard helicopter 6523 AS = Captain Arne Sorensen, Greenpeace Motor Vessel Arctic Sunrise CG: motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, this is Coast Guard helicopter, Coast Guard helicopter 16. CG: Motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, this is Coast Guard helicopter overhead your position 70 30 north, 144 35 west, on a heading of 335, 10 knots, red vessel, with white superstructure, with Coast Guard helicopter overhead, on channel 16. You are ordered to heave to, stop your vessel, (AS call sign? "sea-ray, kay- beck, bee-so-too"??) to await Coast Guard, US Coast Guard boarding, and other federal agent boarding, for violation of US laws and treaties. I have you over, uh, underneath me at this time, positive identification, I am ordering you to heave to, stop your vessel, in your current position, immediately skipper. Coast Guard helicopter standing by, channel one-six. CG: Motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, Coast Guard helicopter overhead circling, you are ordered to heave to, heave to, stop your vessel, `sea-ray, kay- beck, bee-so-too, sea-ray, kay beck, bee-so-too,' heave to, skipper, for US Coast Guard and other federal agents boarding for violation of US laws and treaties, Coast Guard helicopter circling overhead, to the Greenpeace vessel Arctic Sunrise, Greenpeace vessel Arctic Sunrise, you are ordered to heave to. AS: Coast Guard helicopter, this is the Arctic Sunrise on channel 122.9 CG: Arctic Sunrise, Coast Guard helicopter on channel 122.9 AS: Yeah, good evening, what's your business here, over. CG: Motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, Coast Guard helicopter. I am ordering you to heave to, for Coast Guard and other federal agents boarding for violation of US laws of treaties, you are ordered to stop your vessel at this time, AS: Coast Guard helicopter, this is the Arctic Sunrise, sorry to inform you that this is a Dutch-registered vessel operating in international waters, and you have no authority to stop me in this area, over. CG:: Motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, Coast Guard helicopter. I am still ordering you to stop for violation of US laws and treaties, you are ordered to stop at this time, on uh, for violation of US laws and treaties. AS: Right-oh, yes, understood, but I'm sorry, I am not going to stop my vessel. You have no authority to stop me in international waters. CG: Motor vessel Arctic Sunrise, Coast Guard helicopter six-five-two-three, and I am still ordering you to heave to, skipper. Um, your choice, I am ordering you to heave to, uh, for documented violations of federal laws and treaties of the United States, and uh, it is your choice, obviously, there are Coast Guard vessels that are out to board you, I am ordering you to heave to, and we have documented proof, or documented, uh evidence, of violation of US laws and treaties. AS: I can only repeat what I've just said, that you have no authority to stop me in international waters. Andrew Hund http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/AKD/ http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/Soc/ From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Sun Aug 24 00:42:22 1997 Date: Sat, 23 Aug 1997 21:27:07 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: VOICE YOUR PROTEST AGAINST TAIWANS PLANS TO USE NORTH KOREA AS A RADIOACTIVE WASTE DUMP! To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu Taiwan Power Company (Taipower), the government owned enterprise that operates Taiwan's six nuclear reactors, secretly negotiated a contract with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) to dump nuclear waste in an abandoned mine in North Korea. The first shipment is scheduled to leave Taiwan by the end of February. The trans-boundary export of nuclear waste is one of the most irresponsible acts of the global nuclear industry. Because of ill-considered plans to build and operate nuclear reactors, governments and industry are confronted with the problem of nuclear waste. There is no environmentally safe method of managing these wastes, and yet the nuclear industry continues to produce them. This is just one reason why Greenpeace is opposed to nuclear energy in all countries. The decision of Taipower to conclude a nuclear waste dumping deal with the DPRK is exploitation, plain and simple. North Korea is in an economic crisis, and in the short term desperately needs funds to buy food and other essentials for her people. But in the longer term North Korea could face environmental disaster and the much greater costs of dealing with poisoned, contaminated land and water supplies, increased rates of cancer and other health problems. Please add your voice to the global protest, and call on Taiwan to cancel this contract. You can either fax or mail your letter to the Chairman of the Taiwan Power Company and send a copy to the Taiwan Representative Office nearest to you. Print out a draft letter: to the Chairman of the Taiwan Power Company Send a copy to the Taiwan representative office near you Andrew Hund http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/AKD/ http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/Soc/ From CMSJOYA@UGA.CC.UGA.EDU Mon Aug 25 10:21:20 1997 Date: Mon, 25 Aug 97 12:19:56 EDT From: CMSJOYA@UGA.CC.UGA.EDU Subject: labor academic alliance (fwd) To: W-S Network >From: Dan Clawson (clawson@sadri.umass.edu) >To: anyone interested in labor >Re: signing a statement, joining a group > > > The revival of the American labor movement, and its openness to a >variety of initiatives that would have been inconceivable a few years ago, >is the most promising political initiative of recent years. A new group >is forming to build links between academics and the labor movement. John >Sweeney, Linda Chavez Thompson, and the New Voice leadership have >explicitly encouraged this development. They hope that we can work to >alter the debates taking place in public policy and on the cultural front, >in our teaching and in every public forum, just as they are working to >change realities in trade unions. Together we can be part of a broader >labor movement that includes both these areas and much more. > > I realize it is ludicrously short notice, but an ad and press >conference are planned announcing the formation of this group. In order >to get your name on the ad, you need to send your name and affiliation to > >tnr1@columbia.edu (that's a #1, not a letter L) > >by Tuesday August 26. If you don't make that date, you can still join the >group; see the address in the enclosed memo. > > If you'd prefer, you could send your name and affiliation to me, Dan >Clawson, (clawson@sadri.umass.edu) and I will pass it on. > > Together we can build a movement for social change. You can begin by >passing this message on to everyone you can think of who would want to >sign. > > > >Labor Day, 1997 > >For two decades, Labor Day has been an occasion for eulogies and epitaphs, >as the labor movement suffered deindustrialization, downsizing and defeat. >But Labor Day 1997 arrives with a new militance and a new hope. The >victory of the Teamsters in the two-week UPS strike -- the largest strike >in a generation -- was a victory for all working people, whose incomes and >livelihoods have stagnated for nearly a quarter of a century. The UPS >strike was also a turning point for the labor movement, and could >determine its strength and direction for years to come. > >Though the right to organize has eroded in a world of contingent work -- >part-time, temporary, outsourced, and subcontracted -- organizing >campaigns across the continent are now rebuilding the labor movement in >old and new workplaces: from Borders bookstores to Las Vegas casinos, from >the strawberry fields of Watsonville to the classrooms of Berkeley and >Yale, from Federal Express to Nike sweatshops. > >We take this moment of struggle to announce the formation of a new >independent, national organization: "Scholars, Artists, and Writers for >Social Justice." In the academy and publishing, in the arts, sciences and >entertainment, we also experience the growth of low-wage, part-time >employment which erodes our craft and creativity. We call upon our >colleagues and friends this Labor Day to declare their solidarity with the >organizing drives of the new labor movement. The time is ripe to restore >the mutually empowering relationship that once gave hope and dynamism to >the labor movement and its allies in the academic and cultural >communities. > >We envision a movement that can reshape the nation's political culture by >combating inequality and powerlessness, and by fostering the growth of a >vibrant, militant, multicultural working-class movement. In an era >when elite opinion makes a fetish of the free market, unions -- with a >commitment to solidarity, equality, and collective struggle -- remain >fundamental institutions of a democratic society. Our confidence in >launching SAWSJ comes from the success of the "labor teach-in" movement, >inaugurated last fall when more than 2,000 people affirmed a new alliance >of labor and academe at Columbia University. In more than a score of other >teach-ins from coast to coast, students, teachers, writers, artists, and >unionists met, talked, learned, and argued in an atmosphere of hope and >solidarity. SAWSJ hopes to fulfill the promise of those teach-ins. > >> Add your name to this public statement which will be >> released on September 1. You may do so by e-mailing Thaddeus >> Russell at tnr1@columbia.edu. Please note that the address >> contains the numeral one after "tnr." Please include your > affiliation. >> >> At the same time you may also join Scholars, Artists, >> and Writers for Social Justice, which is planning a >> series of teach-ins and other events over the next several months. >> Please send a contribution to Ellen Schrecker, 771 West End >> Avenue #7D, New York, New York, 10025. >> >> Alewitz, Mike >> Aronowitz, Stanley >> Aronson, Ronald >> Azcarate, Fred >> Ballinger, Lee >> Benjamin, Ernst >> Bennett, Marty >> Bernard, Elaine >> Bonilla, Frank >> Buhle, Paul >> Carter, Prudence >> Chancer, Lynn >> Clawson, Dan >> Cutler, Jonathan >> Delgado, Hector >> Denning, Michael >> DiFazio, Bill >> Domingo, Ligaya >> Dubro, Alec >> Fennell, Dorothy >> Fletcher, Bill >> Fraser, Steven >> Freeman, Joshua B. >> Gerstle, Gary >> Gray, Lois >> Green, Adam >> Green, Venus >> Hall, Jacquelyn >> Horne, Gerald >> Huck, Gary >> Kaye, Harvey >> Kazin, Michael >> Kelley, Robin D.G. >> Kornbluh, Felicia >> Krupat, Kitty >> Levi, Margaret >> Lichtenstein, Nelson N. >> Lie, John >> Marquez, Dennis Bixler >> Mendel-Reyes, Meta >> Montgomery, David >> Murolo, Priscilla >> Nathan, Debbie >> Newman, Kathy >> Ngai, Mae >> Piven, Frances Fox >> Porter, Allison >> Potter, Sarah >> Pranis, Kevin >> Prisock, Louis >> Ripton, Jessica >> Robinson, Dean >> Rosen, Sumner M >> Royster, Dee >> Russell, Thad >> Ryan, Sarah >> Schrecker, Ellen W. >> Semann, Ingrid >> Simmons, Esmeralda >> Singh, Nikhil >> Skotnes, Andor >> Slaughter, Jane >> Stephens, Michelle >> Sugrue, Tom >> Uehlein, Joe >> Venkatesh, Sudhir >> Watts, Jerry >> Willis, Ellen >> Woodard, Komozi >> Young, Cynthia >> >> > > > > -- >Dan Clawson > work = 413-545-5974 home 413-586-6235 >Contemp. Sociology = 413-545-4064 fax 413-545-1994 >email = clawson@sadri.umass.edu consoc@sadri.umass.edu > > From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Tue Aug 26 23:27:17 1997 Date: Tue, 26 Aug 1997 21:38:29 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Fw: Not Proud to Be Human? (A post from ARRS) To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu > > Hello friends! > > > I found this article on the "Animal Rights Resource Site"--I thought you > might enjoy the differing perspective. > > Andrew Hund > http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/Soc/ > > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > I have just browsed the horrific graphics posted [on ARRS]. > > Let me begin by saying I am not proud to be a human after seeing what > people are capable of doing to animals. I believe that "all" life is > sacred. I also believe that we humans do not have domain over the animal > world. I also believe that all life is connected and what ever we do to the > animal world and earth itself...we ultimately do to ourselves. When humans > associate any abnormal or horrific behavior to acting "like an animal", > they do not know what they are talking about. Words conjure powerful > images. Animals do NOT treat each other like humans do. Animals are more > humane than humans. They certainly are more loyal. > > I believe if everyone had to completely catch, kill and "prepare" any > "flesh" they ate the world would not have many "meat eaters". Society has > since the beginning of time gone against nature. Look what humans do to one > another...would anyone think they would treat the animal world with dignity > and respect...I think not. > > I have always taken great care that I do not promote anything cruel by > carefully watching all my purchases. We share this planet and in no way do > we have the right to take life. For example, the Christians have a > commandment THOU SHALT NOT KILL. I am not a Christian and I am not a > hypocrite -- are there subsections under that commandment I haven't heard > about??? > > I believe that for everything I take, I must in some small way give back to > mother earth and her creatures. My motto: > > Take nothing but pictures; leave nothing but footprints. > From asajh@UAA.ALASKA.EDU Tue Aug 26 23:30:44 1997 Date: Tue, 26 Aug 1997 21:41:57 -0700 From: Andrew Hund Subject: Fw: Efficiency or Deficiency? by Helen Forsey To: wsn@csf.colorado.edu > > A mood of deregulation threatens health, safety and the environment as > businesses are allowed to bypass federal laws. > > > Do we want our health and that of the environment threatened by backroom > deals between the government and big corporations? If not, we had better > watch out. In both Canada and the United States, governments are yielding > to relentless corporate pressure by pulling the teeth out of the > regulations and safeguards that people have fought so hard for over the > years. > > Because regulations put into effect the laws that protect the public and > the environment, the practical implications of these measures touch every > aspect of our daily lives. Issues as diverse as transportation safety, > toxic pollution prevention, medical devices, telecom- munications, > inspection and labelling of food, and support for cultural initiatives all > depend on regulation. In Canada, regulatory failure has been a major factor > in recent problems like the Atlantic fishery collapse, the tainted blood > affair, and the Westray mine disaster. The U.S. has similar horror stories. > > > But big business interests in both Canada and the U.S. claim that > regulations cost them money and reduce their competitiveness. In tandem > with its American counterparts, the Canadian cabinet is responding by > making “regulatory reform” a key element in its economic plans. > > A new “Business Impact Test” will soon apply to all major regulatory > changes under the ministries of Agriculture and Food, Environment, Health, > Fisheries and Oceans, Transport, Industry, and Revenue, effectively making > corporate profits and “competitiveness” the deciding factors in determining > how to regulate these sectors. > > The other immediate threat for Canadians is Bill C-62, now making its way > through Parliament. Euphemistically named the “Regulatory Efficiency Act”, > this legislation will allow businesses to by-pass federal regulations, > effectively establishing a two-tier system of law. The general public will > still be subject to existing and future regulations, but big companies will > be able to substitute “compliance agreements” they themselves have > designed. Key sectors to be targetted first are: biotechnology, health, > food and therapeutic products, mining, automotive, forest products, and > aquaculture. > > While the bill may eventually reduce paperwork for those in the corporate > sector with access to lobbyists, lawyers and consultants, it will have the > opposite effect for everyone else, including small business, workers, > farmers, consumers, and public interest groups. > > The Canadian Environmental Law Association and others opposing the Canadian > Bill C-62 point out that outmoded or useless regulations should be revoked > or changed, not left to apply to some people or businesses, but not to > others. > > Bill C-62 puts at risk all the health, safety and environmental regulations > Canadians have fought for over the years, introducing the potential for > scandal and “cronyism” on a grand scale, and making effective public or > parliamentary scrutiny impossible. The bill has made many MPs uneasy, and > concerned public action might still stop it from becoming law. > > That would be a significant victory in what is clearly becoming an on-going > international struggle against the dangers of deregulation. > Andrew Hund > http://cwolf.uaa.alaska.edu/~asajh/Soc/